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UNIVERSITY  OF 

NORTH  CAROLINA 


THE  COLLECTION  OF 
NORTH  CAROLINIANA 


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REMINISCENCES 


LEVI    COFFIN, 


The  Reputed  President  of  the  Underground  Railroad; 


A  BRIEF  HISTORY  OF  THE  LABORS    OF  A  LIFETIME  IN  BE- 
HALF OF  THE  SLAVE,  WITH  THE  STORIES  OF  NUMER- 
OUS   FUGITIVES,  WHO   GAINED  THEIR  FREEDOM 
THROUGH    HIS    INSTRUMENTALITY,   AND 
MANY    OTHER    INCIDENTS. 


SECOND  EDITION— WITH  APPENDIX. 


CINCINNATI: 
ROBERT  CLARKE  &  CO. 

1880. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congre  s,  iu  the  year  1S7(">,  by 

LEVI  COFFIN, 

In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  Washington,  D.  C. 


PREFACE. 


I  have  been  solicited  for  many  years  to  write  a  history  of  my 
anti-slavery  labors  and  underground  railroad  experiences,  and 
although  I  had  kept  a  diary  the  most  of  my  life,  it  was  without 
any  prospect  of  ever  putting  it  into  book-form.  I  had  no  desire 
to  appear  before  the  public  as  an  author,  having  no  claim  to  liter- 
ary merit.  What  I  had  done  I  believed  was  simply  a  Christian 
duty  and  not  for  the  purpose  of  being  seen  of  men,  or  for  notoriety, 
which  I  have  never  sought.  But  I  was  continually  urged  by 
my  friends  to  engage  in  the  work,  believing  that  it  would  be  in- 
teresting to  the  rising  generation;  but  being  so  fully  occupied 
with  other  duties,  I  seemed  to  find  no  time  that  I  could  devote  to 
this  work,  so  that  it  was  put  off  from  year  to  year.  I  also  often 
received  letters  from  different  parts  of  the  country,  desiring  me  to 
write  the  history  of  my  life  and  labors  in  the  anti-slavery  cause, 
reminding  me  that  the  most  of  my  co-laborers  had  passed  away,  and 
that  I  must  soon  follow,  and  that  these  stirring  anti-slavery  times 
in  which  I  lived  and  labored  were  a  part  of  the  history  of  our 
country,  which  should  not  be  lost.  But  still  I  deferred  it  until 
now,  in  the  seventy-eighth  year  of  my  age.  And  although  I  feel 
the  infirmities  of  that  period  of  life  fast  gathering  around  me,  I 
have  gathered  up  my  diaries,  and  other  documents  that  had  been 
preserved,  and   have  written   a  book.       In   my  own   plain,  simple 

(i) 


style,  I  have  endeavored  to  tell  the  stories  without  any  exaggera- 
tion. Errors  no  doubt  will  appear,  which  I  trust  the  indulgent 
reader  will  pardon,  in  consideration  of  my  advanced  age  and  fee- 
bleness. It  is  here  proper  also  to  acknowledge  the  valuable  services 
of  a  kind  friend,  for  aid  received  in  preparing  these  pages  for  the 
press.  I  regret  that  I  have  been  obliged  to  leave  out  many  inter- 
esting stories  and  thrilling  incidents,  on  account  of  swelling  the 
size  and  cost  of  the  book  beyond  what  was  agreed  upon  with  the 
publishers.  Among  the  stories  omitted  is  the  account  of  the  long 
imprisonment  and  sufferings  of  Calvin  Fairbank,  of  Massachusetts, 
in  the  Kentucky  penitentiary,  for  aiding  fugitives,  and  of  Richard 
Dillingham,  of  Ohio,  who  suffered  and  died  in  the  penitentiary  at 
Nashville,  Tennessee,  for  a  similar  offense. 

Some  time  ago  I  requested  my  dear  old  friend  and  codaborer  in 
the  cause  of  the  slave,  Dr.  Win,  Henry  Brisbane,  to  write  a  few 
introductory  words  for  my  book,  which  I  here  introduce  as  part  of 
the  preface : 

My  very  dear  old  friend  has  requested  me  to  write  some  intro- 
ductory words,  or  preface,  for  his  book;  and  I  can  not  do  justice 
to  my  own  most  affectionate  feelings  toward  him  and  his  amiable 
wife,  dear  "Aunt  Katy,"  without  complying  with  his  request  and 
accepting  the  honor  thus  conferred  upon  me. 

I  have  in  my  possession  a  picture,  executed  by  Mr.  Ball,  a  col- 
ored man  from  Virginia.  The  central  figure  is  a  native  of  South 
Carolina,  a  representative  of  the  old  planter  class  of  that  State, 
who  manumitted  his  slaves  many  years  before  the  Emancipation 
Proclamation  of  President  Lincoln.  On  each  hand  sits  with  him 
a  friend  and  Christian  brother — the  one,  a  sedate,  benevolent-look- 
ing  Quaker,  a  native  of  North  Carolina,  and  a  faithful  representa- 
tive of  that  class  known  as  Orthodox  Friends;  the  other,  with  a 
countenance  full  of  humor  and  amiable  mischief,  a  native  of  Rhode 
Island,  and  a  true  representative  of  the  old  Roger  Williams  class 
of  Soul-Liberty  Baptists.  The  cause  of  the  slave  brought  into  a 
most  intimate  and  happy  friendship  these  three  men  of  diverse 
origin,  training,  habits  of  life,  temperament,  disposition  and  other 
personal  characteristics.    For  many  years  they  labored  and  suffered 


together  for  those  in  bonds  as  bound  with  them.  In  Christian  love 
they  bowed  themselves  before  their  Heavenly  Father  and  prayed 
together  for  the  oppressed  race;  with  a  faith  that  knew  no  waver- 
ing they  worked  in  fraternal  union  for  the  enfranchisement  of  their 
despised  colored  brethren,  and  shared  together  the  odium  attached 
to  the  name  of  abolitionist,  and  finally  they  rejoiced  together  and 
gave  thanks  to  God  for  the  glorious  results  of  those  years  of  per- 
severing effort.  The  youngest  of  these  has  gone  to  his  reward  in 
heaven,  and  those  who  knew  Edward  Harwood  can  not  wonder 
that  the  other  two  loved  him  with  a  love  that  was  more  than  a 
brother's.  The  oldest — the  placid,  the  benevolent,  the  kind- 
hearted  and  devoted  friend  of  the  slave,  and  of  all  mankind  — 
Levi  Coffin,  still  lives  to  give,  for  the  benefit  of  humanity,  the 
reminiscences  of  his  experiences,  so  full  of  interesting  incidents 
and  touching  pathos.  The  other  survivor  thanks  God  with  all  his 
heart  that  his  dear  brother  has  been  spared  to  leave  this  valuable 
record  as  a  legacy  to  his  thousands  of  friends,  white  and  black,  in 
this  our  beloved  country,  redeemed  from  the  curse  of  slavery  with 
the  atoning  blood  of  many  a  battle-field. 

And   now,    with   no   more   fugitives    to   hide,    and   no   clanking 
chains  to  disturb  our  peaceful  old  age,  I  subscribe  myself, 
Fraternally  and  lovingly  his, 

WM.   HENRY  BRISBANE. 

Cincinnati,  Ohio,  June  17,  1876. 

Trusting  that  this  volume  will  accomplish  something  toward  the 

eradication  of  the  spirit  of  caste,  which  still  exists  in  our  land — 

though,  in  the  providence  of  God,  slavery  itself  has  been  removed — 

and  in  the  acceptance  and  practice  of  that  command,  which  reads: 

"Love  thy  neighbor  as  thyself,"  I  now  commend  it  to  the  reader. 

LEVI  COFFIN. 
Cincinnati,  Eighth  Month,  1876. 


CONTENTS. 

INTRODUCTORY  CHAPTER. 
Genealogy 3-1 1 

CHAPTER  I. 
Conversion   to  Abolitionism — Incidents  of  the  Cruelties  ot 
Slavery — First  Efforts  on  Behalf  of  the  Slaves — Stephen, 
the  Kidnapped  Negro — The  Captured  Slave — Services 
of  Vestal  Coffin — The  Story  of  Ede — The  White  Slave... .12-31 

CHAPTER  II. 

The  Story  of  Jack  Barnes — My  Journey  with  a  Slave-owner — 
A  Mission  Full  of  Anxiety — The  Story  of  Sam — I  Turn 
Slave-hunter — Narrow  Escape  from  Arrest — Penalty  of 
Aiding  a  Slave — Fate  of  Poor  Sam 32-68 

CHAPTER  III. 
Teaching  Slaves  to  Read — Sabbath-School  Work — Agitation 
of  the  Anti-Slavery  Cause—Manumission  Societies— Trip 
to  Indiana — Incidents  on  the  Way — The  Early  Settle- 
ments of  Indiana — I  Engage  in  School  Labors — Organi- 
zation of  the  first  Sabbath-School  in  Western  Indiana — 
A  Visit  to  Illinois — Lost  on  the  Prairie — Springfield, 
Illinois,  Fifty  Years  Ago — Conclusion  of  School  Labors 
in  Indiana — Return  to  North  Carolina — Short  Trip  to 
Virginia 69-102 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Marriage — Removal  to  Indiana — I  Locate  at  Newport  and 
Engage  in  Mercantile  Business  -  Underground  Railroad 
Work  — Difficulties  and  Dangers  of  the  Work  — Trip  to 
North  Carolina — Heart-rending  Scene  at  a  Slave  Auction 
— Temperance  Work  at  Newport 103-138 


CHAPTER  V. 

Newport  Stories — The  Cunning  Slave — Robert  Burrel— Eliza 
Harris -Sam,  the  Eloquent  Slave  — Prejudice  Against 
Color — Aunt  Rachel  —  A  Slave-hunter  Outwitted  — 
Seventeen  Fugitives 139—177 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Newport  Stories  Continued— Seventeen  Fugitives— Two  Slave 
Girls  from  Maryland — Anecdote  of  a  Visit  to  Cincinnati 
— Story  of  Louis  Talbert     John  White 178-222 

CHAPTER  VII. 

Discussion  of  the  Anti-Slavery  Subject— Anti-Slavery  Societies 
and  Lecturers—  Opposition  to  the  Movement — Separa- 
tion of  Friends  of  Indiana  Yearly  Meeting — Action 
which  Caused  the  Separation— Reunion — The  Committee 
from  London  Yearly  Meeting — Interviews  with  the 
Committee  —  Last  Interview  with  William  Forster— - 
Visit  to  Canada  in  1844 — Meetings  with  Fugitives — 
Their  Stories  —  A  Special  Providence  —  Aunt  Susie's 
Dream — The  Story  of  Jackson — A  Mother  Rescues  her 
Children 223-264 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

Free  Labor— Testimony  of  John  Woolman  and  Others — My 
Convictions — Free-Labor  Societies  of  New  York  and 
Philadelphia — Our  Organization  in  the  West — Removal 
to  Cincinnati— Free-Labor  Business — Southern  Cotton 
Produced  by  Free  Labor — Incidents  of  a  Southern  Trip  — 
— Interviews  with  Slaveholders 265-296 

CHAPTER  IX. 

Underground  Railroad  Work  in  Cincinnati — A  Reminiscence 
— The  Fugitive  Cook  Girl — A  Company  of  Twenty-eight 
Fugitives — Aunt  Betsey — Jack  and  Lucy — Assessments 
on  Underground  Railroad  Stock— -A  Pro-Slavery  Man 
Silenced — The  Story  of  Jane 297~334 


CONTENTS.  VU 

CHAPTER  X. 
Cincinnati  Stories  Continued — The    Rag   Baby — The  Vice- 
President's    Slave — The    Disguised    Slave  —  Wolves    in 
Sheep's  Clothing — Sally,  the  Slave  Mother — Louis  and 
Ellen — The  Michigan  Raid 335—373 

CHAPTER  XI. 

Cincinnati  Stories  Continued — John  Wilson  and  Eliza — 
Uncle  Tom — Rose,  the  White  Slave— Story  of  Jim  and 
his  Friend  in  a  Tight  Box 374-418 

CHAPTER  XII. 

Louisa  Picquet,  the  Octoroon — John  Fairfield,  the  Southern 

Abolitionist  —  John    and    Mary  —  Narrow    Escapes    of^^^^*-- 
Fugitives 419-461 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

A  Pro-Slavery  Man  Turns  Abolitionist — Fourteen  Fugitives 
Cross  on  the  Ice— Slave  Children  Placed  in  our  Charge — 
The  Case  of  William  Thompson 462-489 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

Major  Phillips — A  Slaveholder's  Colored  Family — My  Trip 
with  the  Major  down  the  River— Incidents  of  the  Journey — • 
— Discussions  with  Slaveholders—Insights  into  Southern 
Social  Life — A  Whipping  on  Board  a  Boat 490-523 

CHAPTER  XV. 

The  Mob  Spirit  in  Cincinnati — Destruction  of  the  Philan- 
thropist Press  in  1836 — Demonstration  of  Pro-Slavery 
Feeling  in  1841 — A  Disgraceful  Riot-TheScanlan  Mob. 524-541 

CPIAPTER  XVI. 

Trials  Under  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law — The  Wash.  McQuerry 
Case — The  Services  of  John  Jolliffe — Escape  from  a 
Court  Room  —  The  Rosetta  Case — Margaret  Garner — 
The  Story  of  a  Hat 542-574 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

An  U.  G.  R.  R.  Depot — The  Purchase  of  Slaves  by  their  Re- 
latives—Other Services  for  the  Colored  People — The  Case 
of  Connelly — Sambo  in  a  Tight  Box 575*593 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

Last  Work  on  the  U.  G.  R.  R.— The  Prince  of  Wales— Be- 
ginning of  the  War — Kirby  Smith's  Threatened  Raid — 
Rescue  of  a  Slave  Girl  by  Two  Union  Soldiers — The 
Kentucky  Policy  and  Col.  Utley's  Action 594-618 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

Work  Among  the  Freedmen  -Visit  to  Cairo— Destitution  and 
Suffering  of  the  Colored  People— Efforts  in  Their  Behalf 
— Organization  of  Relief  Societies 619  650 

CHAPTER  XX. 

Mission  to  England  — Labors  in  Behalf  of  the  Freedmen — 
Incidents  of  the  Work-  Contributions  from  all  Classes  of 
Society — Public  Meetings 651-712 


APPENDIX. 

1.  Memoir  of  Richard  Dillingham 713-718 

2.  Memoir  of  Calvin  Fairbank 719-726 

3.  Death  and  Funeral  of  the  Author 726-732 


INTRODUCTORY  CHAPTER. 

GENEALOGY. 

THE  following  brief  sketch  of  the  Coffin  family 
is  gathered  from  the  first  number  of  the  Amer- 
ican Historical  Record,  published  at  Philadelphia, 
and  from  private  records  copied  from  those  kept  at 
Nantucket.  The  earliest  account  of  the  name  we 
have  dates  back  to  1066.  In  that  year  Sir  Richard 
Coffin,  knight,  accompanied  William  the  Conqueror 
from  Normandy  to  England,  and  the  manor  of  Al- 
wington,  in  the  county  of  Devonshire,  was  assigned 
to  him.  The  authorities  respecting  the  county  of 
Devonshire  make  honorable  mention  of  Sir  Elias 
Coffin,  knight  of  Clist  and  Ingarby,  in  the  days  of 
King  John  ;  of  Sir  Richard  Coffin,  of  Alwington,  in 
the  time  of  Henry  II.  ;  of  Sir  Jeffrey  Coffin  and 
Combe  Coffin,  under  Henry  III.,  and  of  other  knights, 
descendants  of  these,  until  the  time  of  Henry  VIII., 
when  we  find  Sir  William  Coffin,  sheriff  of  Devon- 
shire, highly  preferred  at  Court,  and  one  of  eighteen 
assistants  chosen  by  the  king  to  accompany  him  to  a 
tournament  in  France,  in  15 19.  He  was  also  high 
steward  of  the  manor  and  liberties  of  Standon,  in 
Hertford.  By  his  will  he  bequeathed  his  horses 
and  hawks  to  the  king,  and  devised  the  manor  of 
East  Higgington,  Devonshire,  to  his  nephew,  Sir 
Richard    Coffin,   of    Portledge.      His    monument    in 

(3) 


.  GENEALOGY. 

Standon  Church  is  mentioned  in  Weever's  "Funeral 
Monuments,"  at  page  534. 

Nicholas  Coffin,  of  Butler's  parish,  in  Devonshire, 
died  in  1603.  His  will,  which  was  proved  at  Tot- 
ncss,  in  Devonshire,  November  3,  1603,  mentions 
his  wife  and  five  children,  viz:  Peter,  Nicholas,  Tris- 
tram, John  and  Anne.  Peter  married  Joanna  Thim- 
ber,  and  died  in  1627,  leaving  four  daughters  and 
two  sons.  One  of  these  sons  was  the  famous  Tris- 
tram Coffin — or  Coffyn,  as  he  spelled  it — the  ancestor 
of  the  numerous  families  of  that  name  in  this  country. 
Nearly  all  his  descendants  are  enabled,  by  means  of 
the  accurate  genealogical  records  in  existence,  to 
trace  their  lineage  back  to  him,  although  nearly  two 
centuries  have  elapsed  since  his  death.  He  was  born 
at  Brixton,  near  Plymouth,  in  the  county  of  Devon- 
shire, England,  in  the  year  1605.  He  married  Dio- 
nis  Stevens,  and  in  1642  came  to  New  England, 
bringing  with  him  his  wife  and  five  children,  his 
mother  and  his  two  sisters.  He  first  settled  at  Salis- 
bury, Massachusetts,  where  he  lived  a  number  of 
years,  and  in  1660  removed,  with  his  family,  and  set- 
tled upon  the  island  of  Nantucket.  He  was  one  of  a 
company  of  nine  who  first  purchased  Nantucket  from 
the  Indians,  which  fact  appears  in  a  conveyance  from 
the  Sachems,  Wanackmamack,  and  Nickanoose. 
Prior  to  this  purchase  from  the  natives,  the  English 
title  to  the  greater  portion  of  the  island  had  been 
obtained  from  Thomas  Mayhew,  who  held  the  same 
under  a  conveyance  from  Lord  Stirling.  Tristram 
Coffin  and  his  sons  at  one  time  owned  about  one- 
fourth  of  Nantucket,  and  the  whole  of  the  little  island 


GENEALOGY. 


5 


adjacent  to  it  on  the  west,  called  Tuckernuck,  con- 
taining one  thousand  acres,  which  was  purchased  of 
the  old  sachem,  Potconet.  He  appears  to  have  been 
a  leading-  spirit  among  the  first  settlers,  and  was  fre- 
quently selected  by  the  inhabitants  to  transact  im- 
portant public  business. 

The  children  of  Tristram  Coffin  were  Peter,  Tris- 
tram, Elizabeth,  James,  John  and  Stephen.  We 
trace  our  line  of  the  family  from  John.  He  married 
Deborah  Austin ;  their  son  Samuel  married  Miriam 
Gardner;  their  son  William  married  Priscilla  Pad- 
dock; their  son  Levi  married  Prudence  Williams. 
These  last  were  my  parents,  and  this  places  me  in 
the  fifth  generation  from  the  first  Tristram  Coffin,  of 
Nantucket.  The  different  branches  of  Tristram  Cof- 
fin's family  have  increased  and  scattered,  until  there 
are  representatives  in  nearly  every  part  of  the  United 
States. 

The  island  of  Nantucket  being  small,  and  its  soil 
not  very  productive,  a  large  number  of  people  could 
not  be  supported  thereon,  and  as  the  population  in- 
creased,' a  number  of  the  men  engaged  in  the  whale 
fishery  and  other  maritime  pursuits,  in  order  to  gain 
a  livelihood.  Others  turned  their  attention  to  other 
parts  of  the  country,  and  were  induced  to  remove 
and  settle  elsewhere,  with  a  view  to  better  their  con- 
dition, as  to  providing  for  their  children,  etc.  Awhile 
before  the  Revolutionary  War  a  considerable  colony 
of  Friends  removed  and  settled  at  New  Garden,  in 
Guilford  County,  North  Carolina,  which  was  then  a 
newly  settled  country.  My  grandfather,  William  Cof- 
fin, was  among  those  who  thus  emigrated.      His  re- 


6  GENEALOGY. 

moval  took  place  in  the  year  1773.  My  grandparents, 
William  and  Priscilla  Coffin,  had  ten  children — eight 
sons  and  two  daughters — all  of  whom  lived  to  have 
families  of  their  own.  They  settled  at  New  Garden, 
North  Carolina,  and  were  all  members  of  the  religious 
Society  of  Friends.  My  father,  Levi  Coffin,  was  the 
youngest  of  eight  sons  and  next  to  the  youngest 
child.  He  was  born  on  the  island  of  Nantucket, 
10th  month,  10th,  1763,  and  was  about  ten  years  old 
when  the  family  moved  to  North  Carolina.  My 
grandfather  Coffin  lived  to  be  eighty-three,  and  my 
grandmother  eighty-one  years  old.  Both  died  in 
the  year  1803,  at  the  place  where  they  first  settled  in 
North  Carolina.  I  remember  them  well,  though  I 
was  young  at  the  time  of  their  death.  Both  were 
valuable  elders  in  the  religious  Society  of  Friends, 
and  were  highly  esteemed  in  the  community.  Their 
house  had  long  been  a  resort  and  a  place  of  enter- 
tainment for  Friends  who  came  into  the  neighbor- 
hood to  attend  religious  meetings,  and  for  traveling 
ministers.  They  lived  on  a  farm,  a  short  distance 
from  New  Garden  Meeting-House.  My  father  was 
brought  up  as  a  farmer,  but  managed  to  get  a  fair 
education,  considering  the  limited  advantages  at  that 
day,  and,  when  a  young  man,  engaged  during  the 
winter  season  in  teaching  school  in  the  neighborhood. 
After  the  marriage  of  my  parents,  they  settled  on  a 
farm  in  the  neighborhood  of  New  Garden,  and  I  was 
brought  up  as  a  farmer,  until  I  reached  my  twenty- 
first  year.  My  parents  had  seven  children.  I  was 
the  only  son  and  next  to  the  youngest  child.  I  could 
not  well  be  spared  from  the  farm  to  attend  school, 


GENEALOGY.  y 

and  the  most  of  my  education  I  obtained  at  home. 
My  father  took  pains  to  instruct  me  and  my  sisters 
during  his  hours  of  leisure  from  out-door  work,  so 
that  I  kept  about  even  with  my  associates  in  the 
neighborhood  who  had  better  opportunities  for  gain- 
ing an  education,  and  during  the  short  intervals  that 
I  attended  school,  I  was  classed  with  them,  and  often 
stood  at  the  head  of  my  class.  But  our  schools  then 
were  very  inferior,  compared  with  those  at  the  pres- 
ent. I  thirsted  for  a  better  education,  and  as  soon 
as  I  was  of  age  I  sought  a  better  school  than  we  had 
in  our  neighborhood. 

I  remained  there  one  session,  then  engaged  as 
assistant  teacher  during  the  winter  session,  and  the 
following  winter  attended  another  good  school.  I 
then  taught,  at  intervals,  for  several  years.  In  the 
year  1816  my  sister  Sarah  died.  She  was  in  her 
twentieth  year  and  two  years  my  senior.  This  was 
a  heavy  stroke  upon  me.  She  was  a  kind  and  affec- 
tionate sister,  and  we  had  been  inseparable  compan- 
ions in  our  childhood.  Although  she  died  rejoicing 
in  her  dear  Redeemer,  with  a  bright  and  glorious 
prospect  before  her,  I  could  not  for  a  long  time  be 
resigned  sufficiently  to  say  concerning  her  loss,  "Thy 
will,  O  Lord,  not  mine,  be  done."  My  older  sisters 
were  married,  and  I  and  my  youngest  sister  Priscilla 
were  all  that  were  left  at  home  with  our  parents. 
Priscilla  was  three  years  my  junior.  She  was  a  sweet 
and  attractive  child,  and  we  were  warmly  attached  to 
each  other.  When  she  was  about  twelve  years  old 
she  was  converted,  and  at  the  age  of  fifteen  she 
appeared  in  public  testimony.     She  appeared  to  have 


8  GENEALOGY. 

a  remarkable  gift  in  the  ministry,  and  her  words 
impressed  all  who  heard  her  and  touched  the  hearts 
of  many.  Her  mission  and  labors  for  several  years 
seemed  to  be  mostly  confined  to  family  circles  and 
to  social  gatherings  of  young  people.  On  such 
occasions  she  was  frequently  prompted  to  speak  in 
a  most  remarkable  manner,  and  her  words  seemed 
to  have  great  effect  on  her  young  associates  and 
others  who  heard  her.  For  some  years  after  her 
first  appearance  in  the  ministry,  she  spoke  but  sel- 
dom in  public  assemblies,  but  when  she  did,  it  was 
to  the  edification  of  her  hearers.  A  few  years  after- 
ward she  was  recorded  as  a  minister  of  the  religious 
Society  of  Friends. 

In  the  spring  of  1825  my  parents  and  sister  moved 
to  the  State  of  Indiana,  where  my  married  sisters 
had  all  located.  I  was  then  engaged  in  teaching,  but 
expected  soon  to  follow  with  my  own  little  family, 
which  I  did  the  next  year.  My  sister  Priscilla  mar- 
ried a  short  time  before  I  removed  to  Indiana.  My 
parents  were  now  left  alone,  and  being  old  and  feeble, 
I  took  charge  of  them  and  located  them  near  me,  in 
the  village  of  Newport.  My  father  died  in  1833,  in 
his  seventieth  year.  We  then  took  my  mother  into 
our  house  and  cared  for  her  until  the  close  of  her 
life.      She  died  in  1845,  *n  ner  eighty-eighth  year. 

My  mother's  family,  the  Williamses,  were  of  Welsh 
extraction.  I  have  understood  that  my  great-grand- 
father, George  Williams,  came  from  Wales  to  Amer- 
ica, and  settled  in  Prince  George  County,  Maryland. 
My  grandfather,  Richard  Williams,  married  Pru- 
dence  Bales,  and  their  oldest  two  children  were  born 


GENEALOGY.  g 

in  Maryland.  Afterward  they  emigrated  to  North 
Carolina  and  settled,  in  Guilford  County,  about  the 
year  1752.  They  located  near  the  place  where  the 
old  New  Garden  Meeting-House  now  stands,  and 
where  the  yearly  meeting  of  the  religious  Society 
of  Friends  has  been  held  for  many  years.  At  the 
time  of  their  removal  to  that  neighborhood,  it  was 
thinly  settled,  but  it  grew  in  time  to  be  a  large 
and  prosperous  settlement,  the  members  of  which 
were  mostly  Friends.  My  grandparents  had  many 
hardships  to  encounter  and  privations  to  undergo, 
such  as  the  first  settlers  of  a  new  country  always 
have  to  experience.  When  the  stock  of  provisions 
which  they  had  brought  with  them  gave  out,  they 
had  to  go  to  an  older  settlement,  about  fifty  miles 
distant,  to  get  a  new  supply.  The  first  winter  they 
cleared  a  small  piece  of  land,  and  in  the  spring 
planted  corn  and  garden  seed.  Provisions  again 
became  scant,  and  they  had  to  live  on  roasting-ears 
and  vegetables  till  the  corn  ripened,  being  entirely 
deprived  of  bread.  As  soon  as  the  corn  was  ripe 
enough  to  shell,  they  dried  it  by  spreading  it  on  the 
ground  in  the  sun,  and  then  took  it  on  horseback  to 
a  mill  about  thirty  miles  distant,  on  Cane  Creek, 
now  in  Chatham  County.  My  grandfather  Williams 
donated  the  ground  on  which  New  Garden  Meeting- 
House  was  built,  besides  several  acres  of  land,  cov- 
ered with  timber  sufficient  for  all  building  purposes. 
The  battle  of  Guilford  Court-House,  fought  about 
the  close  of  the  Revolutionary  War,  commenced 
near  New  Garden  Meeting-House  and  continued 
along  the  old   Salisbury   road,   a  distance   of  about 


IO  GENEALOGY 

three  miles,  to  Martinsville,  the  old  Guilford  Court- 
House,  near  where  the  main  battle  was  fought.  A 
number  of  soldiers  were  killed  near  the  meeting- 
house and  along  the  road,  and  were  buried  by  the 
roadside  and  in  the  Friends'  burying  ground  near 
the  meeting-house.  I  have  often  seen  their  graves. 
After  the  battle  the  meeting-house  was  used  as  a 
hospital  for  the  wounded  soldiers,  and  my  grand- 
father Williams'  house  was  occupied  by  the  wounded 
British  officers.  My  grandfather  Coffin's  house  was 
used  by  the  American  officers  as  a  hospital  for  their 
sick  and  wounded.  The  two  farms  joined,  and  the 
headquarters  of  the  different  forces  were  thus  in 
close  proximity. 

The  small-pox  broke  out  among  the  British  offi- 
cers, and  my  grandfather  Williams  caught  the  disease 
from  them  and  died.  My  grandmother  was  left  with 
twelve  children,  five  sons  and  seven  daughters.  She 
was  sister  to  Thomas  Bales,  who  is  said  to  have  been 
the  first  white  emigrant  that  settled  in  Ohio.  At  his 
death  he  was  buried  in  a  coffin  dug  out  of  a  log, 
there  being  no  dressed  timber  available  and  no  saw- 
mill within  hundreds  of  miles.  His  descendants  are 
quite  numerous  in  the  Western  States.  My  grand- 
mother remained  a  widow  for  the  rest  of  her  life. 
She  lived  to  a  good  old  age,  and  died  respected  by 
all  who  knew  her.  She  was  an  elder  in  the  religious 
Society  of  Friends  for  many  years,  and  was  highly 
esteemed  as  a  "  Mother  in  Israel."  The  date  of  her 
death  and  her  age  are  not  in  my  possession,  but  I 
can  remember  her  well.      Most  of  her  children  lived 


GENEALOGY. 


II 


to  a  good  old  age,  and,  with  the  exception  of  one 
son,  all  had  large  families,  so  that  my  connections, 
on  my  mother's  side,  as  well  as  on  my  father's,  are 
quite  numerous. 

Both  my  parents  and  grandparents  were  opposed 
to  slavery,  and  none  of  either  of  the  families  ever 
owned  slaves;  and  all  were  friends  of  the  oppressed, 
so  I  claim  that  I  inherited  my  anti-slavery  principles. 


12 


REMINISCENCES. 


CHAPTER  I. 

CONVERSION  TO  ABOLITIONISM — INCIDENTS  OF  THE 
CRUELTIES  OF  SLAVERY FIRST  EFFORTS  ON  BE- 
HALF OF  THE  SLAVES — STEPHEN,  THE  KIDNAPPED 
NEGRO — THE  CAPTURED  SLAVE — SERVICES  OF  VES- 
TAL COFFIN— THE  STORY  OF  EDE — THE  WHITE 
SLAVE. 

DATE  my  conversion  to  Abolitionism  from  an 
incident  which  occurred  when  I  was  about  seven 
years  old.  It  made  a  deep  and  lasting  impression 
on  my  mind,  and  created  that  horror  of  the  cruelties 
of  slavery  which  has  been  the  motive  of  so  many 
actions  of  my  life.  At  the  time  of  which  I  speak, 
Virginia  and  Maryland  Were  the  principal  slave-rear- 
ing States,  and  to  a  great  extent  supplied  the 
Southern  market.  Free  negroes  in  Pennsylvania 
were  frequently  kidnapped  or  decoyed  into  these 
States,  then  hurried  away  to  Georgia,  Alabama,  or 
Louisiana,  and  sold.  The  gangs  were  handcuffed 
and  chained  together,  and  driven  by  a  man  on  horse- 
back, who  flourished  a  long  whip,  such  as  is  used  in 
driving  cattle,  and  goaded  the  reluctant  and  weary 
when  their  feet  lagged  on  the  long  journey.  One 
day  I  was  by  the  roadside  where  my  father  was 
chopping  wood,  when  I  saw  such  a  gang  approach- 
ing along  the   new  Salisbury  road.      The  coffle  of 


FIRST  EFFORTS, 


13 


slaves  came  first,  chained  in  couples  on  each  side  of  a 
long  chain  which  extended  between  them ;  the  driver 
was  some  distance  behind,  with  the  wagon  of  sup- 
plies. My  father  addressed  the  slaves  pleasantly, 
and  then  asked:  "Well,  boys,  why  do  they  chain 
you?"  One  of  the  men,  whose  countenance  be- 
trayed unusual  intelligence  and  whose  expression 
denoted  the  deepest  sadness,  replied :  ' '  They  have 
taken  us  away  from  our  wives  and  children,  and  they 
chain  us  lest  we  should  make  our  escape  and  go 
back  to  them."  My  childish  sympathy  and  interest 
were  aroused,  and  when  the  dejected  procession  had 
passed  on,  I  turned  to  my  father  and  asked  many 
questions  concerning  them,  why  they  were  taken 
away  from  their  families,  etc.  In  simple  words, 
suited  to  my  comprehension,  my  father  explained  to 
me  the  meaning  of  slavery,  and,  as  I  listened,  the 
thought  arose  in  my  mind — "How  terribly  we 
should  feel  if  father  were  taken  away  from  us." 

This  was  the  first  awakening  of  that  sympathy 
with  the  oppressed,  which,  together  with  a  strong 
hatred  of  oppression  and  injustice  in  every  form, 
were  the  motives  that  influenced  my  whole  after-life. 
Another  incident  of  my  boyhood  is  indelibly  en- 
graved on  my  mind.  I  accompanied  my  father  one 
spring  to  the  famous  shad  fishery  at  the  narrows  of 
the  Yadkin  River,  a  spot  of  wild  and  romantic 
scenery,  where  the  stream  breaks  through  a  spur  of 
the  mountains  and  goes  foaming  and  dashing  down 
its  rocky  bed  in  a  succession  of  rapids.  Every 
spring,  when  the  shad  ascended  the  river,  many 
people  resorted  to  the  place  to  obtain   fish.     They 


14 


REMINISCENCES. 


brought  with  them  a  variety  of  merchandise,  sad- 
dlery, crockery-ware,  etc.,  and  remained  in  camp 
some  time,  buying  and  selling.  The  fishery  was 
owned  by  two  brothers  named  Crump.  They  were 
slaveholders,  and  sometimes  allowed  their  slaves  the 
privilege  of  fishing  after  night  and  disposing  of  the 
fish  thus  obtained,  on  their  own  account.  A  slave, 
who  had  availed  himself  of  this  privilege,  disposed 
of  the  fish  he  caught  to  my  father.  Next  morning 
he  came  to  the  place  where  we  were  preparing 
breakfast,  and  entered  into  conversation  with  my 
father,  speaking  of  the  fish  he  had  sold  him,  and 
asking  if  he  would  take  more  on  the  same  terms. 
Noticing  this,  and  thinking  it  a  piece  of  presuming 
familiarity  and  impertinence,  on  the  part  of  the 
negro,  a  young  man,  nephew  of  the  Crumps,  seized 
a  fagot  from  the  fire  and  struck  the  negro  a  furious 
blow  across  the  head,  baring  the  skull,  covering  his 
back  and  breast  with  blood,  and  his  head  with  fire ; 
swearing  at  the  same  time  that  he  would  allow  no 
such  impudence  from  niggers.  My  father  protested 
against  the  act,  and  I  was  so  deeply  moved  that  I 
left  my  breakfast  untasted,  and  going  off  by  myself 
gave  vent  to  my  feelings  in  sobs  and  tears. 

A  few  such  instances  of  "man's  inhumanity  to 
man"  intensified  my  hatred  of  slavery,  and  inspired 
me  to  devote  myself  to  the  cause  of  the  helpless 
andwoppressed,  and  enter  upon  that  line  of  humane 
effort,  which  I  pursued  for  more  than  fifty  years.  I 
would  still  be  engaged  in  it  had  not  Abraham 
Lincoln  broken  up  the  business  by  proclamation  in 
1863 


FIRST  EFFOR  TS.  1 5 

1 
STEPHEN,  THE  KIDN4.PPED  NEGRO. 

The  first  opportunity  for  aiding  a  slave  occurred 
when  I  was  about  fifteen  years  old.  It  was  a  cus- 
tom in  North  Carolina,  at  that  time,  to  make  a 
"frolic"  of  any  special  work,  like  corn  husking, 
log-rolling,  etc.  The  neighbors  would  assemble  at 
the  place  appointed,  and  with  willing  hearts  and 
busy  hands  soon  complete  the  work.  Then  fol- 
lowed the  supper  and  the  merry-making,  and  the 
night  was  in 

"The  wee  sma'  hours  ayant  the  twal," 
before  the  lights  were  out  and  the  company  gone. 

At  a  gathering  of  this  kind,  a  corn  husking  at  Dr. 
Caldwell's,  I  was  present.  The  neighbors  assembled 
about  dark,  bringing  their  slaves  with  them.  The 
negroes  were  assigned  a  place  at  one  end  of  the 
heap,  the  white  people  took  their  place  at  the  other, 
and  all  went  to  work,  enlivening  their  labor  with 
songs  and  merry  talk. 

A  slave-dealer,  named  Stephen  Holland,  had  ar- 
rived in  the  neighborhood  a  short  time  before,  with 
a  coffie  of  slaves,  on  his  way  to  the  South,  and  as 
this  was  his  place  of  residence,  he  stopped  for  a  few 
days  before  proceeding  on  his  journey.  He  brought 
with  him  his  band  of  slaves  to  help  his  neighbor 
husk  corn,  and  I  was  much  interested  in  them. 
When  the  white  people  went  in  to  supper  I  re- 
mained behind  to  talk  with  the  strange  negroes,  and 
see  if  I  could  render  them  any  service.  In  conver- 
sation I  learned  that  one  of  the  negroes,  named 
Stephen,  was  free  born,  but  had  been  kidnapped  and 


j  5  REMINISCENCES. 

to 
sold  into  slavery.  Till  he  became  of  age  he  had 
been  indentured  to  Edward  Lioyd,  a  Friend,  living 
near  Philadelphia.  When  his  apprenticeship  was 
ended,  he  had  been  hired  by  a  man  to  help  drive  a 
flock  of  sheep  to  Baltimore.  After  reaching  that 
place  he  had  been  seized  one  night  as  he  was 
asleep  in  the  negro  house  of  a  tavern,  gagged  and 
bound,  then  placed  in  a  close  carriage,  and  driven 
rapidly  across  the  line  into  Virginia,  where  he  was 
confined  the  next  night  in  a  cellar.  He  had  then 
been  sold  for  a  small  sum  to  Holland,  who  was  tak- 
ing him  to  the  Southern  market,  where  he  expected 
to  realize  a  large  sum  from  his  sale.  I  became 
deeply  interested  in  his  story,  and  began  to  think 
how  I  could  help  him  to  regain  his  freedom.  Re- 
membering Dr.  Caldwell's  Tom,  a  trusty  negro, 
whom  I  knew  well,  I  imparted  to  him  my  wishes, 
and  desired  him,  if  it  could  be  arranged,  to  bring 
Stephen  to  my  father's  the  next  night.  They  came 
about  midnight,  and  my  father  wrote  down  the  par- 
ticulars of  Stephen's  case,  and  took  the  address  of 
the  Lloyds.  The  next  day  he  wrote  to  Jthem,  giving 
an  account  of  Stephen  and  his  whereabouts.  In  two 
weeks  from  that  time,  Hugh  Lloyd,  a  brother  of 
Edward  Lloyd,  arrived  by  stage  in  Greensboro. 
Procuring  conveyance,  he  came  to  my  father's,  and 
there  learned  that  Stephen  had  been  taken  south- 
ward by  the  slave-dealer  Holland.  Next  day  being 
regular  meeting-day  at  the  Friends  Meeting-House, 
at  New  Garden,  the  case  was  laid  before  the  men 
after  meeting,    and  two  of  them,  Dr.    George  Swain 


FIRST  EFFORTS. 


17 


and  Henry  Macy,   volunteered  to  accompany  Hugh 
Lloyd  in  search  of  Stephen. 

A  sum  of  money  was  made  up  for  the  expenses 
of  their  journey,  and  Lloyd  was  furnished  with  a 
horse  and  saddle  and  the  necessary  equipments. 
The  party  found  Stephen  in  Georgia,  where  he  had 
been  sold  by  Holland,  who  had  gone  farther  South. 
A  suit  was  instituted  to  gain  possession  of  him,  but 
the  laws  of  that  State  required  proof,  in  such  in- 
stances, that  the  mother  had  been  free,  and  Hugh 
Lloyd  was  too  young  to  give  this  proof.  So  the 
matter  was  referred  to  the  next  term  of  court,  se- 
curity being  given  by  Stephen's  master  that  he 
should  be  produced  when  wanted.  Lloyd  returned 
North,  and  sent  affidavits  and  free  papers  giving 
proof  in  the  case,  and  in  six  months  Stephen  was 
liberated  and  returned  home.  The  man  who  had 
hired  him  to  drive  the  sheep  to  Baltimore  had,  in 
the  meantime,  been  arrested  on  the  charge  of  kidnap- 
ping, but  as  Stephen  was  the  only  prosecuting  wit- 
ness, the  suit  could  not  go  on  while  he  was  absent. 
The  man's  friends  took  him  out  of  jail  on  a  writ  of 
habeas  corpus  and  gave  bond  for  his  appearance  at 
court,  but  he  preferred  forfeiting  his  bond  to  stand- 
ing the  trial,  and  fled  the  country  before  Stephen 
returned. 

THE  CAPTURED  SLAVE. 

But  I  was  not  always  so  fortunate  as  to  be  able  to 
render  assistance  to  the   objects   of  my  sympathy. 
Sometimes  I  witnessed  scenes  of  cruelty  and  injus- 
tice and  had  to  stand  passively  by.     The  following 
2 


j  8  R  EMINISCENCES. 

is  an  instance  of  that  kind :  I  had  been  sent  one  day 
on  an  errand  to  a  place  in  the  neighborhood,  called 
Clemen's  Store,  and  was  returning  home  along  the 
Salem  road,  when  I  met  a  party  of  movers,  with 
wagons,  teams,  slaves  and  household  goods,  on 
their  way  to  another  State.  After  passing  them  I 
came  to  a  blacksmith's  shop,  in  front  of  which  were 
several  men,  talking  and  smoking,  in  idle  chat,  and 
proceeding  on  my  way  I  met  a  negro  man  trudging 
along  slowly  on  foot,  carrying  a  bundle.  He  in- 
quired of  me  regarding  the  party  of  movers ;  asked 
how  far  they  were  ahead,  etc.  I  told  him  "About 
half  a  mile,"  and  as  he  passed  on,  the  thought 
occurred  to  me  that  this  man  was  probably  a  runa- 
way slave  who  was  following  the  party  of  movers. 
I  had  heard  of  instances  when  families  were  sepa- 
rated— the  wife  and  children  being  taken  by  their 
owners  to  another  part  of  the  country — of  the  hus- 
band and  father  following  the  party  of  emigrants, 
keeping  a  short  distance  behind  the  train  of  wagons 
during  the  day,  and  creeping  up  to  the  camp  at 
night,  close  enough  for  his  wife  to  see  him  and  bring 
him  food.  A  few  days  afterward  I  learned  that  this 
man  had  been  stopped  and  questioned  by  the  party 
of  men  at  the  blacksmith's  shop,  that  he  had  pro- 
duced a  pass,  but  they  being  satisfied  that  it  was  a 
forgery  had  lodged  him  in  jail  at  Greensboro,  and 
sent  word  to  his  master  concerning  him.  A  week  or 
two  afterward  I  was  sent  to  a  blacksmith's  shop,  at 
Greensboro,  to  get  some  work  done.  The  slave's 
master  had,  that  very  day,  arrived  and  taken  posses- 
sion of  him,  and  brought  him  to  the  blacksmith's  shop 


FIRST  EFFORTS. 


19 


to  get  some  irons  put  on  him  before  starting  back  to 
his  home.  While  a  chain  was  being  riveted  around 
the  negro's  neck,  and  handcuffs  fastened  on  his 
wrists,  his  master  upbraided  him  for  having  run 
away.      He  asked : 

"  Wer'n't  you  well  treated  ?  " 

"Yes,  massa. " 

"Then  what  made  you  run  away?" 

"My  wife  and  children  were  taken  away  from  me, 
massa,  and  I  think  as  much  of  them  as  you  do  of 
yours,  or  any  white  man  does  of  his.  Their  massa 
tried  to  buy  me  too,  but  you  would  not  sell  me,  so 
when  I  saw  them  go  away,  I  followed."  The  mere 
recital  of  his  words  can  convey  little  idea  of  the  piti- 
ful and  pathetic  manner  in  which  they  were  uttered  ; 
his  whole  frame  trembled,  and  the  glance  of  piteous, 
despairing  appeal  he  turned  upon  his  master  would 
have  melted  any  heart  less  hard  than  stone. 

The  master  said,  "I've  always  treated  you  well, 
trusting  you  with  my  keys,  and  treating  you  more 
like  a  confidential  servant  than  a  slave,  but  nozu  you 
shall  know  what  slavery  is.  Just  wait  till  I  get  you 
back  home!"  He  then  tried  to  make  the  negro  tell 
where  he  had  got  his  pass,  who  wrote  it  for  him,  etc., 
but  he  refused  to  betray  the  person  who  had  be- 
friended him.  The  master  threatened  him  with  the 
severest  punishment,  but  he  persisted  in  his  refusal. 
Then  torture  was  tried,  in  order  to  force  the  name 
from  him.  Laying  the  slave's  fettered  hand  on  the 
blacksmith's  anvil,  the  master  struck  it  with  a  ham- 
mer until  the  blood  settled  under  the  finger  nails. 
The  negro  winced  under  each  cruel  blow,  but  said  not 


2o  REMINISCENCES. 

» 

a  word.  As  I  stood  by  and  watched  this  scene,  my 
heart  swelled  with  indignation,  and  I  longed  to  rescue 
the  slave  and  punish  the  master.  I  was  not  converted 
to  peace  principles  then,  and  I  felt  like  fighting  for 
the  slave.  One  end  of  the  chain,  riveted  to  the  ne- 
gro's neck,  was  made  fast  to  the  axle  of  his  master's 
buggy,  then  the  master  sprang  in  and  drove  off  at  a 
sweeping  trot,  compelling  the  slave  to  run  at  full 
speed  or  fall  and  be  dragged  by  his  neck.  I  watched 
them  till  they  disappeared  in  the  distance,  and  as 
long  as  I  could  see  them,  the  slave  was  running. 

FUGITIVES    IN    CONCEALMENT. 

Runaway  slaves  used  frequently  to  conceal  them- 
selves in  the  woods  and  thickets  in  the  vicinity  «of 
New  Garden,  waiting  opportunities  to  make  their 
escape  to  the  North,  and  I  generally  learned  their 
places-  of  concealment  and  rendered  them  all  the 
service  in  my  power.  My  father,  in  common  with 
other  farmers  in  that  part  of  the  country,  allowed 
his  hogs  to  run  in  the  woods,  and  I  often  went  out  to 
feed  them.  My  sack  of  corn  generally  contained 
supplies  of  bacon  and  corn  bread  for  the  slaves,  and 
many  a  time  I  sat  in  the  thickets  with  them  as  they 
hungrily  devoured  my  bounty,  and  listened  to  the 
stories  they  told  of  hard  masters  and  cruel  treatment, 
or  spoke  in  language,  simple  and  rude,  yet  glowing 
with  native  eloquence,  of  the  glorious  hope  of  free- 
dom which  animated  their  spirits  in  the  darkest 
•  hours,  and  sustained  them  under  the  sting  of  the 
lash. 

These   outlying   slaves  knew  where  I  lived,   and, 


FIRST  EFFORTS.  21 

when  reduced  to  extremity  of  want  or  danger,  often 
came  to  my  room,  in  the  silence  and  darkness  of 
night,  to  obtain  food  or  assistance.  In  my  efforts  to 
aid  these  fugitives  I  had  a  zealous  co-worker  in  my 
friend  and  cousin,  Vestal  Coffin,  who  was  then,  and 
continued  to  the  time  of  his  death — a  few  years  later 
— a  stanch  friend  to  the  slave. 

Vestal  was  several  years  older  than  I,  was  married 
and  had  the  care  of  a  family,  but,  in  the  busiest  season 
of  work,  could  find  time  to  co-operate  with  me  in  all 
my  endeavors  to  aid  runaway  slaves.  We  often  met 
at  night  in  a  thicket  where  a  fugitive  was  concealed, 
to  counsel  in  regard  to  his  prospects  and  lay  plans  for 
getting  him  safely  started  to  the  North.  We  em- 
ployed General  Hamilton's  Sol,  a  gray-haired,  trusty 
old  negro,  to  examine  every  coffle  of  slaves  to  which 
he  could  gain  access,  and  ascertain  if  there  were  any 
kidnapped  negroes  among  them.  When  such  a  case 
was  discovered,  Sol  would  manage  to  bring  the  per- 
son, by  night,  to  some  rendezvous  appointed,  in  the 
pine  thickets  or  the  depths  of  the  woods,  and  there 
Vestal  and  I  would  meet  them  and  have  an  interview. 
There  was  always  a  risk  in  holding  such  meetings, 
for  the  law  in  the  South  inflicted  heavy  penalties  on 
any  one  who  should  aid  or  abet  a  fugitive  slave  in 
escaping,  and  the  patrollers,  or  mounted  officers, 
frequently  passed  along  the  road  near  our  place  of 
concealment.  When  information  had  been  obtained 
from  kidnapped  negroes  regarding  the  circumstances 
of  their  capture,  Vestal  Coffin  wrote  to  their  friends, 
and  in  many  cases  succeeded  in  getting  them  liberated. 
In  this  way  a  negro  man  of  family  and  means,  who 


22  REMINISCENCES. 

had  been  abducted  from  Pennsylvania  and  taken  to 
New  Orleans  and  sold,  was  finally  restored  to  his 
friends.  Obtaining  through  Vestal  Coffin  a  knowl- 
edge of  his  whereabouts,  they  brought  suit  against 
his  owners  and  gained  his  liberty. 

SERVICES  OF  VESTAL  COFFIN. 

Another  negro  was  kidnapped  from  Delaware,  and 
brought  to  Guilford  County,  North  Carolina,  by  a 
man  named  John  Thompson.  Learning  the  partic- 
ulars of  his  case,  Vestal  Coffin  went  to  Hillsboro,  a 
neighboring  town,  and  obtained  a  writ,  which  he 
placed  in  the  hands  of  the  sheriff  to  be  served  on 
Thompson,  requiring  him  to  produce  the  negro  in 
court,  for  investigation  regarding  the  unlawfulness 
of  his  being  held  in  bondage.  Thompson,  disregard- 
ing the  writ,  sent  the  negro  South,  and  sold  him. 
Vestal  Coffin  went  back  and  procured  another  writ, 
causing  Thompson  to  be  arrested  on  charge  of  kid- 
napping, and  thrown  into  prison  till  the  negro  should 
be  produced.  This  proceeding  greatly  enraged 
Thompson,  but  he  was  obliged  to  send  for  the 
negro,  who  was  delivered  to  the  charge  of  Vestal 
Coffin.  When  the  case  went  into  court,  Thompson 
secured  the  best  lawyers,  but  Vestal  Coffin  had  right 
on  his  side,  and  finally  triumphed.  As  the  poet 
says : 

"Thrice  is  he  armed  who  hath  his  quarrel  just." 

The  case  was  delayed  nearly  a  year,  and  in  that 
time  Vestal  Coffin  procured  affidavits  and  other  doc- 
uments establishing;  the  negro's  freedom,  and  he  was 


FIRST  EFFORTS. 


23 


set  at  liberty.     These  are  some  of  the  results  of  the 
consultations  held  by  night  in  the  pine  thickets. 

EDE. 

As  I  was  always  interested  in  the  work  and  ready 
to  engage  in  it,  I  found  opportunities  to  be  of  service 
to  the  slaves  in  various  ways.  The  following  is  an 
account  of  one  of  my  efforts  in  this  line : 

Dr.  Caldwell,  whose  name  has  been  mentioned 
before,  was  one  of  our  near  neighbors.  He  was  a 
learned  clergyman  and  physician,  founded  a  college 
— said  to  be  the  first  in  North  Carolina — and  num- 
bered among  his  pupils  many  of  the  prominent  men 
of  that  State.  His  son  Samuel  was  a  Presbyterian 
minister,  and  was  located  in  the  southwestern  part 
of  the  State,  in  charge  of  a  church  there.  At  one 
time,  when  on  a  visit  to  his  relatives  in  Guilford 
County,  he  told  his  father  that  his  wife  very  much 
needed  a  good  house  servant,  and,  after  some  delib- 
eration, the  old  Doctor  concluded  to  make  him  a 
present  of  one. 

'The  question  thus  was,  Which  one   of  the  negro 
women  should  it  be? 

The  mistress  was  a  humane  Christian  lady,  and  did 
not  like  the  idea  of  separating  husband  and  wife,  but 
all  the  negro  women  that  were  grown  had  husbands, 
and  the  girls  were  too  young  to  fill  the  place,  so  it 
was  finally  decided  that  a  woman  named  Ede  should 
go.  She  was  strong  and  healthy,  and  in  the  prime 
of  life,  and  would  be  the  most  suitable.  She  had  four 
children,  three  of  whom  were  to  be  left  behind ;  the 
youngest,  being  a  babe  a  few  months  old,  was  to  go 


24  REMINISCENCES. 

with  its  mother.  To  satisfy  the  scruples  of  his  wife 
against  separating  husband  and  wife,  the  old  Doctor 
told  her  that  Ede's  husband — who  belonged  to  another 
master — was  a  trifling  negro,  and  that  his  master 
would  probably  sell  him  before  long ;  that  slave  mar- 
riage was  not  legal ;  and  that  perhaps  Ede  would 
soon  get  a  better  man  for  a  husband. 

When  Ede  learned  that  she  was  to  go  and  live  with 
her  young  master,  more  than  a  hundred  miles  distant 
from  her  husband  and  children,  she  was  filled  with 
grief  and  dismay,  and  studied  how  she  might  avert 
the  threatened  calamity. 

The  night  before  the  time  fixed  for  her  start  to  her 
new  home,  she  decided  to  flee  to  the  thickets  and 
hide  herself  for  a  week  or  two,  hoping  that  in  this 
time  her  master  and  mistress  would  change  their 
mind  about  sending  her  away,  and  consent  to  let  her 
remain.  Preparing  a  little  store  of  provisions,  and 
taking  her  baby  in  her  arms,  she  fled  to  the  woods, 
and  found  a  hiding  place  in  a  dense  thicket,  about  a 
mile  from  my  father's  house.  As  it  was  some  dis- 
tance from  the  road,*  she  ventured  to  kindle  a  little 
fire  by  the  side  of  a  log,  for  the  weather  was  cool  and 
chilly,  and  both  she  and  her  child  suffered  from  the 
cold.  She  made  a  bed  of  leaves,  by  the  side  of  a 
large  log,  and  sheltered  herself  as  well  as  she  could 
from  the  wind.  She  had  remained  in  this  hiding 
place  for  several  days  and  nights,  when  her  child  be- 
came ill,  from  cold  and  exposure.  Filled  with  fresh 
anguish  at  the  sight  of  its  sufferings,  and  unable  to 
alleviate  them,  she  determined  to  leave  her  place  of 
concealment.      Her  little  stock  of  provisions  had  by 


FIRST  EFFORTS. 


25 


this  time  given  out,  and  she  was  beginning  to  suffer 
with  hunger.  She  was  acquainted  with  my  father's 
family,  and  knew  us-  to  be  friends  to  the  fugitive, 
and  resolved  to  apply  to  us  for  help.  She  made  her 
way  to  our  house,  at  night,  and  was  kindly  received, 
though  we  knew  we  laid  ourselves  liable  to  a  heavy 
penalty  by  harboring  a  fugitive  slave.  A  hot  supper 
was  prepared  for  her,  and  then  we  heard  her  story, 
and  consulted  together  in  regard  to  what  should  be 
done.  Father  was  liable  to  fine  and  imprisonment  if 
she  was  discovered  at  our  house,  yet  we  could  not 
turn  her  away.  The  dictates  of  humanity  came  in 
opposition  to  the  law  of  the  land,  and  we  ignored  the 
law.  My  mother  said,  "The  child  is  sick,  and  may 
die  before  morning  ;  we  can  not  turn  them  from  our 
doors."  My  father  said  he  would  risk  the  penalty, 
and  Ede  was  given  a  comfortable  resting  place  for 
the  night.  My  mother  did  all  that  she  could  for  the 
sick  child.  She  spent  the  night  trying  to  relieve  its 
sufferings,  and,  at  daylight,  had  the  satisfaction  of 
seeing  it  free  from  pain  and  in  a  quiet  sleep. 

When  morning  came,  the  question  arose,  What 
should  be  done  with  Ede  ?  We  could  not  turn  her 
out  in  the  cold  with  her  sick  child,  to  return  to  her 
hiding  place  in  the  woods,  and  she  begged  us  not  to 
send  her  back  to  her  master's.  As  she  repeated  her 
sad  story,  the  tears  streamed  down  her  cheeks,  and 
she  said  she  would  rather  die  than  be  separated  from 
her  family. 

I  volunteered  to  go  and  plead  her  case  with  her 
master  and  mistress,  as  I  was  acquainted  with  them, 
and  thought  I  could  persuade  them  not  to  send  hei 
2 


26  REMINISCENCES. 

away.  I  also  hoped  to  save  my  father  from  the  pen- 
alty he  had  incurred  by  harboring  a  fugitive.  Leav- 
ing Ede  and  the  child  at  my  father's,  I  made  my  way 
to  the  mansion  of  the  aristocratic  gentleman  of  the 
old  school.  I  felt  some  misgivings  as  to  the  success 
of  my  mission  when  I  entered  the  house,  and  was  at 
first  embarrassed  when  I  was  shown  into  the  room 
where  the  Doctor  was  sitting.  He  received  me 
kindly,  as  was  his  custom,  and  entered  into  conver- 
sation. Among  the  solid  qualities  of  his  character 
was  a  rich  vein  of  humor,  and  he  always  made  him- 
self attractive  to  young  people,  entertaining  them 
with  some  droll  story,  or  puzzling  them  with  knotty 
questions.  He  inquired  about  our  school  at  New 
Garden,  where  Jeremiah  Hubbard,  a  well-known 
Quaker  preacher,  was  then  teaching,  and  said,  "You 
ought  to  pay  Mr.  Hubbard  double  price  for  your 
tuition,  for  I  hear  that  he  has  taught  his  pupils  the 
art  of  courting,  beside  the  common  branches  of  a 
school  education.  I  hear  that  two  of  his  pupils  have 
made  known  their  intentions  of  marriage,  or  given 
in  meeting,  as  you  call  it.  How  do  you  suppose 
those  young  Quakers  feel  now  that  they  are  half 
married  ?" 

"Like  they  intended  to  be  wholly  married  soon, 
I  suppose,"  I  replied. 

He  continued,  "Now,  we  Presbyterians  do  up 
such  business  sooner  than  you  Quakers  do" — and 
was  going  on  in  this  strain  when  his  wife  entered  the 
room.  My  diffidence  had  vanished  by  this  time,  and 
I  longed  for  an  opportunity  to  introduce  the  subject 
which  occupied  my  thoughts.      After  the  mistress  of 


FIRST  EFFORTS. 


27 


the  house  had  greeted  me  and  taken  her  seat,  I  said 
that  I  had  come  to  speak  with  them  on  an  important 
matter,  and  inquired  if  their  slave  woman  Ede  had 
run  away. 

The  Doctor  replied,  "Yes,  she  ran  off  several  days 
ago,  to  keep  from  going  home  with  our  son  Sam,  1 
suppose.  She  needs  a  good  flogging  for  her  foolish- 
ness— she  would  have  a  good  home  at  his  house.  Do 
you  know  where  she  is  hiding?" 

I  related  the  incident  of  her  coming  to  our  house 
and  what  had  been  done  for  her,  and  then  pleaded 
her  case  with  all  the  earnestness  and  eloquence  I  was 
master  of,  quoting  all  the  texts  of  Scripture  bearing 
on  the  case  that  I  could  remember,  and  bringing  the 
matter  home  to  ourselves,  putting  ourselves  in  her 
place,  etc.  I  soon  saw  that  I  had  touched  the  old 
lady's  feelings.  She  said  she  thanked  my  mother  for 
taking  such  good  care  of  the  sick  child,  and  that 
she  had  very  reluctantly  given  her  consent  for  Ede  to 
be  separated  from  her  family.  I  told  them  that  Ede 
said  she  wished  to  come  home  if  they  would  let  her 
stay,  but  that  she  had  rather  die  than  be  sent  away 
from  her  husband  and  children.  The  old  Doctor  had 
listened  attentively  to  my  pleading,  but  had  made  no 
reply.  I  now  asked  him  if  my  father  had  done  right 
in  taking  in  Ede  and  her  child  in  violation  of  the  law, 
thus  laying  himself  liable  to  a  heavy  penalty,  if  he 
was  disposed  to  prosecute. 

He  replied,  "Your  father  has  done  right;  I  shall 
not  trouble  him,  and  I  thank  your  mother  for  her 
kindness  to  the  sick  child.  As  for  you,  you  have 
done  your  part  very  well.      Why,    Mr.   Coffin,   you 


28  REMINISCENCES. 

would  make  a  pretty  good  preacher ;  if  you  will 
come  to  me  I  will  give  you  lessons  in  theology  with- 
out charge." 

I  thanked  him  for  his  offer,  but  said  I  had  not 
come  to  talk  about  theology  that  morning ;  I  wanted 
to  know  what  word  I  should  carry  back  to  poor  Ede, 
who  was  waiting  at  our  house,  in  anxious  suspense. 

He  said,  "Well,  this  is  no  doubt  your  first  ser- 
mon, and  you  would  be  disappointed  and  might  give 
up  preaching  if  you  are  not  successful ;  you  may  tell 
Ede  to  come  home,  and  I  will  not  send  her  away." 

I  took  my  leave,  and  went  home  rejoicing.  I.  gave 
an  account  of  my  visit  and  the  success  that  had  at- 
tended my  efforts,  and  Ede  shouted  for  joy.  In  the 
middle  of  the  day,  when  it  was  warm  and  sunny,  she 
started  home,  carrying  her  child,  which  my  mother 
had  wrapped  comfortably  in  a  small  blanket. 

The  Doctor  kept  his  word,  and  she  was  allowed  to 
remain  at  home  with  her  family. 

THE  WHITE  SLAVE. 

In  the  following  story  I  was  no  way  concerned, 
but  the  incidents  came  under  my  observation,  and  I 
can  well  remember  the  feelings  of  deepest  sympathy 
and  indignation  which  it  aroused  in  our  neighbor- 
hood at  the  time  of  its  occurrence.  It  shows  one  of 
the  crudest  phases  of  slavery,  and  gives  one  of  the 
many  instances  in  which  the  deepest  suffering  was 
inflicted  on  those  who  merited  it  by  no  act  of  their 
own,  but  received  the  curse  by  inheritance. 

A  slaveholder,  living  in  Virginia,  owned  a  beau- 
tiful  slave   woman,    who   was   almost   white.       She 


FIBST  EFFORTS.  2g 

became  the  mother  of  a  child,  a  little  boy,  in  whose 
veins  ran  the  blood  of  her  master,  and  the  closest 
observer  could  not  detect  in  its  appearance  any  trace 
of  African  descent.  He  grew  to  be  two  or  three 
years  of  age,  a  most  beautiful  child  and  the  idol  of 
his  mother's  heart,  when  the  master  concluded,  for 
family  reasons,  to  send  him  away.  He  placed  him 
in  the  care  of  a  friend  living  in  Guilford  County, 
North  Carolina,  and  made  an  agreement  that  he 
should  receive  a  common-school  education,  and  at 
a  suitable  age  be  taught  some  useful  trade.  Years 
passed ;  the  child  grew  to  manhood,  and  having 
received  a  good  common-school  education,  and 
learned  the  shoemaker's  trade,  he  married  an  esti- 
mable young  white  woman,  and  had  a  family  of  five 
or  six  children.  He  had  not  the  slightest  knowledge 
of  the  taint  of  African  blood  in  his  veins,  and  no 
one  in  the  neighborhood  knew  that  he  was  the  son 
of  an  octoroon  slave  woman.  He  made  a  comfort- 
able living  for  his  family,  was  a  good  citizen,  a 
member  of  the  Methodist  Church,  and  was  much 
respected  by  all  who  knew  him.  In  course  of  time 
his  father,  the  Virginian  slaveholder,  died,  and  when 
the  executors  came  to  settle  up  the  estate,  they 
remembered  the  little  white  boy,  the  son  of  the 
slave  woman,  and  knowing  that  by  law — such  law!  — 
he  belonged  to  the  estate,  and  must  be  by  this  time 
a  valuable  piece  of  property,  they  resolved  to  gain 
possession  of  him.  After  much  inquiry  and  search 
they  learned  of  his  whereabouts,  and  the  heir  of  the 
estate,  accompanied  by  an  administrator,  went  to 
Guilford  County,  North  Carolina,  to  claim  his  half- 


So 


REMINISCENCES. 


brother  as  a  slave.  Without  making  themselves 
known  to  him,  they  sold  him  to  a  negro  trader,  and 
gave  a  bill  of  sale,  preferring  to  have  a  sum  in  ready 
money,  instead  of  a  servant  who  might  prove  very 
valuable,  but  who  would,  without  doubt,  give  them 
a  great  deal  of  trouble.  He  had  been  free  all  his 
life,  and  they  knew  he  would  not  readily  yield  to  the 
yoke  of  bondage.  All  this  time  the  victim  was 
entirely  unconscious  of  the  cruel  fate  in  store  for 
him. 

His  wife  had  been  prostrated  by  a  fever  then 
prevalent  in  the  neighborhood,  and  he  had  waited 
upon  her  and  watched  by  her  bedside,  until  he  was 
worn  out  with  exhaustion  and  loss  of  sleep.  Several 
neighbor  women  coming  in  one  evening  to  watch 
with  the  invalid,  he  surrendered  her  to  their  care, 
and  retired  to  seek  the  rest  he  so  much  needed. 
That  night  the  slave-dealer  came  with  a  gang  of 
ruffians,  burst  into  the  house  and  seized  their  victim 
as  he  lay  asleep,  bound  him,  after  heroic  struggles 
on  his  part,  and  dragged  him  away.  When  he 
demanded  the  cause  of  his  seizure,  they  showed  him 
the  bill  of  sale  they  had  received,  and  informed  him 
that  he  was  a  slave.  In  this  rude,  heartless  mannei 
the  intelligence  that  he  belonged  to  the  African 
race  was  first  imparted  to  him,  and  the  crushing 
weight  of  his  cruel  destiny  came  upon  him  when 
totally  unprepared.  His  captors  hurried  him  out  of 
the  neighborhood,  and  took  him  toward  the  South- 
ern slave  markets.  To  get  him  black  enough  to  sell 
without  question,  they  washed  his  face  in  tan  ooze, 
and  kept  him  tied  in  the  sun,  and  to  complete  his 


FIRST  EFFORTS.  3 1 

resemblance  to  a  mulatto,  they  cut  his  hair  short 
and  seared  it  with  a  hot  iron  to  make  it  curly.  He 
was  sold  in  Georgia  or  Alabama,  to  a  hard  master, 
by  whom  he  was  cruelly  treated. 

Several  months  afterward  he  succeeded  in  escap- 
ing-, and  made  his  way  back  to  Guilford  County, 
North  Carolina.  Here  he  learned  that  his  wife  had 
died  a  few  days  after  his  capture,  the  shock  of  that 
calamity  having'  hastened  her  death,  and  that  his 
children  were  scattered  among  the  neighbors.  His 
master,  thinking  that  he  would  return  to  his  old 
home,  came  in  pursuit  of  him  with  hounds,  and 
chased  him  through  the  thickets  and  swamps.  He 
evaded  the  dogs  by  wading  in  a  mill-pond,  and 
climbing  a  tree,  where  he  remained  all  night.  Next 
day  he  made  his  way  to  the  house  of  Stanton  White 
(afterward  my  father-in-law),  where  he  remained 
several  days.  Dr.  George  Swain,  a  man  of  much 
influence  in  the  community,  had  an  interview  with 
him,  and,  hearing  the  particulars  of  his  seizure,  said 
he  thought  the  proceedings  were  illegal.  He  held  a 
consultation  with  several  lawyers,  and  instituted  pro- 
ceedings in  his  behalf.  But  the  unfortunate  victim 
of  man's  cruelty  did  not  live  to  regain  his  freedom. 
He  had  been  exposed  and  worried  so  much,  trailed 
by  dogs  and  forced  to  lie  in  swamps  and  thickets, 
that  his  health  was  broken  down  and  he  died  before 
the  next  term  of  court. 


32 


REMINISCENCES. 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE  STORY  OF  JACK  BARNES — MY  JOURNEY  WITH  A 
SLAVE-OWNER — A  MISSION  FULL  OF  ANXIETY — - 
THE  STORY  OF  SAM — I  TURN  SLAVE-HUNTER — NAR- 
ROW ESCAPE  FROM  ARREST — PENALTY  OF  AIDING  A 
SLAVE FATE    OF    POOR   SAM. 

I  NOW  come  to  the  relation  of  an  occurrence  in 
which,  strange  as  it  may  seem,  I  turned  slave- 
hunter.  A  gentleman  by  the  name  of  Barnes,  who 
lived  in  the  eastern  part  of  the  State,  had  a  body 
servant  named  Jack,  to  whom  he  was  much  attached. 
Barnes  was  a  bachelor,  with  no  direct  heirs,  and 
being  in  ill-health,  he  made  his  will,  in  which,  as  was 
allowed  by  a  provision  of  the  law,  he  bequeathed  to 
Jack  his  freedom  for  faithfulness  and  meritorious  con- 
duct, also  a  considerable  portion  of  his  estate.  At 
his  death,  distant  relatives  flocked  to  the  scene, 
seized  upon  the  property  and  entered  suit  to  contest 
the  will.  Jack  knew  very  well  that  from  Southern 
courts  of  justice  he  could  expect  no  favor;  so  pro- 
curing a  copy  of  the  will,  and  a  certificate  of  good 
conduct,  signed  by  several  leading  white  men  of  the 
place,  who  were  friendly  to  him,  he  sought  a  more 
secure  place  in  which  to  await  the  decision  of  the 
court.      He  had  heard  of  a  settlement  of  Quakers  at 


THE  STORY  OF  JACK  BARNES.  33 

New  Garden,  near  Greensboro,  Guilford  County, 
who  were  opposed  to  slavery  and  friendly  to  colored 
people.  He  obtained  directions  to  aid  him  in  find- 
ing this  place,  and  left  home  privately,  that  it  might 
not  be  known  where  he  was  if  the  case  should  go 
against  him.  He  reached  New  Garden  safely,  was 
introduced  to  me,  and  I  took  him  to  my  father's 
house. 

Jack  remained  in  our  neighborhood  for  some  time, 
employed  on  the  farms  of  my  father,  of  Vestal  Cof- 
fin, and  others,  and  proved  himself  to  be  an  indus- 
trious and  faithful  servant.  He  won  the  esteem  and 
sympathy  of  all  who  knew  him  and  his  story,  by 
his  steady  habits,  intelligent  character  and  manly 
deportment.  He  came  to  New  Garden  in  the  fall  of 
1 82 1,  and  in  the  following  March  received  the  news 
that  the  case  in  court  had  been  decided  against  him. 
The  property  that  had  been  willed  to  him  was  turned 
over  to  the  relatives  of  his  master,  and  he  was  con- 
signed again  to  slavery.  The  judge  decided  that 
Barnes  was  not  in  his  right  mind  at  the  time  he  made 
the  will ;  this  was  apparent  from  the  nature  of  the 
will.  The  heirs  took  possession  of  the  property,  but 
where  was  Jack,  the  able-bodied  valuable  servant, 
who  also  belonged  to  them?  He  was  not  to  be 
found,  and  they  advertised  in  the  papers,  offering 
one  hundred  dollars  reward  to  any  one  who  would 
secure  him  till  they  could  get  hold  of  him,  or  give 
information  that  would  lead  to  his  discovery. 

This  advertisement  appeared  in  the  paper  pub- 
lished at  Greensboro,  and  when  Jack  saw  it  he  was 
greatly  alarmed.      The  questions  which  occupied  his 


34  REMINISCENCES. 

mind  and  with  which  he  greeted  his  friends  were, 
"  What  shall  I  do?  can  I  get  to  a  free  State,  or  any 
place,  where  I  can  enjoy  liberty  in  safety?" 

It  was  decided  that  for  the  present  he  must  be 
concealed,  and  he  was  secreted  among  his  friends, 
part  of  the  time  at  our  house,  and  part  at  the  house 
of  Vestal  Coffin.  A  council  was  held  by  Jack's 
friends  to  devise  some  plan  to  get  him  to  a  free 
State.  Bethuel  Coffin,  my  uncle,  who  lived  a  few 
miles  distant,  was  then  preparing  to  go  to  Indiana, 
on  a  visit  to  his  children  and  relatives  who  had  set- 
tled there.  He  would  be  accompanied  by  his  son 
Elisha,  then  living  in  Randolph  County,  and  by  his 
daughter  Mary.  They  intended  to  make  the  jour- 
ney in  a  two-horse  wagon,  taking  with  them  pro- 
visions and  cooking  utensils,  and  camp  out  on  the 
way.  This  was  the  usual  mode  of  traveling  in  those 
days.  The  road  they  proposed  to  take  was  called 
the  Kanawha  road.  It  was  the  nearest  route,  but 
led  through  a  mountainous  wilderness,  most  of  the 
way.  Crossing  Dan  River,  it  led  by  way  of  Patrick 
Court-House,  Virginia,  to  Maberry's  Gap,  in  the 
Blue  Ridge  mountains,  thence  across  Clinch  moun- 
tain, by  way  of  Pack's  ferry  on  New  River,  thence 
across  White  Oak  mountain  to  the  falls  of  the  Ka- 
nawha, and  down  that  river  to  the  Ohio,  crossing  at 
Gallipolis. 

This  was  thought  to  be  a  safe  route  for  Jack  to 
travel,  as  it  was  very  thinly  inhabited,  and  it  was 
decided  that  my  cousin  Vestal  and  I  should  go  to 
see  our  uncle,  and  learn  if  he  was  willing  to  incur 
the  risk  and  take  Jack  with  him  to  Indiana.    Hi:  said 


THE  STORY  OF  JACK  BARNES. 


35 


he  was  willing,  and  all  the  arrangements  were  made, 
and  the  time  for  starting  fixed.  The  night  after  they 
started,  Vestal  Coffin  took  Jack,  on  horseback,  to 
Dan  River,  about  twenty  miles  distant,  where  they 
camped  the  first  night,  and  where  the  fugitive  joined 
them. 

Here  we  will  leave  his  story  for  a  time,  and  turn 
to  the  trials  and  persecutions  of  another  slave,  named 
Sam,  who  lived  in  the  neighborhood  of  New  Garden. 
Osborne,  his  master,  who  might  have  represented  the 
character  of  Legree  in  "  Uncle  Tom's  Cabin,"  took 
particular  delight  in  whipping  and  abusing  poor  Sam, 
till  he  was  compelled  to  take  to  the  thickets  or  the 
premises  of  his  friends  for  safety.  Even  the  slave- 
holders in  the  neighborhood  sympathized  with  him. 
After  living  in  this  manner  for  several,  months,  and 
finding  no  opportunity  to  escape  to  the  North,  Sam 
went  to  Robert  Thompson,  a  slave-dealer,  and  asked 
him  to  buy  him.  He  was  willing  to  take  the  chance 
of  getting  a  better  master,  even  if  he  was  sold  to  the 
rice  swamps  of  the  far  South.  Thompson  went  to 
Osborne,  and  offered  him  six  hundred  dollars  for 
Sam,  "as  he  ran,"  taking  the  chances  of  his  capture. 

Osborne  replied,  "I'll  not  take  less  than  $999.99 
for  him  until  I  have  caught  him  ;  then,  after  I  have 
settled  with  him,  you  may  have  him  for  $550." 

Thompson  swore  at  Osborne,  and  told  him  he 
hoped  he  would  never  get  Sam,  then  returned  home, 
and  giving  Sam  a  pair  of  good  pantaloons,  told  him 
to  clear  himself  and  never  let  his  master  get  posses- 
sion of  him  again. 

A  few  days  after  my  uncle   had    started    on  his 


36  REMINISCENCES. 

journey  to  the  West,  Osborne  was  out  looking  for 
his  slave.  Meeting  a  man  whom  he  knew,  who  was 
returning  from  a  journey  near  the  mountains,  Os- 
borne asked  him  if  he  had  met  any  movers  on  that 
road  accompanied  by  a  negro. 

"Yes,"  was  the  reply;  "I  met  an  old  Quaker 
man  with  a  two-horse  wagon,  who  said  he  was  going 
to  Indiana,  and  there  was  a  negro  man  walking  a 
short  distance  behind  the  wagon." 

He  described  the  negro,  and  Osborne  said,  with 
an  oath : 

"That's  my  nigger  Sam,  I'm  sure.  The  rascal 
has  been  lying  out  for  several  months,  and  I  heard 
that  he  got  the  papers  of  some  free  nigger,  and  said 
he  intended  to  follow  the  first  movers  he  could  meet 
with  going  t«  the  West.  It  is  old  Mr.  Coffin  and 
his  son  Elisha;  I  know  them.  I  suppose  that  rascal 
Sam  has  met  with  them  somewhere  on  the  road,  and 
made  them  believe  he  is  a  free  man,  and  is  now 
traveling  with  them.  I  think  they  are  both  gentle- 
men and  would  not  steal  my  nigger.  Well,  I  will 
follow  them  and  get  that  rascal  Sam." 

As  I  was  returning  from  Fourth-day  meeting  at 
New  Garden,  the  third  day  after  my  uncle  started, 
I  met  a  man  who  had  heard  this  conversation  be- 
tween Osborne  and  the  traveler,  and  who  informed 
me  that  Osborne  had  gone  directly  home,  got  a 
fresh  horse  and  started  in  pursuit  that  very  morning. 
I  hastened  home  and  told  my  father  the  story.  We 
decided  that  something  must  be  done  immediately. 
We  knew  that  if  Osborne  should  come  up  with  the 
party  and  find  that  the  negro  was  not  his  Sam,  but 


THE  STORY  OF  JACK  BARNES.  37 

Jack  Barnes,  he  would  capture  him  all  the  same,  for 
he  knew  that  Jack  had  been  in  the  neighborhood, 
and  that  a  reward  was  offered.  He  would  recognize 
Jack  by  the  description  in  the  advertisement,  and 
would  secure  him,  and  bring  him  back  for  the  sake 
of  the  one  hundred  dollars  reward.  It  was  decided 
that  I  should  go  at  once  to  my  Cousin  Vestal,  a  man 
several  years  older  than  I  was,  and  a  faithful  worker 
in  the  cause  of  liberty,  and  see  if  he  could  not  sug- 
gest a  plan  by  which  Jack  might  be  saved.  I  laid 
the  matter  before  Vestal,  who  felt,  as  we  did,  that 
something  must  be  done,  and  that  quickly,  to  rescue 
Jack  from  Osborne's  clutches.  We  came  to  the  con- 
clusion, that  the  only  thing  to  be  done  was  for  some 
person  to  start  at  once  on  a  good  traveling  horse, 
and  go  far  enough  ahead  of  Osborne  to -warn  Jack  of 
his  danger.  Vestal  was  so  situated  that  he  could  not 
go,  but  he  accompanied  me  to  his  brother  Elihu's, 
to  see  what  arrangements  could  be  made  there.  We 
laid  the  matter  before  him,  knowing  that  he  would 
be  a  suitable  person  to  go,  but  he  could  not  leave  his 
business  then.  He  insisted  that  I  should  undertake 
the  trip,  and  Vestal  uniting  with  him,  I  decided  to 
go,  though  I  was  young  and  had  never  been  on  such 
a  responsible  journey  before. 

Elihu  offered  me  his  fine  traveling  mare  and  all 
the  necessary  equipments.  I  told  him  I  had  no 
money  with  me  and  no  overcoat — was  entirely 
unprepared  for  traveling,  as  I  had  no  such  prospect 
in  view  when  I  left  home.  But  they  agreed  to  fur- 
nish everything  needful,  and  to  inform  my  parents 
of  my  mission,  that  they  might  not  be  uneasy  at  my 


38  REMINISCENCES. 

long  absence.  Elihu  had  the  horse  brought  out  and 
freshly  shod,  and  prepared  a  wallet  of  oats  that  I 
might  feed  it  when  necessary  during  the  night.  His 
wife  prepared  some  provisions  for  me  to  eat  on  the 
journey,  which  were  placed  in  the  saddle-bags.  I 
put  on  Elihu's  warm  overcoat,  and  with  enough 
money  in  my  pocket  to  take  me  to  the  Ohio  River 
and  back,  I  felt  fully  equipped.  I  ate  my  supper, 
mounted  my  beautiful  traveling  mare,  and  started, 
between  sunset  and  dark.  There  was  no  moon,  but 
the  night  was  clear  and  the  stars  shone  brightly. 
The  first  ten  miles  of  the  way  was  familiar  to  me,  and 
I  had  directions  as  far  as  Dan  River  ford  ;  beyond 
that,  all  was  new  and  strange.  I  traveled  at  a  steady 
but  moderate  pace  the  first  twenty  miles,  and  reached 
the  ford  about  midnight.  Dan  River  at  this  place  is 
a  wide,  shallow  stream,  with  a  swift  current,  perfectly 
safe  to  cross  if  one  is  acquainted  with  the  ford. 
There  were  piles  of  stones  placed  at  intervals  across 
it,  to  guide  the  traveler,  but  it  was  difficult  to  see 
them  by  starlight,  and  when  I  got  to  the  middle  of 
the  river  I  lost  sight  of  them.  I  thought  I  had  got 
into  deep  water  and  that  my  mare  was  swimming — I 
seemed  to  go  so  swiftly  and  easily — but  I  soon  discov- 
ered it  was  my  head  that  was  swimming,  and  that  the 
animal  was  standing  still.  I  had  involuntarily  checked 
her  by  my  tight  hold  on  the  reins.  Casting  my  eye 
across  the  river  I  pushed  ahead,  and  in  a  few  mo- 
ments was  below  the  ford  and  in  deep  water.  My 
animal  swam  out  with  me  nicely,  but  I  got  a  good 
wetting.  Reaching  the  opposite  shore,  I  alighted, 
and  pulling  off  my  shoes,  wrung  the  water  from  my 


THE  STORY  OF  JACK  BARNES.  3g 

stockings  and  pantaloons  as  well  as  I  could.  I 
then  rubbed  the  limbs  of  the  mare,  and  after  giving 
her  some  oats  on  a  smooth  stone,  and  partaking  of 
some  food  from  my  store  in  the  saddle-bags,  I 
mounted  again,  and  set  off  at  greater  speed.  Now 
and  then  I  drew  rein  in  front  of  a  house  by  the  way- 
side, and  calling  somebody  out  of  bed,  inquired  the 
road  to  Patrick  Court-House.  After  receiving  direc- 
tions, I  rode  on  before  the  people  had  time  to 
question  me.  Just  at  daybreak  I  came  to  a  log- 
house  with  a  tavern  sign.  Calling  the  man  out,  I 
inquired  about  the  road  and  found  I  had  traveled 
forty-seven  miles.  The  man  told  me  if  I  would 
stop  an  hour  or  two,  I  would  have  company  on  my 
journey,  a  gentleman  who  had  stopped  with  him 
that  night  and  was  going  the  same  road,  adding : 

"He  is  in  pursuit  of  some  movers  who  have  one 
of  his  negroes  with  them." 

I  made  some  excuse  and  pushed  on.  I  knew  that 
it  was  Osborne  and  that  I  was  now  ahead  of  him, 
but  the  next  thought  was — can  I  keep  ahead  of  him  ? 
I  was  satisfied  that  I  could  not ;  I  had  traveled  all 
night  and  my  animal  was  tired,  while  his  had  rested 
through  the  night  and  would  be  fresh  for  the 
journey.  I  had  taken  good  care  of  my  mare,  giving 
her  a  light  feed  of  oats  several  times  during  the 
night  and  rubbing  her  legs  frequently;  she  seemed  in 
good  condition,  but  I  did  not  think  it  would  be  possi- 
ble to  push  ahead  and  reach  my  uncle's  wagon 
before  Osborne  overtook  me. 

Many  anxious  thoughts  passed  through  my  ex- 
cited mind,  and  finally  I  fixed  on  a  plan.      I  would 


40 


REMINISCENCES. 


stop  at  the  next  tavern,  which  was  a  few  miles  ahead, 
feed  my  mare,  get  breakfast  and  rest  a  few  hours, 
thus  allowing  Osborne  to  overtake  me.  I  knew  him 
by  sight  but  did  not  think  he  knew  me,  as  we  had 
never  had  any  acquaintance.  I  intended  to  travel 
awhile  in  his  company  and  find  out  his  plans,  then 
make  an  excuse  for  taking  another  road,  and  fall  back 
while  he  went  on,  then  pass  him  in  the  night  when 
he  was  at  some  tavern.  Public  houses  were  scarce 
in  that  poor  and  thinly  settled  part  of  Virginia,  and 
private  houses  would  not  take  in  travelers,  because 
the  law  of  the  State  did  not  allow  them  to  charge 
for  entertainment  without  obtaining  license.  It  was 
half  past  eight  o'clock  when  I  halted  at  the  next 
tavern,  and  called  for  breakfast,  and  food  for  my 
horse.  About  nine  o'clock  Osborne  rode  up  and 
stopped  for  the  same  purpose.  It  was  the  custom 
then,  in  traveling  on  horseback,  to  make  an  early 
start,  and  stop  about  nine  o'clock  for  breakfast. 

Osborne  went  to  the  bar  and  called  for  liquor  and 
invited  me  to  drink  with  him — though  I  was  a 
stranger  to  him — but  I  declined.  After  breakfast 
he  inquired  which  way  I  was  traveling.  I  told  him 
that  I  was  going  west,  would  cross  the  mountain  at 
Maberry's  Gap,  then  take  the  left-hand  road,  leading 
to  Burk's  Forks.  At  that  place  my  Uncle  Samuel 
Stanley  had  a  stock  farm  where  he  kept  a  number 
of  cattle  through  the  winter,  allowing  them  to  fatten 
on  the  range  during  the  summer.      I  said : 

"Last  fall  I  went  over  there  and  helped  my 
Cousin  Jessie  Stanley  drive  a  drove  of  beef  cattle 
home    to     Guilford    County,    then    we    crossed    the 


THE  STORY  OF  JACK  BARNES.  41 

mountain  at  Bell  Spur,  but  I  thought  I  would  cross 
this  time  at  Maberry's  Gap." 

Osborne  inquired:  "Is  your  name  Stanley?" 

"No,  it  is  Coffin." 

"Are  you  any  relation  to  old  Mr.  Bethuel  Cof- 
fin?" 

"Yes,  he  is  my  uncle." 

"Well,  I  am  in  pursuit  of  him." 

"What  is  the  matter?" 

"Why,  he  has  one  of  my  niggers  with  him,  tak- 
ing him  to  Indiana,  I  suppose." 

"How  is  that?"  I  asked,  assuming  great  surprise; 
"how  did  he  get  the  negro?  I  saw  him  start  and 
there  was  none  with  him  then." 

"  Oh,  I  don't  think  he  stole  the  nigger,"  said  Os- 
borne; then  he  went  on  to  relate  the  story  that  has 
been  told  before,  how  he  supposed  his  negro  had 
got  free  papers,  and  imposed  on  my  uncle. 

Osborne  now  supposed  my  only  business  was  the 
journey  to  Burk's  Fork;  I  had  certainly  deceived 
him,  but  told  no  untruth.  He  had  taken  several 
drinks,  and  now  became  very  jovial  and  familiar 
with  me,  expressing  great  satisfaction  that  I  was 
going  the  same  road ;  it  was  lonesome  traveling 
through  that  rough,  thinly  settled  country,  and  he 
was  glad  to  have  my  company.  His  pocket-bottle 
was  filled  with  whisky;  then  our  horses  were  brought 
to  the  door,  and  we  started  off  together.  As  we 
traveled  along  he  talked  and  joked  in  great  good 
humor,  but  I  hardly  heard  what  he  said,  for  my 
mind  was  still  full  of  plans  and  anxious  thoughts. 
He  had  frequent  recourse  to  his  whisky  bottle,  and 
4 


42 


REMINISCENCES. 


pressed  me  to  drink;  I  turned  it  up  to  my  mouth 
several  times,  but  took  care  that  no  liquor  passed 
down  my  throat.  I  wanted  to  encourage  his  drink- 
ing and  keep  my  own  head  clear,  thinking  that  if 
he  became  stupefied  with  liquor  I  could  more  easily 
gain  ground  upon  him,  reach  the  camp  that  night 
before  him,  and  warn  poor  Jack  of  his  danger. 

Osborne  communicated  all  his  plans  to  me,  saying 
that  he  did  not  intend  to  go  upon  them  in  the  day- 
time, but  to  keep  back,  when  he  came  near  them, 
till  they  had  camped  for  the  night;  then  he  would 
gather  a  company  of  armed  men,  surround  the 
camp  and  take  Sam,  dead  or  alive,  shooting  him 
down  if  he  attempted  to  escape.      He  said  : 

"See  here,  young  man,  I  want  you  to  go  with 
me,  and  help  capture  the  nigger;  I  will  pay  you 
well.  If  it  proves  not  to  be  Sam,  I  think  I  know 
who  it  is.  There  was  a  nigger  man  working  about 
last  winter  in  the  Quaker  settlement,  who  was  willed 
free  by  a  crazy  master,  but  the  heirs  broke  the  will 
and  have  advertised  for  him,  offering  a  hundred  dol- 
lars reward  to  any  one  who  will  secure  him  and  give 
them  notice.  His  name  is  Jack  Barnes,  and  he  is 
so  well  described  in  the  advertisement  I  think  I 
would  know  him.  If  it  is  not  my  nigger  with  your 
uncle,  it  must  be  that  fellow,  and  I  will  land  him  in 
Greenboro  jail,  sure.  If  you  will  go  along  and  help 
me  I  will  divide  the  reward  with  you ;  that  will  be 
fifty  dollars  apiece,  and  will  pay  us  well  these  hard 
times." 

I  made  several  excuses :  said  it  would  consume  too 
much  time,  my  business  was  urgent,  etc. 


THE  STORY  OF  JACK  BARNES. 


43 


"Now,  see  here,  my  good  fellow,"  continued  Os- 
borne, "you  will  lose  nothing.  I  will  return  with 
you  through  the  Burk's  Fork  settlement,  and  spend 
a  day  or  two  there,  giving  you  time  to  do  your  busi- 
ness.     Come,  what  do  you  say?" 

I  still  made  excuses,  though  I  had  fully  made  up 
my  mind  to  go  with  him,  having  come,  by  this  time, 
to  the  conclusion  that  my  first  plan  would  not  do. 
Osborne  had  inquired  of  every  person  we  met  in 
regard  to  the  party  of  movers,  asking  how  far  they 
were  ahead  and  if  there  was  a  negro  man  with  them. 
The  answer  to  the  last  question  was  always  "Yes;" 
then  Osborne  would  ask  them  to  describe  the  man, 
and  when  they  did,  he  would  exclaim,  with  an  oath, 
"That's  my  nigger,  sure." 

He  made  similar  inquiries  at  every  house,  and  the 
statements  he  received  confirmed  him  in  the  belief 
that  the  fugitive  was  his  slave.  Jack  answered  the 
description  of  Sam  pretty  well  in  regard  to  personal 
appearance.  All  this  made  it  plainer  to  me  that  my 
original  plan  would  not  do :  if  I  were  to  get  ahead 
of  Osborne,  overtake  my  uncle  and  get  Jack  out  of 
the  way  before  Osborne  came  upon  them,  and  try  to 
keep  him  out  of  the  way,  Osborne,  on  coming  to  the 
wagon  and  not  finding  the  negro,  could  easily  prove 
that  he  had  been  with  the  party  at  the  last  camping 
place,  and  might  harass  and  perhaps  detain  my  uncle. 
Then  it  would  be  difficult  for  me  to  keep  Jack  secure 
in  the  mountains  till  Osborne  gave  up  the  search 
and  returned  home,  and  then  try  to  place  him  with 
my  uncle  again.  This  arrangement,  therefore,  was 
abandoned,  and  I  resolved  to  travel  on  with  Osborne 


44 


REMINISCENCES. 


till  we  reached  the  movers,  hoping  that  the  influence 
of  the  liquor,  which  he  had  partaken  of  freely  during 
the  day,  or  some  other  influence,  would  aid  me  in 
effecting  Jack's  escape.  We  were  now  nearing  the 
top  of  the  Blue  Ridge,  and  in  the  afternoon  passed 
the  spot  where  my  uncle  had  camped  the  night  be- 
fore. A  short  distance  beyond  the  mountain  ridge 
was  the  road  that  led  to  Burk's  Forks.  When  we 
reached  it,  I  halted  and  allowed  Osborne  to  renew 
his  urgent  solicitations  and  offers  of  money.  Finally, 
and  in  an  apparently  reluctant  manner,  I  agreed  to 
keep  him  company,  just  to  oblige  him,  he  thought — ■ 
and  we  went  on  together.  By  this  time  we  were 
seemingly  much  attached  to  each  other.  Osborne's 
pocket  bottle  had  been  refilled,  at  my  expense,  and 
to  gain  still  further  his  favor,  I  exerted  myself  to 
entertain  him,  telling  him  stories  and  recounting 
jokes  that  kept  him  constantly  laughing.  It  is 
needless  to  say  that  this  gayety  was  all  assumed  on 
my  part,  for  I  was  still  weighed  down  with  the 
heavy  responsibility  of  my  mission.  Toward  night- 
fall we  learned  that  the  wagon  was  only  twelve  or 
fifteen  miles  ahead  of  us.  I  was  anxious  to  press  on 
and  accomplish  our  work  that  night,  pleading  the 
urgency  of  my  business  at  Burk's  Forks.  Osborne, 
on  the  contrary,  wished  to  stop  for  the  night  at  the 
first  house  that  afforded  entertainment.  I  said, 
"Let  us  stop  and  get  our  horses  fed,  allow  them  to 
rest  an  hour  or  two  and  take  some  refreshment  our- 
selves, then  press  on  and  finish  our  work  to-night." 

"No,  "said  Osborne,   "that  will  not  do.      I  want 
to  collect  a  company  of  eight  or  ten  men,  well  armed, 


THE  STORY  OF  JACK  BARNES. 


45 


to  surround  the  camp,  and  it  is  too  late  to  rally  them 
to-night." 

We  stopped  at  a  little  log-house,  where  a  sign 
indicated  entertainment  for  man  and  beast,  and 
called  for  refreshments.  I  was  now  getting  into  a 
part  of  the  country  I  had  seen  before,  Montgomery 
County,  Virginia.  I  had  spent  two  weeks  in  that 
county  the  previous  fall,  collecting  cattle,  as  I  had 
told  Osborne.  I  knew  that  one  Squire  Howells  kept 
a  tavern  on  that  road,  not  far  ahead ;  that  he  owned 
no  slaves,  and  was  a  popular  man  among  the  moun- 
taineers. I  inquired  the  distance  to  his  house,  and 
was  informed  that  it  was  eight  miles.  I  also  learned 
that  my  uncle's  party  had  passed  a  few  hours  before, 
and  would  probably  camp  near  Squire  Howells',  as 
it  was  a  favorable  spot,  on  account  of  water,  etc. 

I  now  renewed  my  persuasions  to  induce  Osborne 
to  go  on  ;  told  him  that  the  poor  cabin  where  we 
then  were  afforded  little  accommodation  or  comfort ; 
that  if  we  went  on  to  Squire  Howells'  we  would  be 
near  the  camp,  and  as  that  neighborhood  was  more 
thickly  settled,  we  could  collect  the  men  he  wanted 
and  accomplish  our  work  without  spending  another 
day.  He  finally  yielded,  and  called  for  our  horses. 
He  invited  me  to  drink  with  him  at  the  bar,  and  I 
sipped  the  liquor  lightly,  wishing  to  promote  his 
drinking.  It  was  now  dark,  but  the  stars  shone 
brightly,  and  we  made  our  way  along  the  road  with- 
out difficulty. 

We  arrived  at  Squire  Howells'  tavern  before  the 
inmates  had  gone  to  bed.  Riding  up  to  the  gate, 
we  hallooed,  and  the  landlord  came  out.     Osborne 


46  REMINISCENCES. 

inquired  if  a  two-horse  wagon  with  movers  had 
passed  that  evening,  and  where  they  would  be  likely 
to  camp.  Howells  replied,  "They  passed  this  even- 
ing ;  bought  some  horse  feed  of  me,  and  inquired  for 
a  good  camping  place.  I  directed  them  to  the  Six- 
Mile  Branch,  as  we  call  it,  a  stream  about  six  miles 
from  here,  where  they  would  find  good  water  and 
every  accommodation  for  camping." 

"Was  there  a  nigger  with  them?"  asked  Osborne. 

"Yes,"  answered  Howells,  and  gave  his  descrip- 
tion. 

"That's  my  nigger,"  said  Osborne;  "and  I  am 
after  him,  bound  to  have  him,  dead  or  alive.  I  want 
you  to  raise  a  company  of  men  and  help  me  capture 
him.      I  will  pay  you  well  for  it." 

"I  don't  much  like  that  kind  of  business,"  said 
Howells. 

"Oh,  I'll  make  you  like  it, "  added  Osborne;  "I 
have  plenty  of  money." 

A  glow  of  hope  and  comfort  warmed  my  heart.  I 
liked  Howells'  expression,  and  thought  perhaps  he 
might  aid  me  if  I  could  enlist  his  sympathy  for  the 
fugitive.  I  dismounted  and  said:  "Well,  we  will 
have  our  horses  fed,  get  some  refreshment,  and  talk 
the  matter  over."  Howells  invited  us  to  walk  into 
the  house  while  he  and  his  son  took  our  horses  to  the 
stable.  I  told  Osborne  to  go  in  and  I  would  go  to 
the  stable  to  give  directions  about  feeding  our 
horses.  I  was  all  excitement,  for  I  felt  that  the  crisis 
was  near.  Now  was  the  time  to  act,  if  I  succeeded 
in  saving  Jack.  It  would  be  difficult  to  describe 
my  feelings,  my  intense  anxiety.    I  had  traveled  one 


THE  STORY  OF  JACK  BARNES. 


47 


hundred  and  twenty  miles  without  sleep  or  rest, 
yet  I  felt  no  symptoms  of  sleepiness  or  fatigue. 
After  giving  directions  to  the  young  man  about 
feeding  our  horses,  I  took  Squire  Howells  to  one 
side  and  ventured  to  make  a  confidant  of  him.  I 
told  him  that  Osborne  and  I  were  from  the  same 
county  in  North  Carolina,  and  that  I  fell  in  company 
with  him  that  morning  as  I  was  traveling  in  this 
direction  on  business;  that  Osborne  was  in  pursuit 
of  my  uncle — the  man  with  the  wagon,  who  was 
going  to  Indiana — believing  that  he  had  one  of  his 
negroes  with  him.  I  gave  him  Osborne's  story, 
about  hearing  that  his  slave  had  got  hold  of  free 
papers;  then  pictured  Osborne's  character.  I  said 
that  the  master  was  a  cruel  tyrant,  and  that  the 
slave  was  a  faithful  servant  who  ran  away  on  account 
of  the  inhuman  treatment  he  received,  and  lay  out 
in  the  woods  and  thickets  for  several  months.  Os- 
borne bore  such  a  character  for  cruelty  in  the  neigh- 
borhood, that  even  the  slaveholders  would  not  aid 
him  in  capturing  his  negro.  After  relating  this,  I 
went  on  to  say  that  I  did  not  believe  the  negro  with 
my  uncle  was  Osborne's  slave,  but  another  fugitive, 
and  then  gave  the  story  of  Jack  Barnes.  I  said  that 
before  reaching  the  road,  on  top  of  the  mountain, 
leading  to  Burk's  Fork  settlement,  which  I  had 
intended  to  take,  Osborne  had  insisted  on  my  coming 
with  him  to  help  him  capture  his  slave,  and  feeling 
pretty  certain  that  the  negro  in  question  was  not  his 
Sam,  but  Jack  Barnes,  I  had  come  on  hoping  to  be 
of  use  in  another  way.  Jack,  in  my  opinion,  was 
entitled  to  his  freedom,  having  been  willed  free  by 


48  REMINISCENCES. 

his  master,  and  if  this  were  he,  I  would  have  noth- 
ing to  do  with  recapturing  him.  But  if  it  proved  to 
be  Osborne's  negro,  I  would  do  what  I  could  in 
aiding  the  master  to  recover  his  property.  I  did 
not  tell  Howells  all  I  knew ;  I  did  not  tell  him  that 
Sam,  Osborne's  slave,  was  lying  in  the  hay-mow  in 
my  father's  barn  when  I  left  home,  nor  that  I  knew 
to  a  certainty  that  the  negro  with  my  uncle  was 
Jack  Barnes. 

Howells  said  at  once:  "If  it  is  the  negro  you 
describe,  he  ought  to  be  free ;  I  would  not  detain 
him  a  moment,  but  would  much  rather  help  him  on 
his  way." 

I  told  him  Osborne's  plan  was  to  raise  a  company 
of  armed  men,  surround  the  camp  and  take  the  fugi- 
tive, dead  or  alive.  If  it  proved  to  be  Jack  Barnes, 
Osborne  would  drag  him  back  to  slavery  for  the 
sake  of  the  reward  offered. 

I  said:  "  I  hope  you  will  go  with  us,  and  help  me 
in  my  efforts  to  save  Jack  from  such  a  fate." 

He  replied:  "Since  hearing  your  statement  I 
have  concluded  to  go  with  you.  In  regard  to  the 
other  part,  it  will  depend  entirely  on  the  class  of 
men  Osborne  gets  to  go  with  him.  However,  I 
think  I  can  manage  that.  I  will  take  my  son  for 
one,  and  send  for  one  of  my  near  neighbors,  and  we 
will  pick  up  a  few  more  on  the  way." 

Some  relief  came  to  my  overburdened  mind,  and 
I  felt  quite  hopeful.  We  went  into  the  house  and 
found  Osborne  dancing  in  the  bar-room ;  he  had 
been  drinking,  and  was  quite  jubilant  over  the  pros- 


THE  STORY  OF  JACK  BARNES. 


49 


pect  of  soon  having-  his  negro  secured  with  the  hand- 
cuffs and  rope  he  had  in  his  saddle-bags. 

I  told  him  that  Squire  Howells  had  agreed  to  gc 
with  us.  and  would  collect  a  company  of  men  to 
surround  the  camp. 

"How  many  do  you  want?  "  asked  Howells. 

"  A  half  dozen  or  more,  beside  Mr.  Coffin  and 
myself,  and  all  must  be  armed,  for  if  the  rascal  at- 
tempts to  escape,  I  want  him  shot  down.  I  would 
much  rather  kill  him  than  let  him  get  away ;  he  has 
been  too  much  trouble  to  me  already.  I  will  give 
Mr.  Coffin  one  of  my  pistols  ;  he  says  he  has  none." 

Howells'  neighbor  came,  bringing  his  gun,  How- 
ells and  his  son  took  their  guns,  and  mounting  our 
horses  we  started  for  the  camp,  six  miles  distant.  It 
was  now  about  midnight.  As  we  traveled  on,  How- 
ells called  at  several  houses  a  little  off  the  road,  leav- 
ing us  in  the  road  till  he  returned.  He  thus  gained 
time  to  talk  with  the  men  and  give  them  the  right 
side  of  the  story.  Three  more  joined  us,  increasing 
our  party  to  eight.  All  were  armed  but  myself;  I 
declined  accepting  a  pistol  from  Osborne,  telling 
him  I  did  not  believe  in  killing  folks.  We  were 
now  getting  very  near  the  Six-Mile  Branch,  and 
my  heart  throbbed  with  intense  excitement.  A 
few  minutes  more  would  decide  it  all.  We  soon 
espied  the  camp-fire  and  retreated  a  little  way  to 
hold  a  consultation,  and  settle  the  plan  of  operation. 

Howells  struck  a  match  and  looked  at  his  watch  ; 

it  was  near  daylight.       Now  was   my   time,    and   I 

nerved   myself  to   the  effort,    feeling  that  I  needed 

the  eloquence  of  the  most  gifted  orator  to  aid  me 

5 


50 


REMINISCENCES. 


in  making  the  appeal  in  behalf  of  poor  Jack.  I  told 
the  men  that  before  we  formed  our  plan  of  attack, 
I  had  something  to  say  to  them,  and  then  went  on 
to  state  :  "If  the  negro  in  camp  with  my  uncle  is 
Osborne's  Sam,  I  will  do  all  I  can  to  secure  him,  but 
I  am  inclined  to  think  it  is  another  man,  a  negro 
who  was  willed  free  by  his  master  for  his  merito- 
rious conduct."  Then  I  gave  the  circumstances  of 
the  will  case,  and  described  Jack's  character  in  glow- 
ing terms,  adding  the  testimony  of  the  recommend- 
ation signed  by  the  leading  white  citizens  of  his 
own  neighborhood.  I  said  that  Jack  had  worked  in 
our  settlement  all  winter,  but  since  learning  the 
news  that  the  will  had  been  broken  and  he  was  con- 
signed to  slavery,  he  had  disappeared,  and  I  pre- 
sumed he  was  with  my  uncle  trying  to  make  his  way 
to  a  free  State.  If  this  is  the  man  we  find  in  camp, 
I  further  said,  I  will  have  nothing  to  do  with  cap- 
turing him. 

Howells  said:  "Mr.  Coffin  appears  to  act  from 
principle,  and  I  think  he  will  find  us  men  of  princi- 
ple too.  If  it  should  be  the  negro  described,  he 
ought  to  be  free,  and  I  would  much  rather  aid  him 
on  his' way  to  liberty  than  detain  him." 

The  rest  of  Howells'  company  joined  with  him, 
and  Osborne  seeing  them  all  agreed,  turned  clever 
fellow  too,  and  said  if  it  were  not  his  negro  he  would 
have  nothing  to  do  with  him.  But  he  still  thought 
it  would  prove  to  be  Sam.  I  now  told  them  I  had 
another  proposition  to  make: 

"If  we  were  to  surround  the  camp  and  break  in 
suddenly  upon  the  sleepers,    it   would    be    a   great 


THE  STORY  OF  JACK  BARNES.  5  L 

shock  and  alarm  to  them.  They  would  find  them- 
selves attacked  by  armed  men,  and  seeing  me  in  the 
midst  would  be  greatly  bewildered.  The  fright 
might  prove  an  injury  to  the  young  lady,  my  cousin, 
who  is  with  her  father.  As  it  is  now  near  daybreak, 
I  propose  that  we  wait  till  daylight,  when  I  will  go 
up  to  the  camp  alone,  leaving  you  concealed  in  the 
woods  and  thick  underbrush.  I  will  introduce  my- 
self to  my  uncle  and  give  him  privately  to  under- 
stand what  is  going  on,  and  if  the  negro  with  them 
is  Sam,  I  will  make  some  excuse  in  his  hearing,  pass 
on  a  little  way,  then  take  a  circuit  through  the 
bushes,  and  return  to  you.  Then  we  will  hitch  our 
horses  here,  slip  up  through  the  thick  bushes,  and, 
surrounding  the  camp,  pounce  upon  Sam  and  secure 
him.  But  if  I  find  that  it  is  Jack,  I  will  soon  ride 
back  in  sight  of  you  and  give  a  signal  for  you  to 
come  up  to  camp." 

All  agreed  to  this  but  Osborne,  who  objected  to 
the  plan,  fearing  he  should  lose  his  negro.  I  argued 
the  matter  with  him  and  told  him  if  his  negro  es- 
caped by  that  plan,  I  would  obligate  myself  to  pay 
for  him.  The  rest  thought  this  was  a  fair  offer,  and 
Osborne,  seeing  they  were  against  him,  finally  sub- 
mitted. When  daylight  had  fully  appeared,  I  rode 
up  to  camp.  They  were  greatly  surprised  at  my 
unexpected  appearance  in  the  wild  mountain  regions 
of  Virginia  at  such  an  hour.  I  hastily  informed  them 
of  my  errand.  Jack  was  much  alarmed  and  wanted 
to  flee  to  the  bushes,  but  I  assured  them  there  was 
no  danger  and  induced  him  to  remain  where  he  was. 
I  then  rode  back  in  sight  of  the  company  and  gave 


52 


REMNISOENCES. 


them  the  signal  to  come  forward.  They  advanced 
to  the  camp,  presenting  a  formidable  appearance 
with  their  guns,  enough  to  strike  terror  to  poor 
Jack's  heart.  My  uncle  and  cousin  knew  Osborne 
and  shook  hands  with  him  heartily.  There  was  a 
general  greeting  for  the  rest  of  the  party,  then  my 
uncle  got  out  a  jug  of  old  peach  brandy  from  his 
wagon,  and  passed  the  contents  freely  around.  We 
all  drank,  and  had  a  hearty  laugh,  which  made  the 
woods  and  rocks  around  us  ring  and  echo.  The 
morning  was  clear  and  bright,  the  load  of  care  was 
off  my  heart,  and  I  was  jubilant. 

But  poor  Jack  did  not  partake  of  our  merriment. 
He  still  feared  danger,  and  thought  that  the  party  of 
armed  men  had  come  to  take  him  back  to  slavery. 
When  brought  face  to  face  with  him,  Osborne  ac- 
knowledged that  it  was  not  his  negro,  but  said,  "  He 
looks  a  d sight  like  that  rascal  Sam." 

After  some  time  spent  in  talking,  joking,  and  par- 
taking of  my  uncle's  good  peach  brandy,  I  told  Os- 
borne that  I  would  stay  and  breakfast  with  my  uncle's 
party  and  see  them  off.  He  might  return  to  the 
tavern  with  friend  Howells  and  get  breakfast  and 
have  his  horse  fed,  and  I  would  join  him  there. 

This  gave  me  an  opportunity  to  explain  matters 
more  fully  to  my  uncle's  party,  and  to  remove  Jack's 
doubts  and  fears.  He  expressed  heartfelt  thanks 
to  me  for  my  efforts  in  his  behalf,  and  I  felt  repaid 
for  my  long  fatiguing  journey  and  intense  mental 
anxiety.  I  spent  an  hour  or  two  with  them,  then 
bade  them  good-by,   wishing  that  they  might  have 


THE  STORY  OF  JACK  BARNES. 


53 


a  safe  and  pleasant  journey,    and   land  Jack   in  In- 
diana, beyond  the  reach  of  the  cruel  task-master. 

I  now  turned  my  face  homeward.  The  excitement 
was  over,  the  anxiety  was  gone.  In  looking  back 
cer  the  work  of  the  past  few  days,  I  felt  that  the 
hand  of  God  was  in  it.  He  had  blessed  my  efforts; 
he  had  guided  my  steps ;  he  had  strengthened  my 
judgment.  My  hear.t  was  full  of  thankfulness  to 
my  Heavenly  Father  for  his  great  mercy  and  favor; 
my  eyes  filled  with  tears,  and  I  wept  for  joy.  Then, 
as  I  rode  along  slowly  through  the  thick  woods,  I 
reflected  on  what  I  should  do  next.  Osborne  was 
waiting  for  me  at  Squire  Howells'  tavern,  and  I  must 
soon  join  him.  I  did  not  want  his  company  on  the 
homeward  journey,  but  knew  not  how  to  get  rid  of 
it.  He  had  promised  to  accompany  me  to  Burk's 
Fork,  where  he  understood  I  had  business.  That 
would  be  ten  or  fifteen  miles  out  of  our  way,  but  I 
saw  no  other  way  to  make  my  story  good  and  keep 
him  blinded  in  regard  to  my  real  mission.  While 
pondering  on  this  dilemma,  I  arrived  at  Howells', 
and  soon  saw  a  way  out  of  my  difficulties.  In  that 
State,  magistrates  had  certain  days  to  attend  to  law 
business,  and  this  was  one  of  Squire  Howells'  days. 
Several  men  had  already  come,  on  law  business,  and 
as  Osborne  and  I  were  talking  about  our  route,  I  saw 
a  man  whom  I  knew  ride  up  and  dismount  from  his 
horse.  He  lived  in  Burk's  Fork  settlement,  near  my 
Uncle  Stanley's  farm.  I  had  had  some  acquaintance 
with  him  the  previous  fall,  and  when  I  went  out  and 
met  him,  he  recognized  me.  I  told  Osborne  to 
have  his  horse  got  out  and  we  would  be  off;  mean* 


*a  REMINISCENCES. 

while  I  took  this  man  apart  and  entered  into  conver- 
sation with  him.  I  asked  him  all  the  questions  I 
could  think  of  about  my  uncle's  cattle,  and  his  grass 
farm  and  the  man  who  lived  on  it,  inquiring  if  he 
gave  proper  attention  to  the  cattle  out  on  the  range, 
salting  them  frequently  to  keep  them  tame  and  gen- 
tle, etc.,  etc. 

I  then  went  to  Osborne  and  told  him  that  I  had 
been  quite  fortunate;  I  had  met  a  man  right  from 
Burk's  Fork,  a  reliable  person  to  whom  I  committed 
my  business,  and  now  we  were  saved  the  time  and 
trouble  of  going  out  of  the  way — we  could  go  di- 
rectly home.  This  seemed  to  please  him,  and  it 
was  certainly  a  relief  to  me.  He  got  his  bottle  filled 
at  the  bar,  then  we  mounted  our  horses  and  set  our 
faces  homeward.  My  fleet  mare  kept  up  wonder- 
fully; she  traveled  well,  though  for  two  days  and 
nights  she  had  had  little  rest.  As  for  myself,  I  was 
exceedingly  weary ;  the  sharp  tension  of  mind  and 
body  was  relaxed,  and  I  felt  the  need  of  sleep  and 
rest.  When  night  overtook  us,  we  were  in  a  poor, 
thinly  settled  region,  and  though  we  asked  for  enter- 
tainment at  all  the  private  houses — some  of  them 
mere  huts — which  we  passed,  we  were  not  taken  in, 
and  had  to  travel  till  eleven  o'clock  before  we  reach- 
ed a  tavern.  We  had  our  horses  put  up  and  called 
for  supper,  and  it  was  after  midnight  when  we  got 
to  bed.  I  felt  worn  out  and  fell  into  a  hard  sleep ; 
arising  in  the  morning  but  little  refreshed.  After  an 
early  breakfast,  we  started  again,  and  pursued  our 
journey  together  very  pleasantly.  The  next  day  we 
arrived  at  home,  and  Osborne  and  I  parted  on  gooc 


THE  STORY  OF  JACK  BARNES. 


55 


terms ;  he  lived  eight  or  ten  miles  from  my  father's. 

I  was  warmly  greeted  by  my  parents  and  friends ; 
they  had  felt  anxious  about  me  and  were  elated  with 
my  success.  The  night  after  my  return  Sam  slept 
in  the  hay-mow  of  my  father's  barn.  I  carried 
victuals  to  him  and  told  him  the  story  of  my  journey 
with  his  master.  He  evinced  his  emotion  during 
the  recital  by  various  exclamations  in  a  subdued 
tone.  We  dared  not  speak  aloud,  not  knowing  who 
might  be  lurking  around  in  the  dark,  watching  for 
him  or  some  other  fugitive. 

About  two  weeks  afterward,  Osborne  came  to  my 
father's  house  to  get  me  to  go  with  him  to  hunt  his 
negro.  He  said  he  thought  Sam  was  skulking 
about  in  that  neighborhood,  probably  hiding  dur- 
ing the  day  in  the  thickets  between  our  house  and 
old  Dr.  Caldwell's.  He  thought  Dr.  Caldwell's 
negroes  fed  him,  for  he  heard  that  runaways  often 

lay  in  those  thickets  and  were  fed  by  those  d d 

niggers.  My  father  reproved  him  for  using  profane 
language,  and  he  replied  : 

"It's  enough  to  make  anybody  swear.  I  have 
lost  time  and  money  looking  after  that  rascal.  I 
can  hear  of  his  skulking  around  Dr.  Caldwell's 
nigger  huts,  but  can't  find  him.  I  have  got  ac- 
quainted with  your  son,  Mr.  Coffin,  and  think  him 
a  fine  young  fellow  ;  I  had  rather  trust  him  than 
anybody  in  this  neighborhood.  I  don't  know  the 
woods  among  these  thickets,  and  want  him  to  go 
with  me." 

I  said  I  would  go,  as  I  was  well  acquainted  with 
all  the  paths  and   byways  through  the  woods,  hav- 


56  REMINISCENCES. 

ing  often  traversed  them  when  hunting  for  deer  and 
wild  turkeys,  or  looking  after  our  out  hogs.  Father 
then  invited  Osborne  to  eat  dinner  with  us  and  have 
his  horse  fed.  He  accepted  the  invitation,  and  my 
father  was  very  social  and  friendly  with  him,  but 
reproved  him  if  he  used  profane  language,  as  he 
frequently  did  in  common  conversation.  After  din- 
ner I  got  out  my  horse  and  his,  and  we  started 
off  slave-hunting.  Rather  novel  business  for  me,  I 
thought,  but  I  guess  I  knew  what  I  was  about.  Old 
Dr.  Caldwell  lived  a  mile  and  a  half  east  of  my 
father's  place.  The  space  between  the  two  farms 
was  densely  overgrown  with  small  trees,  shrubs  and 
vines  —  the  large  timber  having  been  destroyed  by 
fire  some  years  before.  These  thickets  were  the 
resort  of  wild  game  of  different  kinds,  and  formed 
also  good  hiding-places  for  fugitive  slaves.  In  some 
of  these,  .  near  Dr.  Caldwell's,  Osborne  supposed 
Sam  to  be  lurking,  but  I  knew  that  he  was  then  sit- 
ting in  a  thicket,  half  a  mile  northeast  of  my  father's, 
weaving  baskets.  Caldwell's  slaves  were  frequently 
permitted  to  go  to  the  neighbors  after  night  to  sell 
the  baskets  which  they  had  woven  during  spare 
hours,  and  in  this  way  they  disposed  of  Sam's  bas- 
kets for  him.  Only  that  morning  I  had  taken  him 
some  victuals  when  I  went  to  feed  some  of  our  out 
hogs  that  ranged  in  that  direction.  I  guided  Osborne 
toward  the  southeast,  to  a  dense  thicket  not  far  from 
Dr.  Caldwell's.  Dismounting  from  our  horses,  we 
hunted  through  this  thoroughly,  and  followed  a 
spring  branch  to  its  source  in  another  thicket  look- 
ing for  tracks  made  by  Sam's  feet  when  he  came  to 


THE  STORY  OF  JACK  BARNES. 


57 


get  water.  We  then  searched  in  neighboring  thick- 
ets but  found  no  trace  of  Sam.  I  guided  Osborne  far- 
ther to  the  south  all  the  time,  widening  the  distance 
between  him  and  the  object  of  his  search.  Quite 
discouraged  at  finding  no  track  of  Sam,  Osborne 
finally  gave  up  the  hunt,  and  we  rode  out  of  the 
bushes  into  the  Greensboro  road.  Osborne  of- 
fered to  pay  me  for  my  time  and  trouble,  but  I 
refused  to  take  anything ;  then  he  thanked  me  for 
my  services  and  we  parted.  I  reached  home  about 
sunset,  feeling  that  I  should  be  well  satisfied  if  that 
was  my  last  slave  hunt.  Osborne  afterward  re- 
marked to  some   one  that  there  was  not  a  man  in 

that  neighborhood  worth  a  d n  to  help  him  hunt 

his  negro,  except  young  Levi  Coffin. 

About  this  time  one  of  our  neighbors,  named 
David  Grose  —  a  man  respected  by  all  who  knew 
him — sold  his  farm,  and  prepared  to  move  with  his 
family  to  the  State  of  Indiana.  Vestal  Coffin  and  I 
held  frequent  consultations  about  Sam,  knowing 
that  he  was  liable  to  be  captured  so  long  as  he 
remained  in  the  neighborhood,  and  we  thought  this 
was  a  good  opportunity  to  get  him  to  a  free  State, 
if  David  Grose  was  willing  to  assume  the  risk.  We 
knew  Grose  to  be  a  kind-hearted,  benevolent  man, 
of  anti-slavery  sentiments,  but  whether  he  would  be 
willing  to  undertake  anything  so  hazardous  was  a 
question  to  be  decided.  We  concluded  to  go  to  his 
house  and  lay  the  matter  before  him.  He  seemed 
deeply  interested  in  Sam's  case,  and  said  he  would 
consult  his  wife  and  consider  the  subject.  Having 
never  seen  Sam,  he  expressed  a  desire  to  see  and 


58  REMINISCENCES. 

talk  with  him,  and  ascertain  if  he  was  a  bright, 
shrewd  fellow,  who  could  be  relied  on  to  act  up  to 
arrangements,  and  carry  out  plans  for  traveling,  etc. 
Vestal  and  I  agreed  to  bring  Sam  to  Grose's  house 
between  twelve  and  one  o'clock  on  a  night  ap- 
pointed; It  was  unsafe  to  come  at  an  earlier  hour, 
for  there  might  be  persons  passing  about  who  would 
betray  us.  It  was  death,  by  the  law  of  North 
Carolina,  to  steal  negroes,  and  a  heavy  penalty  to 
feed  or  harbor  a  runaway  slave.  At  the  time  ap- 
pointed, and  on  several  subsequent  nights,  we  ac- 
companied Sam  to  Grose's  house  and  held  confer- 
ences in  a  private  room,  maturing  our  plans  and 
fixing  the  time  for  starting.  One  night  we  narrowly 
escaped  being  detected  by  the  patrol,  a  body  of 
armed  men  who  acted  as  watchmen  or  mounted 
police.  They  acted  chiefly  in  the  interest  of  the 
slaveholders,  arresting  all  slaves  they  found  out  at 
night  without  passes  from  their  masters,  and  admin- 
istering to  them  severe  whippings,  and  keeping  a 
sharp  look-out  for  fugitives. 

On  the  occasion  referred  to,  Vestal  and  I,  in  com- 
pany with  Sam,  were  going  along  the  main  road, 
about  twelve  o'clock  at  night,  on  our  way  to  Grose's 
house.  Suddenly  hearing  the  sound  of  horses'  feet 
coming  toward  us,  we  sprang  out  of  the  road  and 
threw  ourselves  down  behind  a  large  log  in  the 
woods.  We  had  no  time  to  get  further  away,  and 
lay  close  to  the  ground,  hoping  to  escape  detection, 
while  our  hearts  throbbed  with  excitement,  and  the 
sound  of  horses'  feet  came  nearer  and  nearer.  When 
the  party  passed  us,  we  heard  the  riders  talking,  and 


THE  STORY  OF  JACK  BARNES.  ,Q 

learned  from  their  conversation  that  they  were  the 
patrol.  They  were  talking  about  capturing  runaway 
slaves,  telling  of  their  exploits  in  that  business,  and 
boasting  of  how  many  niggers  they  had  whipped. 
Their  conversation  was  plentifully  interlarded  with 
oaths.  I  well  remember  the  thoughts  that  passed 
through  my  mind  as  I  lay  behind  that  log.  I  felt 
that  I  could  fully  realize  the  sensation  of  the  poor 
hunted  fugitive  as  he  lay  in  woods  or  thickets,  trem- 
bling lest  any  sound  that  greeted  his  ear  should 
prove  to  be  the  step  of  a  pursuer,  come  to  drag  him 
back  to  cruel  bondage.  I  could  appreciate  the  anx- 
iety and  distress  that  filled  his  mind  as  he  wandered 
about  in  search  of  food,  perhaps  bearing  on  his  back, 
in  marks  that  were  bleeding  and  sore,  the  cruel  cuts 
of  his  master's  lash.  I  could  realize  vividly  his  for- 
lorn situation,  exposed  to  the  rain  and  cold  and 
obliged  to  suffer  from  hunger,  unless  he  could  steal 
food  or  find  some  person  who  would  venture  to  vio- 
late the  laws  of  the  land  and  give  him  something  to 
eat,  and  allow  him  to  seek  shelter  in  the  hay-mow 
of  his  barn.  When  the  patrol  had  passed,  and  we 
heard  the  sound  of  their  horses'  feet  dying  away  in 
the  distance,  we  arose  from  our  hiding-place,  speak- 
ing to  each  other  in  whispers,  and  slipped  silently 
through  the  woods  in  the  darkness.  Finally,  we 
ventured  to  return  to  the  road,  and  hearing  no  sound 
of  horseman  or  foot  traveler,  we  resumed  our  jour- 
ney, stepping  as  lightly  as  we  could.  We  approach- 
ed David  Grose's  house  cautiously,  not  knowing 
what  enemy  might  be  lying  in  wait.  The  dog,  which 
was  fast  in  his  kennel,  gave  a  short  bark,  but  soon 


60  REMINISCENCES. 

became  quiet,  and  we  passed  around  to  the  kitchen, 
where  David  was  waiting  for  us. 

The  windows  were  darkened,  and  a  dim  light  was 
burning  inside.  David  admitted  us,  and  we  soon 
completed  the  arrangement  for  Sam  to  accompany 
him  to  Indiana.  He  had  a  large  wagon,  drawn  by 
four  horses,  and  intended  to  take  what  was  called 
the  Kentucky  road,  crossing  the  Blue  Ridge  at 
Ward's  Gap,  crossing  New  River  near  Wythe  Court- 
House,  Virginia,  thence  by  way  of  Abingdon,  cross- 
ing Cumberland  River  near  Knoxville,  thence  over 
the  Cumberland  mountains  and  through  Kentucky 
to  Cincinnati,  Ohio.  He  agreed  to  take  the  bundle 
of  clothing  we  had  prepared  for  Sam,  in  his  wagon ; 
Sam  was  to  travel  at  night,  and  come  up  to  the  camp 
each  morning  before  daylight  to  get  his  breakfast 
and  enough  provisions  to  last  him  through  the  day, 
while  hiding  in  the  bushes.  The  road  was  rough, 
and  led  over  hills  and  mountains  the  greater  part 
of  the  way,  and  the  movers  would  not  be  able  to 
make  more  than  twenty  miles  a  day;  so  Sam  could 
easily  keep  up  with  them. 

Where  the  road  forked,  Grose  was  to  leave  a  green 
bush  or  some  other  sign  in  the  road  he  had  taken, 
in  order  to  guide  Sam,  and  when  he  approached 
rivers  that  must  be  crossed  by  ferries,  he  would 
camp  near  the  bank  and  wait  for  Sam  to  come  up, 
then  conceal  him  in  the  wagon,  and  thus  convey  him 
to  the  other  side. 

Matters  were  now  all  arranged,  and  understood  by 
both  parties.      Our  conference  closed,  and  as  it  was 


THE  STORY  OF  JACK  BARNES.  gf 

near  daylight  we  hurried  away,  Vestal  and  I  to  our 
separate  homes,  Sam  to  our  hay-mow. 

Some  shrewd  young  men,  not  over-conscientious 
about  violating  the  slave  laws  of  the  State,  believing 
that  every  man  was  entitled  to  liberty  who  had  not 
forfeited  that  God-given  right  by  crime,  managed  to 
get  hold  of  free  papers  belonging  to  a  free  colored 
man  in  the  neighborhood,  and  copied  them,  counter- 
feiting the  names  of  the  signers  as  well  as  they  could, 
not  stopping  to  consider  the  severe  penalty  attached 
to  such  violations  of  the  law.  It  was  so  managed 
that  the  papers  were  given  to  Sam  by  a  slave,  and 
he  was  instructed  not  to  use  them  unless  he  should 
get  into  a  tight  place — even  then  they  might  not 
save  him. 

The  night  after  Grose  and  his  family  started  on 
their  journey,  we  sent  Sam  on  horseback,  with  a 
trusty  young  man,  to  my  Uncle  Samuel  Stanley's, 
about  ten  miles  on  his  route.  According  to  arrange- 
ments, previously  made,  he  was  to  remain  there  that 
night  and  the  next  day,  then,  on  the  following  night, 
overtake  the  movers. 

But  next  day,  my  cousin,  Jesse  Stanley,  being 
about  to  start  on  a  short  business  journey  to  the  west, 
concluded  to  give  Sam  a  lift  by  taking  him  to  drive 
his  carriage  as  far  as  he  traveled  on  Sam's  road.  He 
thought  that  he  would  incur  no  risk,  as  Sam  was  now 
out  of  the  neighborhood  where  he  was  known.  But 
it  was  a  daring  venture,  and  afterward  involved  my 
cousin  in  trouble,  for,  while  traveling  the  main  road, 
they  met  a  man  living  near  Greensboro,  who  was 
returning  from  Salem,  Stokes  County,  to  his  home. 


62  REMINISCENCES. 

He  did  not  know  my  cousin,  but  recognized  Sam  at 
once,  though  he  did  not  speak.  We  will  refer  to 
this  again. 

Sam  overtook  the  movers  that  night  and  traveled 
on,  as  arranged,  lying  by  in  the  daytime  and  pursuing 
his  journey  at  night.  He  got  along  all  right  for 
more  than  a  week,  having  in  this  time  crossed  the 
Blue  Ridge,  and  traveled  some  distance  in  Virginia. 
One  morning  he  came  up  to  the  party,  then  camped 
on  the  Abingdon  road,  some  distance  beyond  Wythe 
Court-House,  but  still  in  Wythe  County.  He  got 
his  supply  of  food  as  usual,  then  retired  some  dis- 
tance from  the  road  to  find  a  safe  hiding-place  among 
the  hills.  He  remained  in  a  dense  thicket  during  the 
day,  and  at  night  attempted  to  make  his  way  into 
the  main  road.  But  he  heard  wolves  howling  near 
him,  and  suddenly  found  himself  surrounded  by  a 
hungry  pack,  their  eyes  glaring  like  balls  of  fire  in 
the  darkness.  He  had  no  weapon  but  a  pocket- 
knife,  and  that  was  useless  against  such  enemies. 
Seizing  a  club,  he  beat  his  way  through  them  and 
reached  a  by-road,  but  was  so  frightened  and  bewil- 
dered that  he  knew  not  which  way  to  turn  to  reach 
the  main  road.  Running  as  fast  as  he  could  to  escape 
the  wolves,  he  heard  dogs  barking,  and  guided  by  the 
sound,  made  his  way  to  a  cabin.  It  was  inhabited  by 
the  class  of  people  known  down  South  as  poor  white 
trash.  He  ventured  in  and  inquired  the  way  to  the 
main  road,  saying  he  belonged  to  a  party  of  movers, 
going  to  Tennessee,  who  had  camped  a  few  miles 
ahead  on  the  Abingdon  road.  He  said  he  had  been 
sent  back  to  look  for  something  left  behind,  and  had 


THE  STORY  OF  JACK  BARNES.  63 

lost  his  way.  The  people  seemed  friendly  and  invited 
him,  saying  that  they  would  send  for  one  of  the 
neighbors  to  go  with  him  and  show  him  the  way. 
Sam  suspected  no  danger  and  came  into  the  cabin, 
to  rest  from  his  hasty  run  and  his  fright.  In  a  short 
time  the  boy  who  had  been  sent  to  the  neighbors 
returned,  accompanied  by  two  men.  Poor  Sam  now 
saw  that  he  was  in  a  trap.  There  was  but  one  door 
to  the  cabin,  and  the  men  stood  in  that,  looking 
at  him  fiercely  and  questioning  him  closely.  They 
accused  him  of  being  a  runaway  slave,  which  he 
denied,  but  could  produce  no  free  papers  to  prove 
his  assertion — the  papers  furnished  him  being  with 
his  bundle  of  clothes  in  the  wagon.  The  men  seized 
him  and  tied  him  fast,  believing  him  to,  be  a  runaway 
slave,  and  hoping  no  doubt  to  receive  a  large  reward 
for  capturing  so  valuable  a  piece  of  property.  Next 
day  he  was  taken  back  to  Wythe  Gourt-House  and 
put  in  jail,  no  camp  of  movers  being  discovered  in 
the  neighborhood  where  he  was  captured. 

In  slave  States  every  negro  was  regarded  as  a 
slave  unless  he  could  produce  evidence  that  he  was 
free,  and  when  one  was  captured  and  it  could  not  be 
ascertained  who  his  master  was,  he  was  advertised  in 
the  county  newspapers.  A  full  description  of  him 
was  given,  and  if  no  owner  applied  for  him  within  the 
time  fixed  by  law,  he  was  sold  to  the  highest  bid- 
der ;  part  of  the  money  being  used  to  pay  jail  fees 
and  other  expenses,  the  rest  going  into  the  county 
treasury.  Sam  would  not  give  his  master's  name, 
still  claiming  that  he  was  free,  and  he  was  adver- 
tised.    The  advertisement  was  copied  in  the  Greens- 


64 


REMINISCENCES. 


boro  Patriot,  and  Osborne  saw  it.  Believing  the 
person  described  to  be  his  slave  Sam,  he  went  to 
Wythe  Court-House,  Virginia,  and  claimed  him. 
He  put  poor  Sam  in  irons^and  started  homeward, 
but  never  brought  him  back  to  Guilford  County, 
The  story  he  told  afterward  was  that  he  had  re- 
turned by  way  of  Salisbury,  North  Carolina,  and 
there  sold  Sam  to  a  slave-trader.  We  only  had  Os- 
borne's statement  for  this,  and  some  thought  that  he 
was  wicked  and  revengeful  enough  to  have  whipped 
poor  Sam  to  death  in  some  wild  spot  in  the  Virginia 
mountains  ;  others  thought,  however,  that  even  his 
desire  for  revenge  would  not  lead  him  to  sacrifice  so 
valuable  a  piece  of  property.  At  any  rate,  that  is 
the  last  we  ever  heard  of  poor  Sam. 

Some  time  after  Osborne  returned  from  Virginia, 
he  learned  that  Sam  had  been  seen  driving  my 
Cousin  Jesse  Stanley's  carriage,  just  before  he 
started  for  the  Northwest.  After  getting  all  the 
necessary  evidence,  he  set  about  procuring  a  writ  to 
arrest  Stanley  for  negro  stealing.  This  crime,  it  will 
be  remembered,  was  punishable  by  death  according 
to  the  laws  of  that  State.  I  received  intelligence  of 
Osborne's  intentions  while  at  my  school.  I  was 
then  teaching  near  Deep  River  Meeting-House, 
about  eight  miles  from  my  home.  During  the 
week  I  boarded  with  a  family  near  by,  riding  home 
at  the  last  of  the  week.  The  news  reached  me 
about  noon  one  day,  and  I  immediately  adjourned 
my  school  till  the  next  week,  telling  my  pupils  that 
special  business  claimed  my  attention. 

I   kept  my  horse    at    my  boarding-place,   and    it 


THE  STORY  OF  JACK  BARNES. 


65 


did  not  take  long  for  me  to  saddle  and  bridle  it, 
mount,  and  be  off.  My  Uncle  Samuel  Stanley  lived 
ten  miles  away,  near  the  western  line  of  Guilford 
County.  I  made  the  distance  in  a  short  time,  and 
informed  my  uncle's  family  of  the  threatened  danger. 
They  were  of  course  greatly  alarmed,  and  immedi- 
ately began  to  ask  what  should  be  done.  My  Cousin 
Jesse  was  about  my  own  age,  and  we  were  much 
attached  to  each  other,  seeming  more  like  brothers 
than  cousins.  I  entered  fully  into  the  feelings 
of  the  family,  and  advised  Jesse  to  flee  from  the 
State  at  once.  It  was  decided  that  he  should  go 
to  Philadelphia,  Pennsylvania,  where  he  had  rela- 
tives. The  distance  was  fully  six  hundred  miles,  and 
there  was  no  public  conveyance  by  the  route  he 
must  go.  He  must  travel  on  horseback  and  start 
immediately ;  there  was  no  time  for  deliberate  prepa- 
ration or  leave-taking.  He  needed  a  new  coat  and 
hat,  and  as  I  happened  to  have  on  a  good  coat  and 
a  new  hat,  I  exchanged  with  him.  We  fitted  him 
out  as  well  as  we  could  on  such  short  notice,  and  his 
horse  was  brought  to  the  door.  I  agreed  to  travel 
with  him  that  night,  for  company,  and  see  him  safely 
out  of  the  State. 

We  started  about  sunset  and  traveled  a  by-way 
till  dark — then  came  out  into  the  main  road.  We 
made  good  progress  and  soon  got  out  of  Guilford 
County,  and  into  Rockingham  County,  which  bor- 
dered on  Virginia.  I  continued  with  him  until  we 
crossed  into  Virginia,  then  bade  him  good-by  and 
returned  to  my  father's  house,  much  fatigued  with 
6 


65  REMINISCENCES. 

my  journey,  but  rejoiced  to  know  that  my  cousin 
was  safe  from  the  clutches  of  the  law. 

He  arrived  safely  in  Philadelphia,  where  he  soon 
engaged  in  teaching.  He  continued  in  that  profession 
about  twelve  years,  marrying  in  the  meantime  an 
excellent  woman  with  whom  he  lived  happily.  After 
an  absence  of  nearly  twenty  years  he  paid  a  visit  to 
his  friends  in  North  Carolina,  but  heard  nothing  of 
Osborne's  writ  for  negro  stealing.  I  might  relate 
here  that  after  my  cousin  left  the  country,  Osborne 
searched  for  evidence  that  might  implicate  others  for 
harboring  his  slave.  He  finally  learned  that  Sam 
had  been  seen  at  Abel  Stanley's,  Jesse's  uncle. 
Abel  at  that  time  had  sold  his  farm,  intending  to 
move  to  Indiana.  Hearing  that  Osborne  was  pre- 
paring to  have  him  arrested,  he  fled  from  the  State, 
leaving  his  family  to  complete  the  arrangements  for 
moving  and  join  him  in  Indiana.  The  rest  of  us, 
who  were  more  deeply  involved  in  the  crime  of  har- 
boring and  feeding  the  fugitive  slave,  than  either  of 
the  Stanleys,  escaped  detection,  and  were  never 
troubled  by  Osborne. 

In  the  fall  of  1822,  the  year  after  David  Grose 
had  left  North  Carolina,  I  accompanied  my  brother- 
in-law,  Benjamin  White,  and  his  family  to  Indiana. 
We  traveled  the  same  road  that  David  Grose  had 
traveled,  camping  out  every  night  as  was  the  cus- 
tom of  movers  at  that  day.  While  passing  through 
Wythe  County,  Virgina,  we  camped  near  the  place 
where  Sam  had  been  taken,  and  there  learned  all 
the  particulars  of  his  being  chased  by  wolves,  his 
capture  and  imprisonment.      When  we  reached  Rich- 


THE  STORY  OF  JACK  BARNES. 


67 


mond,  Indiana — near  which  place  my  brother-in-law 
located  for  the  winter — I  inquired  for  Jack  Barnes 
and  learned  that  he  lived  at  Milton,  about  fifteen 
miles  to  the  west.  Having  relatives  at  that  place, 
I  went  there,  in  a  few  days,  traveling  on  horseback. 
As  I  rode  into  the  village,  almost  the  first  man  I 
saw  was  Jack  Barnes.  As  soon  as  he  recognized 
me,  he  hastened  to  me  and  clasped  me  in  his  arms, 
uttering  exclamations  of  joy  and  gratitude  that  at- 
tracted the  passers-by.  A  little  crowd  of  people  gath- 
ered, and  Jack  told  them  that  I  had  saved  him  from 
slavery,  that  if  it  had  not  been  for  me,  he  would 
have  been  dragged  back  to  prison  and  perhaps 
sold  to  the  rice  swamps  of  Georgia,  or  the  cotton 
fields  of  Alabama,  where  his  only  allowance  of  food 
would  have  been  a  peck  of  corn  a  week.  When  his 
first  excitement  was  over,  he  wanted  to  give  me 
some  money,  to  repay  me  for  my  trouble  and  exer- 
tion on  his  behalf.  I  told  him  that  I  was  amply 
repaid  and  would  not  receive  a  cent.  Jack  had  got 
employment  at  good  wages,  had  been  industrious 
and  frugal,  and  had  accumulated  property.  Milton 
was  a  new  place  then ;  Jack  had  bought  a  lot  and 
built  the  first  cottage  in  the  village.  He  had  many 
friends  in  the  place,  and  it  would  have  been  a  diffi- 
cult task  for  Osborne,  Barnes'  heirs,  or  anybody 
else,  to  have  captured  Jack  and  taken  him  away  from 
Milton. 

Early  in  the  following  spring,  I  went  to  Terre 
Haute,  Vigo  County,  to  enter  land  for  my  brother- 
in-law,  and  finding  that  David  Grose  had  settled  in 
that  county,    several  miles  below,    I   went   to   visit 


63  REMINISCENCES. 

him,  receiving  a  warm  welcome.  He  still  had  Sam's 
bundle  of  clothing,  but  had  not  heard  a  word  about 
him  since  the  morning  he  left  their  camp  in  Wythe 
County,  Virginia,  to  hunt  a  place  of  concealment 
during  the  day  among  the  thickets.  On  the  follow- 
lowing  morning,  when  he  did  not  join  them  as  usual, 
they  felt  much  anxiety  about  him,  fearing  that  he  had 
got  lost  or  been  captured,  or  that  some  accident  had 
befallen  him.  They  still  hoped  that  he  might  over- 
take them  the  following  night,  but  when  the  next 
night  came  and  no  Sam  appeared,  they  gave  him 
up.  Since  locating  in  Indiana  they  had  seen  no 
person  from  North  Carolina,  of  whom  they  could 
inquire,  and  until  I  arrived  they  were  in  the  dark 
regarding  the  fate  of  poor  Sam. 


TEACHING  SLAVES  TO  READ. 


69 


CHAPTER  III. 

TEACHING  SLAVES  TO  READ — SABBATH-SCHOOL  WORK 

AGITATION  OF  THE  ANTI-SLAVERY  CAUSE MANU- 
MISSION SOCIETIES — TRIP  TO  INDIANA — INCIDENTS 
ON  THE  WAY THE  EARLY  SETTLEMENTS  OF  IN- 
DIANA—  I  ENGAGE  IN  SCHOOL  LABORS — ORGANIZA- 
TION OF  THE  FIRST  SABBATH-SCHOOL  IN  WESTERN 
INDIANA — A  VISIT  TO  ILLINOIS — LOST  ON  THE 
PRAIRIE — SPRINGFIELD,  ILLINOIS,  FIFTY  YEARS  AGO 

— CONCLUSION     OF    SCHOOL    LABORS    IN    INDIANA 

RETURN     TO     NORTH     CAROLINA SHORT     TRIP     TO 

VIRGINIA. 

IN  the  summer  of  182 1,  my  cousin,  Vestal  Coffin, 
suggested  to  me  that  we  should  organize  a  Sab- 
bath-school for  the  colored  people,  and  endeavor  to 
obtain  the  consent  of  the  slaveholders  in  the  neigh- 
borhood to  teach  their  slaves  to  read.  We  knew 
that  the  Caldwell  family — the  old  doctor,  and  two  or 
three  of  his  sons  who  lived  on  their  own  plantations — 
and  a  few  other  slaveholders,  were  lenient  and  would 
have  no  objection  to  our  teaching  their  slaves  to 
read  the  the  Bible.  I  heartily  united  with  my 
cousin  in  this  project,  and  we  visited  the  Caldwells, 
the  Dokes,  and  a  few  other  slaveholders,  and  ob- 
tained the  desired  permission.      It  was  arranged  that 


y0  REMINISCENCES. 

the  slaves  should  come  one  Sabbath  afternoon  to 
the  brick  school-house,  near  New  Garden  Meeting- 
House.  They  collected  at  the  time  appointed, 
wondering  at  the  new  and  unexpected  privilege 
which  had  been  accorded  them.  Among  them  was 
one  of  Thomas  Caldwell's  slaves,  called  Uncle  Frank. 
He  was  a  gray-haired  old  negro  who  had  all  his  life 
been  kept  in  ignorance,  but  his  heart  was  full  of  love 
for  God,  and  he  was  thankful  for  this  opportunity  of 
learning  to  read  the  Bible.  He  was  quite  a  preacher 
in  his  way,  and  frequently  exhorted  the  slaves  in 
the  neighborhood.  On  this  occasion,  he  made  a 
long  and  fervent  prayer.  He  said:  "  I  pray  dat  de 
good  massa  Lord  will  put  it  into  de  niggers'  hearts  to 
larn  to  read  de  good  book.  Oh,  Lord,  make  de  let- 
ters in  our  spellin'  books  big  and  plain,  and  make 
our  eyes  bright  and  shinin',  and  make  our  hearts  big 
and  strong  for  to  larn.  Make  our  minds  sharp  and 
keen ;  yes,  Lord,  as  sharp  as  a  double-edged  sword, 
so  dat  we  can  see  clean  through  de  book.  Oh, 
Hebbenly  Fader,  we  tank  De  for  makin'  our  massas 
willin'  to  let  us  come  to  dis  school,  and  oh,  Lord, 
do  bress  dese  dear  young  men  you  has  made  willin' 
to  come  heah  and  larn  us  poor  slave  niggers  to  read 
de  bressed  word  from  de  mouf  of  God.  Oh,  Lord, 
teach  us  to  be  good  sarvents,  and  touch  our  massas' 
hearts  and  make  'em  tender,  so  dey  will  not  lay  de 
whips  to  our  bare  backs,  and  you,  great  Massa,  shall 
have  all  de  glory  and  praise.      Amen." 

Then    the    negroes   broke  out  with   one  of  their 
plantation  songs  or  hymns,  led  by  Uncle  Frank ;  a 


SA  BBA  TH-SCHOOLS. 


71 


sort  of  prayer  in  rhyme,  in  which  the  same  words 
occurred  again  and  again. 

After  this  was  over,  we  arranged  them  in  separate 
classes,  and  began  to  teach  them  the  alphabet.  It 
was  new  business  to  them,  and  they  were  so  excited 
with  the  novelty  of  the  situation  that  they  accom- 
plished little  that  day.  The  next  Sabbath  they 
made  better  progress,  and  in  a  short  time  some  of 
them  had  mastered  the  alphabet  and  began  to  spell 
words  of  two  or  three  letters.  Others,  mostly  adults, 
were  dull,  and  hard  to  teach,  though  they  tried  hard. 
After  we  had  continued  the  school  every  Sabbath 
for  the  most  of  the  summer,  and  had  been  encour- 
aged by  the  progress  of  some  of  our  pupils,  we 
found  that  we  would  be  obliged  to  give  it  up. 
Some  of  the  neighboring  slaveholders,  who  were  not 
friendly  to  our  work,  threatened  to  put  the  law  in 
force  against  us,  and  visiting  those  who  had  let  their 
slaves  attend  our  school,  told  them  they  were  guilty 
as  well  as  the  teachers,  and  that  the  school  must  be 
discontinued.  They  said  that  it  made  their  slaves 
discontented  and  uneasy,  and  created  a  desire  for 
the  privileges  that  others  had. 

Our  pupils  were  kept  at  home,  and  we  were 
obliged  to  give  up  our  school  and  succumb  to  the 
influence  of  the  slave  laws.  Thus  ended  our  slave 
teaching. 

SABBATH  -SCHOOLS. 

Strange  as  it  may  seem  to  us  now,  there  were  then 
no  Sabbath-schools  in  that  part  of  the  country,  either 
among  Friends  or  other  religious  denominations.  I 
think  it  was  about   18 18  when  a  few  of  the  young 


72 


REMINISCENCES. 


people  of  our  society,  at  New  Garden,  met  together 
to  consult  about  organizing  a  Sabbath-school.  I 
was  among  the  number,  and  took  an  active  part,  for 
it  was  a  subject  in  which  I  was  deeply  interested. 
Our  conference  resulted  in  opening  a  Sabbath-school 
in  our  new  brick  school-house,  at  New  Garden. 
With  few  exceptions,  we  had  no  encouragement 
from  parents  and  older  Friends.  On  the  contrary, 
we  had  much  opposition  to  contend  with.  The 
school  was  small  at  first,  but  increased  in  numbers, 
and  was  soon  large  and  interesting.  It  was  the  first 
Sabbath-school  that  I  have  any  knowledge  of  in  that 
part  of  the  country.  My  cousin,  Elijah  Coffin,  and 
my  sister  Beulah,  afterward  the  wife  of  Daniel  Puck- 
ett,  a  noted  minister  among  Friends,  were  our  ablest 
instructors.  The  results  of  the  school  were  very 
satisfactory  to  all  engaged  in  it,  and  instilled  into 
my  heart  a  love  for  Sabbath-school  work  that  in- 
creased as  I  grew  in  years,  and  has  continued  with 
me  even  to  the  present  time. 

In  the  spring  of  1822,  I  opened  my  first  school, 
having  previously  served  as  assistant  teacher. 

I  continued  this  business  for  more  than  three  years, 
in  different  neighborhoods,  and  assisted  in  organiz- 
ing Sabbath-schools  in  various  places. 

When  I  opened  my  first  school,  I  had  no  prospect 
of  continuing  in  the  business  long,  for  I  felt  that  my 
qualifications  were  not  sufficient  for  so  responsible  a 
work,  but  meeting  with  success  in  my  school,  gain- 
ing the  affection  of  the  pupils  and  the  approbation  of 
their  parents,  I  felt  encouraged  to  continue.  I  had 
a  deep  concern  for  the  moral  and  religious  welfare 


ANTI-SLA  VERY  MA TTERS. 


71 


of  my  associates,  for  though  young"  in  years,  I  had 
experienced  a  change  of  heart.  I  had  an  earnest 
desire  to  exercise  a  good  influence  over  those  of  my 
own  age,  and  younger,  who  were  my  companions, 
and  felt  that  I  would  have  an  opportunity  to  do  so 
if  I  continued  teaching.  I  found  no  difficulty  in  the 
government  of  my  school ;  I  loved  order  and  system, 
and  after  I  gained  the  affection  of  my  pupils,  they 
yielded  a  ready  and  cheerful  obedience  to  all  my 
rules  and  regulations.  I  look  back  to  those  years 
as  the  pleasantest  of  my  life,  and  regard  my  labors 
in  teaching  and  establishing  Sabbath-schools  with 
much  satisfaction.  The-  attachments  then  formed 
between  teacher  and  pupils  have  never  been  broken, 
and  though  more  than  fifty  years  have  passed,  I  still 
meet,  now  and  then,  in  different  parts  of  the  West, 
those  who  were  associated  with  me  in  school,  and 
they  recur  with  pleasure  to  the  days  we  spent  to- 
gether. 

ANTI-SLAVERY    MATTERS. 

During  the  time  I  was  engaged  in  teaching,  I  was 
not  idle  in  anti-slavery  matters.  The  subject  of 
gradual  emancipation,  or  manumission  of  slaves, 
was  agitated  in  various  parts  of  the  State.  A  paper, 
called  the  Greensboro  Patriot,  was  started  at  Greens- 
boro, edited  by  William  Swaim,  a  young  man  of 
rare  talent.  He  advocated  the  manumission  of 
slaves,  and  though  he  met  with  a  storm  of  oppo- 
sition and  was  assailed  by  other  papers,  he  con- 
tinued his  course  boldly  and  independently.  He 
received  letters  from  various  parts  of  the  State  full 
of  threats  and  warnings.  These  he  published  in  his 
7 


74 


REMINISCENCES. 


paper,  and  replied  to  them  in  editorials.  Many 
public  speakers  and  writers  engaged  in  discussion 
with  him,  but  they  could  not  cope  with  him,  and 
generally  retired  from  the  combat  much  worsted. 

Some  plan  of  gradual  manumission  was  the  theme 
of  general  discussion  at  that  day,  but  none  of  the 
advocates  spoke  or  seemed  to  think  of  immediate 
and  unconditional  emancipation.  Manumission  so- 
cieties were  organized  in  different  counties.  The 
first,  I  believe,  was  organized  at  New  Garden,  Guil- 
ford County.  I  was  a  member  of  it,  and  can  well 
remember  the  proceedings.  We  also  had  several 
State  Conventions,  which  were  largely  attended,  and 
at  which  addresses  were  delivered  and  speeches 
made,  by  prominent  men.  The  various  branches 
were  represented  by  delegates.  The  first  conven- 
tion of  this  kind  was  held  at  Jamestown,  in  Guil- 
ford County,  and  William  Swaim,  editor  of  the 
Greensboro  Patriot,  took  an  active  part  in  the  pro- 
ceedings. His  cousin  Moses,  a  lawyer  of  Randolph 
County,  delivered  a  lengthy  and  able  address,  which 
was  afterward  printed  and  widely  circulated.  It  was 
a  strong  abolition  speech,  and  would  not  have  been 
allowed  a  few  years  later.  Several  lenient  slave- 
holders united  with  us  in  those  meetings,  and  advo- 
cated plans  for  gradual  manumission.  About  this 
time  the  same  subject  was  agitated  in  East  Tennes- 
see, and  similar  societies  organized  in  that  part  of 
the  State. 

Benjamin  Lundy,  of  that  locality,  started  a  paper, 
called  the  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  which 
I  subscribed  for  and  read  as  long  as  it  was  published. 


A  NTI-SLA  VER  T  MA  TTERS. 


75 


At  our  next  convention,  which  w^s  held  at  New 
Garden  Meeting-House,  Elihu  /Emory  and  James 
Jones,  of  East  Tennessee,  attended  as  delegates 
from  that  State.  Both  were  active  members  of  the 
Society  of  Friends — able  men  and  good  speakers. 
The  last  convention  that  I  attended  was  held  at 
General  Gray's,  in  Randolph  County.  He  was  a 
wealthy  man  and  owned  a  number  of  slaves,  but 
was  interested  in  our  movement.  The  meeting  was 
held  in  his  large  new  barn,  which  was  covered  but 
not  weather-boarded,  and  which  afforded  ample  room 
for  the  assembly.  Quite  a  number  of  slaveholders 
were  present  who  favored  gradual  manumission  and 
colonization.  They  argued  that  if  the  slaves  were 
manumitted,  they  must  be  sent  to  Africa;  it  would 
not  do  for  them  to  remain  in  this  country;  they  must 
return  to  Africa,  and  this  must  be  made  a  condition 
of  their  liberty.  A  motion  was  made  to  amend  our 
constitution,  so  that  the  name  of  our  organiizaton 
would  be,  "  Manumission  and  Colonization  Society." 
This  produced  a  sharp  debate.  Many  of  us  were 
opposed  to  making  colonization  a  condition  of  free- 
dom, believing  it  to  be  an  odious  plan  of  expatri- 
ation concocted  by  slaveholders,  to  open  a  drain  by 
which  they  might  get  rid  of  free  negroes,  and  thus 
remain  in  more  secure  possession  of  their  slave  prop- 
erty. They  considered  free  negroes  a  dangerous 
element  among  slaves.  We  had  no  objection  to  free 
negroes  going  to  Africa  of  their  own  will,  but  to 
compel  them  to  go  as  a  condition  of  freedom  was  a 
movement  to  which  we  were  conscientiously  opposed 
and  against  which  we  strongly  contended.      When 


76 


R  EMINISCENCES. 


the  vote  was  taken,  the  motion  was  carried  by  a 
small  majority.  We  felt  that  the  slave  power  had 
got  the  ascendency  in  our  society,  and  that  we  could 
no  longer  work  in  it.  The  convention  broke  up  in 
confusion,  and  our  New  Garden  branch  withdrew 
to  itself,  no  longer  co-operating  with  the  others. 
Our  little  anti-slavery  band,  composed  mostly  of 
Friends,  continued  to  meet  at  New  Garden  until  the 
majority  of  the  members  emigrated  to  the  West, 
preferring  to  live  in  a  free  State, 

The  laws  relating  to  slavery  were  constantly  made 
more  oppressive.  A  law  was  finally  passed  prohib- 
iting slaves  who  had  been  set  free  by  their  masters 
from  remaining  in  the  State,  except  in  exceptional 
cases,  where  they  had  been  manumitted  for  merito- 
rious conduct. 

Slavery  and  Quakerism  could  not  prosper  together, 
and  many  of  the  Friends  from  New  Garden  and  other 
settlements  moved  to  the  West.  In  the  summer  of 
1822,  my  brother-in-law,  Benjamin  White,  sold  his 
farm  and  prepared  to  move  with  his  family  to  In- 
diana. I  was  anxious  to  accompany  him  and  visit 
the  Western  States,  a  strange,  new  country  then, 
where  so  many  of  my  relatives  and  acquaintances 
had  settled.  With  the  consent  of  my  parents  I  en- 
gaged to  go  with  him  and  drive  his  team  to  the  Far 
West,  as  it  was  then  called,  a  distance  of  six  hundred 
miles.  The  road  we  proposed  to  travel  crossed  the 
Blue  Ridge  at  Ward's  Gap,  in  Western  Virginia,  led 
through  East  Tennessee  and  Kentucky,  and  reached 
the  Ohio  River  at  Cincinnati.  This  was  considered 
the  best  route  for  loaded  wagons.      I  was  then  .en- 


MY  TRIP  WEST. 


77 


gaged  in  teaching  at  Dover  Meeting-House,  about 
ten  miles  from  my  father's,  but  closed  my  school  in 
August,  and  prepared  for  the  journey.  My  brother- 
in-law  was  provided  with  a  tent  and  all  the  necessary 
equipments  for  camping  out,  and  stored  provisions 
and  cooking  utensils  in  his  wagon.  It  was  a  trial  to 
part  from  my  dear  parents,  and  from  my  youngest 
sister  Priscilla,  the  only  child  left  at  home. 

After  taking  leave  of  them,  I  set  out  on  the  jour- 
ney with  my  brother-in-law.  Every  thing  seemed 
bright  and  pleasant  before  us.  The  weather  was 
fine,  and  the  novelty  of  pitching  our  tent  at  night 
beneath  the  tall  pines  or  by  the  roadside,  and  camp- 
ing out,  was  very  attractive  to  me.  Our  little  party, 
consisting  of  my  brother-in-law  and  my  sister,  their 
four  children,  his  niece,  and  myself,  were  all  in  good 
spirits,  and  enjoyed  to  the  utmost  the  varied  and 
beautiful  scenery  of  mountain,  forest  and  stream. 
We  seemed  to  breathe  new  life  and  vigor  with  every 
breath  of  pure  mountain  air,  and  soon  accommo- 
dated ourselves  to  the  inconveniences  of  travel.  At 
night  we  slept  soundly  near  our  camp  fire,  leaving 
our  large  watch  dog  to  guard  the  camp.  We  trav- 
eled alone  until  we  had  passed  Abingdon,  Virginia, 
when  we  overtook  a  six-horse  team  with  two  men. 
They  had  been  to  the  lead  mines,  near  New  River, 
and  were  returning  to  their  home  in  Kentucky,  near 
Crab  Orchard.  They  proved  to  be  pleasant  com- 
panions, and  we  agreed  to  travel  together.  Al- 
though Kentuckians,  they  were  anti-slavery  in  senti- 
ment, and  there  was  perfect  harmony  between  us  on 
the  subject. 


78 


REMINISCENCES. 


One  morning,  soon  after  we  had  left  camp,  three 
or  four  rough-looking  men  rode  up  hastily  behind 
us  and  commanded  us  to  stop.  They  said  they  had 
lost  a  valuable  little  dog,  a  pet,  and  that  they  be- 
lieved we  had  it  concealed  in  our  wagon.  We  told 
them  we  had  not  seen  it,  and  had  no  use  for  another 
dog,  having  one  to  each  wagon.  This  did  not  seem 
to  satisfy  them,  and  they  said  they  must  search  our 
wagon  and  see.  My  brother-in-law  told  them  they 
were  welcome  to  look  in  the  wagon.  They  dis- 
mounted from  their  horses,  and  after  my  sister  and 
her  children  had  got  out  of  the  wagon,  they  crawled 
in  and  tumbled  the  things  about.  I  said  to  my 
brother-in-law,  "We  must  watch  them  or  they  will 
steal  something,"  and,  stepping  up  to  the  wagon, 
took  out  the  rifle  we  used  for  shooting  game,  think- 
ing they  might  take  it.  The  Kentuckians,  mean- 
while, were  standing  by  their  own  team,  and  when 
the  ruffians  had  done  searching  our  wagon,  they 
went  to  search  the  other.  We  knew  from  the  first 
that  the  story  about  the  dog  was  only  a  pretense. 
We  were  confident  that  the  party  of  men  were 
hunting  for  a  negro,  a  fugitive  slave,  and  thought  it 
best  to  let  them  satisfy  themselves  that  there  was 
none  with  us ;  otherwise  they  might  continue  to 
harass  and  molest  us.  But  the  Kentuckians  were 
not  so  passive.  Their  wagon  had  nothing  in  it  but 
lead  and  horse  feed,  but  they  were  not  willing  to 
yield  to  the  ruffians  the  right  of  search.  The 
younger  Kentuckian  stood  near  the  wagon  with 
the  lash  of  his  heavy  whip  wrapped  around  his 
hand,    and   the   butt    clasped    between   his   fingers, 


MY  TRIP  WEST. 


79 


prepared  to  strike  a  violent  blow.  He  dared  them 
to  approach,  and  said  "I  would  like  to  see  one  of 
you  put  your  head  inside  my  wagon.  I  know  what 
sort  of  dogs  you  are  hunting.  It  is  runaway  negroes 
you  are  after,  and  I'll  venture  that  neither  of  you 
are  able  to  own  a  negro.  If  I  had  one  in  my  wagon 
you  could  not  get  him,  for  you  have  shown  no  au- 
thority for  searching  private  property."  The  elder 
Kentuckian  added  a  few  sharp  words,  and  the  ruf- 
fians, not  liking  to  encounter  such  resolute  men, 
mounted  their  horses,  and  rode  away,  cursing  and 
swearing.  We  did  not  see  them  again,  and  were  not 
further  molested.  The  next  night  we  camped  near 
the  house  of  a  Methodist  minister.  Having  occasion 
to  go  to  the  house  on  an  errand,  I  met  the  gentleman 
and  entered  into  conversation  with  him.  He  was 
pleasant  and  sociable  in  his  manner  and  gave  me 
much  information  concerning  that  locality.  I  saw  no 
slaves  about  the  house,  and  introduced  the  subject 
of  slavery.  I  found  that  he  was  opposed  to  it.  I 
related  our  adventure  with  the  party  of  men,  and  he 
said  that  we  were  not  the  first  movers  who  had  been 
molested.  A  gang  of  ruffians,  moved  by  the  pros- 
pect of  the  large  reward  generally  offered  in  such 
cases,  frequently  stopped  emigrant  wagons  and 
searched  them  for  runaway  negroes.  Not  long  be- 
fore, a  negro  had  been  found  secreted  in  a  mover's 
wagon,  on  his  way  to  a  free  State,  and  had  been 
captured. 

We  met  with  no  accident  or  detention  on  our 
journey,  yet  we  were  five  weeks  on  the  way.  Such 
a  rate  of  progress  seems  exceedingly  slow  and  tedi- 


gQ  REMINISCENCES. 

ous  in  this  day  of  railroads.  We  camped  out  all 
the  way,  with  the  exception  of  one  or  two  stormy 
nights.  During  our  travel  through  the  mountains, 
I  frequently  took  my  rifle  and  made  excursions  in 
the  woods  in  search  of  game.  I  succeeded  in  killing 
several  wild  turkeys,  which  made  a  pleasant  addition 
to  our  stock  of  provisions.  In  one  of  these  rambles 
in  search  of  game,  I  wandered  some  distance  from 
the  road,  but  not  out  of  hearing  of  the  wagons 
ahead.  I  was  making  my  way  through  the  thick 
underbrush,  with  my  gun  on  my  shoulder,  when  I 
discovered  something  moving  in  the  bushes  not  far 
away.  I  halted  to  ascertain  what  it  was,  and  it  soon 
made  its  way  into  an  open  space  and  stood  in  full 
view.  It  was  a  large  black  bear,  the  largest  I  had 
ever  seen.  It  turned  its  head  toward  the  noise  of 
the  wagons,  and  thus  did  not  discover  me.  I  low- 
ered my  gun  and  took  aim,  not  stopping  to  think 
what  the  consequence  would  be  if  I  did  not  kill  it, 
though  I  knew  that  a  wounded  and  enraged  bear 
was  a  dangerous  enemy.  The  ball  penetrated  its 
body  but  did  not  kill  it.  It  gave  a  cry  of  pain,  then 
whirled  around  on  its  hind  feet  and  made  for  me. 
I  turned  and  ran  as  fast  as  I  could,  calling  the  dogs. 
They  had  heard  the  noise  and  came  yelping  toward 
me.  The  bear  was  close  behind  when  they  came  in 
sight,  but  when  it  saw  them,  it  turned  and  plunged 
into  a  thicket.  The  dogs  pursued  and  soon  reached 
it.  A  short  but  fierce  combat  ensued,  in  which  the 
bear  defended  itself  well.  The  dogs  received  so 
many  hard  blows  and  scratches  that  they  soon  re- 
tired from  the  conflict  and  came  running-  back.     The 


MY  TRIP  WEST.  8r 

teams  had  stopped  on  hearing  the  noise  of  the 
affray,  and  the  men  came  to  see  what  was  going  on. 
I  reloaded  my  gun  and  we  attempted  to  pursue  the 
bear,  but  the  dogs  had  been  demoralized  in  the  fight 
and  we  could  not  induce  them  to  trail  it  through 
the  thickets.  We  hunted  for  it  among  the  bushes 
for  nearly  an  hour,  but  were  obliged  to  give  it  up. 
This  was  my  first  and^last  experience  in  bear  hunt- 
ing. 

After  reaching  our  destination,  in  Wayne  County, 
Indiana,  I  spent  several  weeks  in  visiting  relatives, 
then  engaged  in  teaching,  near  Richmond.  My 
school-house  was  near  the  spot  where  Earlham  Col- 
lege now  stands.  Several  pupils,  from  Richmond, 
attended  during  the  winter.  After  the  close  of  the 
term,  in  early  spring,  I  went  to  Terre  Haute,  on  the 
Wabash  River,  on  business.  There  was  then  a 
small  settlement  of  Friends  on  White  Lick,  about 
twenty  miles  southwest  of  Indianapolis,  where  the 
town  of  Mooresville  now  stands.  That  part  of  the 
country  was  then  a  wilderness,  covered  with  heavy 
timber.  My  brother-in-law,  Benjamin  White,  and 
a  few  other  Friends  entered  tracts  of  government 
land  in  that  vicinity,  and  they  are  now  dotted  with 
thriving  towns  and  villages,  and  the  Western  Yearly 
Meeting  of  Friends  is  held  in  their  midst.  This  was 
in  the  spring  of  1823.  Indianapolis,  the  metropolis 
of  the  State,  was  then  a  new  town  with  few  houses. 
The  country  between  it  and  Richmond  was  then 
unsettled.  Where  the  National  pike  and  Indiana 
Central  Railroad  now  run,  there  were  only  a  few 
paths    and    wagon    trails    cut    through    the    bushes. 


g2  REMINISCENCES. 

Through  this  wilderness  I  traveled  alone  on  horse- 
back, seeing,  no  inhabitants  after  leaving  the  settle- 
ment, on  the  west  fork  of  White  Water,  until  I 
reached  a  small  settlement  on  Blue  River,  about 
forty  miles  west  of  Richmond.  Here  I  turned  a 
short  distance  from  my  route  in  order  to  visit  Wil- 
liam Macy  and  his  wife,  who  had  been  my  associates 
and  school-mates  in  North  Carolina.  They  had  emi- 
grated to  the  West  a  year  or  two  before,  and  set- 
tled, with  a  few  other  families  from  North  Carolina, 
on  Blue  River.  They  had  entered  a  quarter  section 
of  land,  most  of  it  rich  bottom  land,  and  had  built 
a  little  cabin  in  the  woods.  When  I  reached  the 
cabin,  I  found  the  door  closed  and  saw  no  sign  of 
life  but  some  squirrels  that  were  frisking  about  on 
the  roof.  J  alighted  and  knocked  at  the  door,  but 
gained  no  response.  Just  then  I  heard  the  sound 
of  chopping  some  distance  away,  and  making  my 
way  to  the  spot  I  saw  William  at  work  with  his  ax, 
and  his  wife  piling  brush,  while  their  babe  sat  play- 
ing on  a  blanket  spread  on  the  ground. 

It  was  a  joyful  meeting.  My  friends  stopped 
their  work  and  we  repaired  to  the  little  cabin, 
which  was  built  in  the  most  primitive  style.  It  had 
but  one  door,  the  floor  was  made  of  puncheons,  or 
split  timber,  and  the  fireplace  was  constructed  of  the 
same  material  plastered  with  mud.  Round  poles 
served  as  joists,  and  had  clapboards  laid  on  them  to 
form  the  loft  floor.  My  friends  seemed  well  con- 
tented in  this  humble  habitation,  and  as  a  number 
of  other  families  had  entered  land  near  them,  they 
had  a  fair  prospect  of  being  in  the  midst  of  a  thriv- 


THE  BOY  AND  THE  LAWYER.  83 

ing  and  thickly  settled  neighborhood  in  the  course 
of  a  few  years.  In  the  fall  of  1826  I  visited  them 
again,  and  found  them  living  in  a  good  frame-house, 
with  a  large  barn  and  other  buildings,  surrounded 
by  a  well  cleared  and  valuable  farm.  They,  in  com- 
mon with  the  other  pioneers  of  that  neighborhood, 
were  now  enjoying  comfort  and  prosperity,  the 
results  of  their  own  industry.  They  had  removed 
from  North  Carolina  to  get  away  from  the  influences 
of  slavery,  and  here  breathed  a  free  atmosphere. 

After  visiting  my  old  acquaintances  in  this  local- 
ity, I  went  to  the  settlement  on  White  Lick,  passing 
through  Indianapolis  on  the  way.  The  Court-House 
was  then  in  process  of  erection  at  that  place ;  the 
State-House  was  not  built  for  some  time  afterward. 
The  Legislature  had  not  then  met  there.  A  news- 
paper had  just  been  started,  and  the  editor  gave  me 
a  copy.  The  next  day,  as  I  was  riding  alone  through 
the  thick  woods  on  my  way  to  White  Lick,  I  took 
out  the  paper  and  opened  it.  The  first  thing  that 
struck  my  attention  was  a  story  of  a  boy  who  was 
a  witness  in  court,  and  was  severely  questioned  by 
the  opposing  lawyer  who  wished  to  show  that  his 
testimony  was  not  reliable.  At  last  the  lawyer  said 
to  the  judge:  "I  don't  think  the  evidence  of  this 
witness  can  be  taken.  He  does  not  seem  to  be 
very  bright  or  intelligent.  I  will  ask  him  some  ques- 
tions and  you  can  judge  for  yourself." 

He  then  said  :    "Boy,  who  made  you." 

The  boy  scratched  his  head  and  replied:  "I  don't 
know.      I  guess  Moses  did." 

The  lawyer  said,  triumphantly,   "Now,  gentlemen 


84 


REMINISCENCES. 


of  the  court,  you  can  see  that  what  I  said  was  true. 
Boy,  you  may  stand  aside." 

"Stop,"  said  the  boy;  "I  want  to  ask  you  some 
questions.  Can  I,  judge?"  He  was  permitted  to, 
and  said  to  the  lawyer:    "Who  made  you?" 

The  lawyer  scratched  his  head  in  imitation  of  the 
boy  and  said:    "I  don't  know.      I  guess  Aaron  did." 

"  Well,"  said  the  boy;  "  I  have  heard  that  Aaron 
made  a  calf,  but  I  didn't  know  that  the  thing  had 
got  in  here." 

The  whole  audience  broke  out  into  a  laugh  at  the 
expense  of  the  lawyer.  When  I  came  to  the  end 
of  the  story  I  laughed  aloud,  startling  the  echoes  of 
the  silent  woods  around  me.  I  stopped  my  horse 
and  looked  about,  to  see  if  anybody  bad  heard  me, 
but  saw  no  one  but  a  bright- eyed  squirrel  peering 
down  at  me  from  a  tree. 

I  reached  White  Lick  settlement  and  spent  sev- 
eral days  there  looking  at  the  land  I  was  to  enter, 
and  selecting  an  eighty-acre  lot  for  myself.  I  then 
started  for  Terre  Haute,  sixty  miles  distant,  having 
no  road  to  guide  me  but  an  Indian  trail,  and  there 
being  no  settlement  on  the  way,  except  a  small  one, 
where  Greencastle  now  stands.  I  reached  this  place 
the  first  night  and  stopped  at  a  small  log  cabin.  It 
had  but  one  room,  and  this  was  the  sleeping  apart- 
ment of  parents,  children  and  chance  visitors.  A 
tramper  had  stopped  there  a  few  days  before,  pro- 
fessing to  be  a  hatter  by  trade,  and  proposing  to  put 
up  a  shop  at  the  place.  I  did  not  like  his  appear- 
ance, and  having  considerable  gold  and  silver  in  my 
saddle-bags,  which  I  was  carrying  to  the  land  office, 


IN  COMPANY  WITH  A  ROBBER.  85 

I  did  not  wish  to  be  in  close  quarters  with  him.  He 
was  very  inquisitive  in  regard  to  my  business  in  that 
part  of  the  country,  but  I  evaded  his  questions  as 
best  I  could.  We  had  to  occupy  the  same  bed,  and 
though  I  was  fatigued  with  my  long  journey  I  could 
not  sleep.  Anxiety,  and  a  feeling  of  heavy  respon- 
sibility for  the  money  of  others  intrusted  to  my  care, 
kept  me  wakeful  and  uneasy.  I  put  my  saddle-bags 
containing  the  specie  under  the  head  of  the  bed, 
and  lay  in  such  a  position  that  my  companion  could 
not  reach  it  without  passing  over  me. 

No  attempt  at  robbery  was  made  that  night,  but 
I  subsequently  learned  that  a  few  days  afterward, 
the  sheriff  of  Dayton,  Ohio,  arrived  there  and  cap- 
tured this  man  and  put  him  in  irons ;  he  had  com- 
mitted a  heavy  robbery  in  Ohio.  The  day  after  I  left 
the  cabin,  I  was  riding  through  a  dense  forest  when 
I  encountered  a  terrific  storm.  Black  clouds  drifted 
rapidly  across  the  sky,  and  heavy. peals  of  thunder 
mingled  with  the  noise  of  the  wind  in  the  timber. 
I  dismounted  from  my  frightened  horse  and  stood 
holding  him  by  the  bridle,  seeing  no  way  to  seek 
safety.  It  became  very  dark,  tall  trees  fell  crashing 
in  every  direction,  and  the  lightning  ran  in  streams 
along  the  prostrate  timber.  It  was  an  impressive 
and  solemn  time  with  me,  for  I  expected  every  mo- 
ment to  be  crushed  by  the  falling  trees  or  struck  by 
the  lightning. 

The  storm  soon  passed,  and  I  was  left  unhurt  in 
the  midst  of  the  ruined  forest.  My  heart  was  filled 
with  thankfulness  to  God  for  his  great  mercy  in 
preserving  my  life.      I  at  first  thought  I   could  not 


$6  REMINISCENCES. 

make  my  way  with  my  horse  out  of  the  forest ;  for 
the  fallen  trees  completely  obstructed  the  road,  but 
I  soon  found  that  the  track  of  the  hurricane  was  nar- 
row, and  when  I  was  beyond  that  the  way  was  clear. 
This  hindrance  prevented  me  from  reaching  the 
settlement  near  Terre  Haute  that  night,  but  about 
dark  I  came  to  a  house  on  the  edge  of  Otter  Creek 
prairie,  where  I  spent  the  night.  Next  day  I  ar- 
rived safely  in  Terre  Haute,  where  I  accomplished 
my  business  at  the  land  office,  and  got  rid  of  my 
gold  and  silver.  I  then  went  on  seven  miles  farther, 
to  a  little  settlement  of  Friends  on  Honey  Creek, 
and  stopped  at  Moses  Hockett's  for  the  night.  I 
intended  to  go  on  the  next  morning,  to  another  set- 
tlement, fifteen  miles  further  down  the  Wabash, 
where  a  number  of  my  acquaintances  from  New 
Garden,  North  Carolina,  lived.  But  Moses  Hockett 
informed  me  that  next  day  was  their  monthly  meet- 
ing, and  persuaded  me  to  stay  and  attend  it.  At 
the  business  meeting,  I  gave  the  clerk  my  certificate 
of  membership,  which  had  been  given  me  by  the 
monthly  meeting  at  New  Garden,  North  Carolina, 
when  I  started  West.  It  stated  that  I  was  a  member 
in  unity  with  them,  and  recommended  me  to  the 
Christian  care  and  kind  regard  of  Friends  wherever 
my  lot  should  be  cast.  This  was  a  good  introduction, 
and  seemed  to  open  my  way  among  strangers.  After 
meeting  I  had  many  invitations  from  those  present, 
and  finding  that  I  had  been  engaged  in  teaching, 
they  were  anxious  that  I  should  open  a  school  at 
their  meeting-house.  They  assured  me  that  I  would 
have  a  large  school.     I  could  not  engage  to  teach, 


M Y  SCHOOL  AT  HONEY  CREEK. 


87 


as  I  expected  to  return  to  Richmond  after  visiting 
my  friends  at  Terrain's  Creek,  so  did  not  make  any 
agreement.  I  remained  over  Sabbath  at  this  place, 
and  next  day  went  on  to  the  lower  settlement, 
where  I  spent  over  a  week  visiting  my  old  associates, 
and  hunting.  Deer,  wild  turkeys,  and  other  game 
were  abundant  and  afforded  us  delightful  sport.  Sev- 
eral families  of  the  Dixes  and  Hunts,  and  my  old 
friend  David  Grose,  had  settled  here,  all  from  Guil- 
ford County.  About  the  time  I  intended  to  start 
from  this  place,  wet  weather  set  in.  It  rained  in- 
cessantly for  several  days,  and  all  the  streams  were 
swollen  so  as  to  be  impassable.  The  ground  was 
thawed  and  the  roads  were  very  muddy;  altogether, 
it  was  a  dismal  prospect  to  a  traveler.  My  friends 
dissuaded  me  from  attempting  to  return  to  Rich- 
mond, and  I  concluded  to  wait  till  the  streams  that 
lay  in  my  way  could  be  forded.  When  the  rain 
ceased,  I  returned  to  Honey  Creek  and  agreed  to 
open  a  school  there,  with  the  understanding  that  as 
soon  as  the  roads  were  passable  I  should  adjourn  the 
school,  for  a  week  or  two,  and  return  to  my  brother- 
in-law's,  near  Richmond,  for  the  purpose  of  getting 
a  supply  of  clothing,  etc.  I  spent  a  day  or  two 
riding  about  the  neighborhood  with  William  Dur- 
ham, an  elder,  and  the  head  of  Honey  Creek  Meet- 
ing, for  the  purpose  of  getting  subscribers  to  the 
school,  and  having  obtained  a  sufficient  number  of 
names,  I  opened  the  school.  It  was  soon  full,  and 
continued  large  until  the  close. 

Finding  that  there  was  a  number  of  young  people 
in  the  neighborhood  who  could  not  attend  school  in 


88  REMINISCENCES. 

the  busy  season,  I  determined  to  organize  a  Sabbath- 
school.  There  had  never  been  one  in  that  place, 
and  I  knew  that  to  insure  its  success  I  must  enlist 
the  interest  of  the  parents.  To  affect  this  object  1 
called  a  meeting  at  the  Meeting-House,  one  Sabbath 
afternoon,  requesting  the  young  people  and  their 
parents  to  be  present,  both  members  of  Friends' 
Society  and  others.  I  felt  the  responsibility  I  was 
taking  on  myself,  and  prayed  for  Divine  guidance 
and  strength  and  wisdom.  At  the  time  appointed  a 
large  meeting  convened.  I  spoke  of  my  concern  for 
those  of  my  own  age  and  younger,  whom  I  saw  in 
that  beautiful  prairie  settlement,  and  my  desire  to 
do  something  to  promote  their  moral  and  religious 
welfare  while  among  them.  I  then  proposed  that 
we  organize  a  Sabbath-school,  to  meet  every  Sab- 
bath afternoon  at  the  Meeting-House,  for  the  object 
of  reading  and  studying  the  Scriptures,  and  for  mu- 
tual instruction  in  all  that  was  good  and  elevating. 
I  spoke  of  the  Sabbath-schools  in  my  native  place, 
and  their  beneficial  results,  and,  after  I  had  aroused 
the  interest  of  all,  I  addressed  myself  particularly 
to  the  parents,  saying  that  much  would  depend  on 
the  encouragement  they  gave  this  undertaking  and 
the  part  they  took  in  it.  If  they  would  attend  and 
heartily  join  in  the  proceedings,  and  encourage  their 
children  to  come,  we  might  be  sure  of  an  interest- 
ing and  successful  school.  To  my  great  joy,  they 
united  with  me  fully  in  the  enterprise,  and  the  mat- 
ter was  all  arranged.  The  school  opened  the  fol- 
lowing Sabbath,  and  was  well  attended.  .  It  was 
held  regularly,  and  increased  in  interest  as  long  as  I 


MY  TRIP  TO  ILLINOIS. 


89 


remained  in  that  part  of  the  country.  Members  of 
other  denominations  took  part  with  us,  and  all 
seemed  to  enjoy,  and  to  be  benefited  by  it.  This 
was  the  first  Sabbath-school  started  in  that  part  of 
the  country.  When  the  roads  were  settled  and  the 
weather  was  fair  and  pleasant,  I  adjourned  my  school 
and  went  to  Richmond,  as  I  had  arranged  to  do, 
missing  but  one-  Sabbath-school  by  my  absence. 

About  the  last  of  May,  my  cousin,  Allen  Hiatt,  of 
Clinton  County,  Ohio,  visited  me  at  Honey  Creek. 
He  was  on  his  way  to  Illinois  to  visit  his  sister,  the 
wife  of  Absalom  Dillon,  who,  with  several  other 
Friends,  had  removed  from  Ohio  and  formed  a  little 
settlement  on  the  Sangamon  River,  ten  or  fifteen 
miles  from  the  place  where  Springfield,  the  State 
capital,  now  stands.  My  cousin  was  very  anxious 
that  I  should  accompany  him,  as  his  route  lay  across 
the  Grand  Prairie,  a  tract  of  country  then  entirely 
uninhabited,  and  he  would  find  it  very  lonely  travel- 
ing several  days  without  company.  I  felt  inclined 
to  go  with  him,  as  part  of  my  business  to  the  West 
was  to  see  the  country,  so  I  applied  to  the  trustees 
for  permission  to  adjourn  my  school  for  an  indefinite 
period.  This  was  granted,  and  I  made  preparations 
for  the  journey.  My  horse  was  in  good  plight  for 
traveling,  and  when  I  had  provided  myself  with  a 
pocket  compass,  a  good  rifle,  and  enough  provisions 
to  last  a  week,  I  felt  ready  to  start.  Each  of  us  took 
a  wallet  of  shelled  corn  for  our  horses,  and  a  good 
blanket  as  a  preparation  for  camping  out. 

We  were  told  that  there  was  an  Indian  trail  from 
Fort  Harrison  to  the  forks  of  the  Sangamon  River, 
8 


go 


REMINISCENCES. 


where  we  would  find  a  settlement  and  be  not  far 
from  our  destination  ;  so  we  resolved  to  take  this 
route.  Fully  equipped,  we  bade  good-by  to  our 
friends  one  bright  morning,  and  started  out  on  the 
wide  prairie.  We  crossed  the  Wabash  River,  at 
Fort  Harrison,  four  miles  above  Terre  Haute,  and 
entered  Illinois.  We  found  inhabitants  for  several 
miles,  then  struck  the  Indian  trail  and  left  behind  us 
all  signs  of  human  habitation. 

We  followed  the  trail  for  two  days,  winding  about 
from  northwest  to  southwest,  through  the  vast  un- 
bounded prairie.  It  led  from  one  small  grove  of 
timber  to  another,  which  the  Indians  had  used  as 
camping  places,  and  where  they  had  erected  scaf- 
folds on  which  to  dry  their  venison.  On  the  second 
day  the  trail  grew  dim,  and  toward  night  it  seemed 
to  fade  out  entirely. 

We  directed  our  course  to  a  small  grove  of  timber 
ahead,  which  we  reached  about  dark.  We  prepared 
to  camp  here  for  the  night,  and  were  making  a  tent 
of  green  boughs  to  protect  us  from  the  heavy  dew, 
when  we  were  startled  by  seeing  two  men  coming 
toward  us  through  the  high  grass.  They  soon  told 
their  story.  They  had  been  lost  on  the  prairie  for 
several  days,  and  were  wandering  about  in  search  of 
the  trail  when  they  saw  our  camp-fire  and  directed 
their  steps  toward  us.  Their  provisions  had  given 
out  two  days  before,  and  they  were  suffering  with 
hunger.  We  fed  them  sparingly  that  night,  on 
account  of  their  having  fasted  so  long,  and  the  next 
morning  divided  our  store  of  provisions  with  them. 
They  were  trying  to  reach  the  settlement  on  the 


LOST  ON  THE  PRAIRIES.  gl 

Wabash,  and  we  were  able  to  guide  them  on  their 
way  by  directing  them  to  the  route  which  we  had 
come. 

As  for  ourselves,  we  hardly  knew  how  to  proceed. 
We  knew  not  how  to  steer  our  course  for  the  Sanga- 
mon settlement  by  our  compass,  and  our  Indian 
trail  had  led  us  out  of  our  way  and  then  vanished. 
After  some  anxious  consultation  we  concluded  to  go 
straight  west  across  the  trackless  prairie.  We  con- 
tinued this  course  until  we  reached  the  Sangamon 
River,  where  we  were  again  at  a  loss.  We  knew 
not  whether  to  go  up  or  down,  but  finally  concluded 
that  we  were  too  far  south,  so  we  turned  north  and 
traveled  the  rest  of  the  day  up  the  river.  We 
looked  eagerly  about  us  for  some  sign  of  habitation, 
but  saw  none,  and  at  night  camped  in  the  edge  of 
the  timber  that  skirted  the  stream.  We  felt  lonely 
and  discouraged.  Our  stock  of  provisions  was 
nearly  gone  and  our  horse  feed  was  exhausted.  The 
horses  could  subsist  on  grass,  but  what  were  we  to 
do  for  something  to  eat?  We  now  realized  that  we 
were  lost,  and  began  to  forebode  all  kinds  of  disas- 
ter. To  increase  the  discomfort  of  our  situation, 
great  clouds  of  mosquitoes  surrounded  and  began 
to  torment  us,  and  the  howl  of  wolves  was  heard  in 
the  distance.  We  hampered  our  horses  and  turned 
them  out  to  graze,  but  the  mosquitoes  troubled 
them  so  much  that  they  sought  the  smoke  of  our 
camp-fire  for  relief.  We  built  several  fires  and  sur- 
rounded ourselves  by  a  cloud  .of  smoke,  preferring 
this  discomfort  to  the  torment  of  the  mosquitoes. 
We   slept   but   little   during   the   night,   our  minds 


92 


REMINISCENCES. 


being  full  of  anxiet}/.  The  wolves  howled  almost 
continually,  those  near  us  seeming  to  answer  those 
farther  off.  Sometimes  we  mocked  them,  by  way 
of  amusement;  though  it  was  rather  poor  amusement 
under  the  circumstances. 

In  the  morning  we  concluded  to  retrace  our  steps, 
feeling  satisfied  that  we  should  have  turned  down 
the  river  instead  of  up.  We  traveled  southward  all 
day,  seeing  no  sign  of  inhabitants,  and  at  night  we 
camped  again  in  the  timber,  weary  and  hungry. 
Our  situation  was  now  indeed  serious.  Our  provis- 
ions were  entirely  gone  and  starvation  seemed  to 
stare  us  in  the  face.  We  frequently  saw  large  herds 
of  deer  feeding  on  the  prairie,  but  did  not  succeed 
in  killing  any.  We  were  completely  lost,  not  know- 
ing that  our  course  would  bring  us  to  any  settlement 
for  hundreds  of  miles. 

In  the  morning  we  mounted  our  horses  and  con- 
tinued our  journey.  This  was  the  sixth  day  we  had 
traveled  without  seeing  any  human  being,  except 
the  two  lost  men  that  came  to  our  camp.  We 
pushed  our  way  onward  through  the  tall  grass  of 
the  prairie,  and  about  one  o'clock  in  the  afternoon 
we  were  suddenly  cheered  by  the  sound  of  a  bell. 
We  halted  to  listen,  then  made  our  way  in  the 
direction  whence  the  sound  came.  We  found  a  few 
ponies  in  the  shade  of  a  small  grove.  One  of  them 
wore  a  bell  around  its  neck,  and  it  was  the  tinkle  of 
this  which  we  had  heard.  We  supposed  they  were 
Indian  ponies,  and  that  we  were  not  far  from  a  camp 
of  Indians.  We  had  had  very  little  acquaintance 
with  Indians,  and  under  other  circumstances  would 


MY  TRIP  TO  ILLINOIS. 


93 


have  avoided  meeting  with  them,  but  now  we  were 
anxious  to  find  them.  We  took  a  circle  around, 
looking  for  some  track  that  might  lead  us  to  the 
camp  or  village,  but  found  none.  The  sudden  hope 
that  had  raised  in  our  hearts  died  out,  and  we  felt 
the  peril  of  our  situation  more  forcibly  than  ever. 
We  traveled  on  down  the  bank  of  the  river  and  had 
left  the  group  of  ponies  several  miles  behind  us, 
when  we  discovered  smoke  rising  from  a  point  of 
timber  before  us,  that  reached  out  into  the  prairie. 
We  supposed  this  to  proceed  from  the  Indian  camp 
we  were  in  search  of  and  hastened  toward  the  place. 
On  nearing  it,  we  saw  a  small  log-cabin,  and  when 
we  came  up  to  it,  we  discovered  to  our  great  joy. 
that  the  inhabitants  were  white  people.  They  were 
entire  strangers  to  us,  but  seemed  very  kind  and 
friendly.  Words  can  not  express  the  thankfulness 
that  filled  my  heart;  I  was  gladder  to  see  these 
people  than  I  had  ever  been  to  see  my  nearest 
friends.  No  one  can  realize  our  feelings  who  has 
not  had  a  similar  experience.  The  people  welcomed 
us  to  their  cabin  and  soon  prepared  for  us  an  excel- 
lent dinner  of  fresh  venison,  warm  corn-bread,  wild 
honey,  milk  and  butter.  They  told  us  that  three 
families,  their  own  and  two  others,  had  settled  in 
that  locality  the  year  before,  and  had  raised  a  very 
good  crop  in  the  summer,  It  was  twenty-five  miles 
to  their  nearest  neighbors,  near  the  forks  of  the 
river.  The  settlement  they  referred  to  was  the  one 
we  had  been  trying  to  find. 

We  tarried  with  these  kind  people  until  the  next 
morning;    then,    with  proper  directions,   we    struck 


94  REMINISCENCES. 

our  course,  and  reached  the  settlement  that  evening. 
There  was  no  ferry-boat  at  the  river,  but  we  found 
a  man,  living  near  by,  who  offered  to  take  us  across 
in  his  canoe.  We  accepted  his  offer  and  put  our 
saddles  and  saddle-bags  in  the  canoe,  compelling  out 
horses  to  swim  after  us.  I  came  near  losing  my 
horse  in  the  river.  He  got  fast  in  the  branches  of  a 
tree  that  had  fallen  into  the  water,  and  struggled  so 
hard  to  get  loose  that  he  was  completely  exhausted, 
and  when  he  reached  the  bank,  he  was  not  able  to 
rise  out  of  the  water.  We  kept  his  head  above 
the  surface  by  the  bridle,  and  after  a  little  time  he 
gathered  strength  to  climb  the  bank.  After  waiting 
awhile  to  give  our  horses  rest  and  let  them  feed,  we 
traveled  on  a  few  miles  to  Absalom  Dillon's,  the 
place  of  our  destination.  We  found  a  small  settle- 
ment of  Friends  and  others  who  had  "squatted," 
as  it  is  called,  on  government  land.  They  had  se- 
lected their  land  and  were  waiting  for  it  to  come  into 
market.  We  were  kindly  received  by  our  relatives 
and  others,  at  this  place,  and  I  spent  several  days 
here  very  pleasantly. 

One  day  a  party  of  us  went  out  on  the  prairie, 
which  was  dotted  with  beautiful  flowers,  and  gath- 
ered a  plentiful  supply  of  delicious  strawberries. 
Other  days  were  spent  in  hunting  and  in  riding 
about  to  look  at  the  country.  In  one  of  our  excur- 
sions we  visited  the  place  where  the  city  of  Spring- 
field now  stands.  A  little  cluster  of  cabins  marked 
the  site  of  the  present  capital.  All  the  people  were 
"squatters"  on  government  land,  as  it  had  not  then 
come  into  market.     The  Dillons  were  preparing  to 


MY  RETURN  TO  INDIANA.  g* 

visit  another  place,  about  forty  miles  westward,  and 
my  cousin  Allen  Hiatt  was  inclined  to  go  with  them. 
They  asked  me  to  go  too,  but  I  told  them  that  ever 
since  I  had  come  to  the  West  I  had  heard  of  a  bet- 
ter place  a  little  farther  on,  and  now  that  I  had  got 
within  forty  miles  of  it,  I  thought  I  would  turn  back. 
I  was  anxious  to  return  to  my  school,  and  there  was 
a  chance  of  company  on  the  way,  which  I  did  not 
wish  to  lose. 

There  was  a  man  in  the  neighborhood  from  Ham- 
ilton, Ohio,  who  had  come  out  by  way  of  Vandalia, 
and  who  wished  to  return  by  Terre  Haute.  We 
arranged  to  travel  together,  and  after  preparing 
provisions  for  the  journey  across  the  Grand  Prairie, 
and  bidding  our  friends  good-by,  we  set  out.  The 
first  night  we  lodged  at  the  place  twenty-five  miles 
up  the  river,  where  Allen  Hiatt  and  I  had  been  so 
kindly  entertained,  and  the  following  morning,  with 
nothing  but  our  compass  to  guide  us,  we  started 
across  the  wide  prairie.  I  was  satisfied  that  if  we 
pursued  a  direct  eastward  course  that  we  would 
strike  the  settlement  on  the  Wabash.  We  made 
good  progress  that  day,  and  camped  at  night  in  a 
small  grove  of  timber. 

Next  morning  Seeley,  my  companion,  declared 
that  our  course  was  leading  us  too  far  to  the  north- 
ward, and  insisted  that  we  must  bear  more  toward 
the  south.  I  differed  with  him  on  this  point.  I 
told  him  that  we  were  now  south  of  the  route  that 
Allen  Hiatt  and  I  had  traveled  when  going  out,  and 
if  we  should  bear  farther  south,  it  would  increase 
the  distance,  and  we  should  miss  the  settlement  on 


96 


REMINISCENCES. 


the  Wabash  that  we  wished  to  reach.  If  we  bore 
farther  north  we  might  strike  the  trail  that  I  had  fol- 
lowed for  two  days  when  going  out.  Seeley,  how 
ever,  still  persisted  in  his  belief.  He  was  much 
older  than  I,  and  a  more  experienced  traveler,  but 
I  could  not  yield  to  his  judgment.  I  had  the  ad- 
vantage of  him  in  several  particulars ;  the  compass 
was  mine,  the  gun  was  mine,  and  I  had  a  larger 
stock  of  provisions  ;  I  could  do  without  him  better 
than  he  could  do  without  me.  Nevertheless,  he 
seemed  resolved  to  part  company  and  pursue  his 
own  route,  unless  I  would  change  my  course.  It 
was  a  serious  matter  to  separate  in  this  vast  prairie 
country  where  there  were  no  roads  or  inhabitants, 
nothing  to  break  the  monotony  of  the  level  green 
plain  but  occasional  groves  of  timber.  But  I  would 
not  change,  and  my  companion  would  not,  so  we 
parted.  I  steered  straight  east  by  my  compass,  and 
Seeley  bore  to  the  southward.  He  probably  thought 
I  would  yield  at  last  and  join  him,  but  I  held  on  my 
way,  and  the  distance  between  us  began  to  widen. 
He  grew  smaller  and  smaller,  and  about  nine  o'clock 
seemed  like  a  black  speck  in  the  distance.  At  ten 
o'clock  he  appeared  larger  and  seemed  to  be  coming 
toward  me.  At  eleven  o'clock  he  fell  into  my 
course,  and  when  I  came  up  to  him,  he  said : 
"  Are  you  sure  you  are  right?" 
"No,"  I  replied,  "I  fear  I  am  too  far  south." 
"We  continued  our  course  directly  east  until  about 
noon,  when  we  met  an  Indian  on  horseback.  He 
halted,  and  I  spoke  to  him,  but  he  did  not  seem  to 
understand  English,  and  made  signs  that  he  wanted 


DIRECTED  BY  AN  INDIAN.  gj 

something  to  eat.  We  all  dismounted  from  our 
horses,  and  I  gave  him  some  bread  and  meat.  I 
then  asked  him  what  tribe  he  belonged  to,  but  he 
made  no  reply.  I  mentioned  the  names  of  several 
tribes,  and  when  I  said  "Kickapoo,"  he  responded 
at  once.  I  found  that  he  understood  enough  English 
to  know  the  names  of  places  in  that  part  of  the 
country.  I  inquired  the  course  to  Fort  Harrison. 
He  pointed  straight  east,  and  said  "There  Terre 
Haute,"  then  a  little  farther  south,  and  said  "There 
Vincennes." 

Then  he  marked  on  the  ground  to  indicate  these 
places  and  the  course,  and  made  us  understand  by 
signs  that  we  could  not  reach  Fort  Harrison  by  a 
straight  course,  for  we  could  not  cross  the  river.  He 
made  motions  with  his  arms  to  imitate  swimming, 
and  showed  us  that  our  horses  would  swim  and  the 
water  would  come  over  our  saddles.  He  then 
marked  on  the  ground  again,  and  showed  us  the 
course  we  must  take.  We  must  go  northeast  until 
the  sun  reached  such  a  place — pointing  to  the  sun 
then  over  our  heads  —  when  we  would  reach  the 
river.  We  could  ford  it  there,  then  we  must  turn 
southeast  and  travel  in  that  direction,  until  the  sun 
reached  such  a  place  in  the  sky.  Then  we  must 
turn  straight  east,  and  would  soon  reach  the  settle- 
ment. 

We  followed  his  directions,  forded  the  river  with- 
out difficulty,  and  reached  the  settlement  near  Fort 
Harrison  the  next  day,  after  a  wearisome  journey  of 
four  days.  During  the  latter  part  of  our  journey  the 
weather  was  very  warm,  and  the  last  night  out  was 
9 


98 


REMINISCENCES. 


one  of  the  most  uncomfortable  I  ever  experienced. 
During  the  day  we  had  passed  through  a  wet, 
swampy  district,  where  the  water  stood  in  pools 
here  and  there,  that  were  knee  deep  to  our  horses. 
We  were  pushing  forward  in  hope  of  reaching  a 
grove  of  timber  which  we  saw  in  the  distance,  when 
a  black  cloud  rolled  up  from  the  west,  and  the  peals 
of  thunder  sounded  through  the  sky.  It  rained 
heavily  and  we  were  soon  drenched.  Darkness 
settled  around  us  before  we  reached  the  grove,  and 
in  trying  to  make  our  way  to  it,  in  order  to  camp 
for  the  night,  we  got  into  one  of  those  morasses  I 
have  mentioned.  We  thought  we  could  pass  through 
it,  and  pushed  on,  but  the  water  soon  became  so  deep 
we  were  obliged  to  halt.  We  turned  and  tried  to 
make  our  way  out,  but  did  not  succeed,  and  coming 
to  a  spot  of  dry  land,  in  the  midst  of  the  water,  we 
concluded  to  stop.  One  held  the  horses  while  the 
other  looked  about. 

We  found  that  we  were  completely  surrounded  by 
water,  and  decided  that  we  had  better  remain  where 
we  were  during  the  night.  After  hampering  our 
horses  and  turning  them  loose  to  graze,  we  arranged 
our  saddles  and  saddle-bags  on  the  ground  and  lay 
down.  We  had  blankets  to  spread  over  ourselves, 
but  we  were  yet  wet  with  the  rain,  and  were  far 
from  comfortable.  The  clouds  passed  away  and  the 
stars  shone  brightly  in  the  clear  sky.  Being  much 
fatigued,  we  soon  fell  asleep,  but  awoke  about  mid- 
night chilly  and  shivering.  We  got  up  and  exer- 
cised by  walking  and  jumping  about  on  our  little 
island,  and  soon  got  warm,  but  we  could  sleep  no 


REOPENED  HONEY  CREEK  SCHOOL. 


99 


more  during  the  night,  having  to  repeat  the  exer- 
cise several  times.  When  daylight  came,  we  saw 
our  horses  some  two  hundred  yards  from  us,  grazing 
on  the  dry  prairie.  We  found  a  narrow  path  by 
which  we  could  reach  them  without  wading,  and 
gathering  up  our  saddles  and  blankets,  we  left  our 
camping  place.  We  made  good  progress  that  day, 
and,  as  before  stated,  reached  the  settlement  that 
afternoon  in  safety.  I  left  my  companion  at  Terre 
"Haute  and  arrived  at  my  home  at  Honey  Creek  that 
night.  I  received  a  hearty  greeting  from  all  my 
friends,  and  was  very  glad  to  get  back.  I  felt  fully 
satisfied  with  my  adventures  in  the  wild  West,  and 
did  not  care  for  any  more  experience  of  that  kind. 
After  one  or  two  days'  rest,  I  reopened  my  school, 
and  continued  it  without  further  intermission  until 
the  last  of  August.  Nothwithstanding  the  exposure 
I  had  undergone  in  my  travels,  I  continued  to  enjoy 
the  blessing  of  good  health. 

Soon  after  the  close  of  my  school  I  left  Honey 
Creek,  and  returned  to  Richmond  through  the 
southern  part  of  the  State,  which  had  been  longer 
settled  than  the  central  part.  I  went  by  way  of 
Paoli,  Orange  County,  and  Salem,  Washington 
County,  where  I  had  numerous  relatives  living. 
Two  uncles — my  father's  elder  brothers — were 
among  the  early  settlers  of  that  locality.  Large 
settlements  of  Friends  had  grown  up  in  these  coun- 
ties, and  a  Quarterly  Meeting  was  established  near 
Salem,  called  Blue  River  Quarterly  Meeting.  After 
spending  about  a  week  in  visiting  my  uncles,  Libni 
and   Matthew  Coffin,    and    many  of   my   numerous 


IOO  REMINISCENCES. 

cousins,  I  went  directly  to  the  home  of  my  brother- 
in-law,  Benjamin  White,  near  Richmond.  This  was 
my  headquarters  while  I  staid  in  the  West,  though 
a  part  of  my  leisure  time  was  spent  in  visiting  my 
other  sisters,  the  wives  of  Daniel  Puckett  and  Sam- 
uel Kellum,  who  lived  about  nine  miles  north  of 
Richmond,  in  the  village  of  Newport.  The  time 
for  the  Yearly  Meeting  of  Friends  was  drawing  near, 
and  I  wished  to  attend  it  before  starting  back  to 
North  Carolina.  Indiana  Yearly  Meeting  had  been 
established  but  a  short  time,  and  a  large  house  in 
the  suburbs  of  Richmond  had  been  erected  to 
accommodate  the  meeting.  It  was  called  White 
Water  Meeting-House. 

The  time  for  the  meeting  to  open  was  in  the  Tenth 
Mo.,  October,  and  this  gave  me  several  weeks  in 
which  to  visit  my  relatives  and  prepare  for  my  home- 
ward journey.  I  had  learned  that  there  was  a  pros- 
pect of  having  pleasant  company  on  my  way  back. 
My  uncle,  Jonathan  Hockett,  of  Highland  County, 
Ohio,  and  his  son  Jonathan ;  Aaron  Betts,  of  the 
same  county,  and  Benjamin  Beeson,  of  Indiana,  were 
all  going  on  horseback  to  North  Carolina.  The  time 
of  starting  was  agreed  upon,  and  after  taking  leave 
of  my  friends  in  Indiana,  and  visiting  relatives  in 
Clinton  and  Highland  Counties,  Ohio,  I  joined  this 
party  and  started  for  North  Carolina.  We  crossed 
the  Ohio  River  at  Gallipolis,  then  went  up  the  Ka- 
nawha River  to  the  Falls.  We  crossed  New  River 
at  Pack's  Ferry,  and  our  course  from  that  place  led 
across  Peter's  mountain,  across  the  Blue  Ridge  at 
Maberry's    Gap,    and    thence    to    Guilford    County, 


HOME  AGAIN.  I0I 

North  Carolina.  I  reached  my  father's  house  about 
the  first  of  November,  1823.  I  was  truly  thankful 
to  meet  my  dear  parents  and  sister  again,  after  a  sep- 
aration of  more  than  a  year,  and  they  were  greatly 
rejoiced  at  my  restoration  to  them  in  the  enjoyment 
of  health  and  prosperity. 

I  remained  quietly  at  home  several  weeks,  aiding 
my  father  in  the  work  of  the  farm.  Schools  gener- 
ally were  taken  up,  and  I  saw  no  opening  for  em- 
ployment as  teacher  that  winter.  In  the  early  part  1 
of  winter  I  was  applied  to  by  a  friend  of  mine  to  go 
on  a  collecting  tour  for  him  in  the  mountain  regions 
of  Southwestern  Virginia.  It  would  occupy  me  but 
a  few  weeks.  I  undertook  the  business  reluctantly, 
fearing  the  inclemency  of  the  weather  in  that  cold 
mountain  region.  I  crossed  the  Blue  Ridge  at  Good 
Spur  Gap,  and  spent  about  two  weeks  traveling  over 
portions  of  Grayson,  Wythe,  and  Montgomery 
Counties,  Virginia.  Snow  lay  on  the  ground,  and 
the  weather  was  extremely  cold.  I  frequently  en- 
countered heavy  snow-storms,  and  this  exposure 
gave  me  a  severe  cold.  I  was  gone  from  home 
about  three  weeks,  and  soon  after  my  return  I  was 
taken  violently  ill  with  the  pleurisy.  This  distress- 
ing disease  reduced  me  very  low,  but  by  the  aid  of  a 
skillful  physician,  and  the  tender  and  careful  nursing 
of  my  parents  and  sister,  and  the  blessing  of  my 
Heavenly  Father,  I  was  so  far  restored  in  a  few 
weeks  as  to  be  able  to  walk  about  a  little  when  the 
weather  was  fair.  I  remained  in  feeble  health  the 
remainder  of  the  winter,  and  was  not  able  to  engage 
in  any  heavy  physical  labor. 


I02  REMINISCENCES. 

One  day,  late  in  the  winter,  I  was  sitting  in  a 
rather  dejected  frame  of  mind,  meditating  on  my 
situation  and  wondering  what  I  should  do,  when  a 
boy  rode  up  to  the  door,  and  handed  me  a  letter.  I 
opened  it  and  found  that  it  was  from  Jesse  Moore, 
of  Deep  River,  near  Jamestown,  requesting  me  to 
take  a  school  at  that  place.  He  wished  me  to  en- 
gage for  one  year,  and  assured  me  that  I  would  have 
a  large  school.  I  gladly  accepted  the  offer,  and  as 
soon  as  my  health  permitted  I  opened  the  school. 
It  was  about  eight  miles  from  my  father's,  and  by 
keeping  my  horse  at  my  boarding  place  I  had  the 
opportunity  of  riding  home  at  the  close  of  the  week. 
I  taught  here  the  whole  year,  and  had  a  large  and 
interesting  school. 


MARRIAGE. 


I03 


CHAPTER  IV. 

MARRIAGE — REMOVAL  TO  INDIANA — I    LOCATE    AT    NEW- 
PORT   AND  "  ENGAGE      IN     MERCANTILE     BUSINESS 

UNDERGROUND     RAILROAD     WORK DIFFICULTIES 

AND     DANGERS     OF    THE    WORK TRIP    TO      NORTH 

CAROLINA HEART-RENDING     SCENE     AT    A     SLAVE 

„      AUCTION — TEMPERANCE  WORK  AT  NEWPORT. 

ON  the  28th  day  of  tenth  month,  1824,  I  was 
married  to  Catherine  White,  daughter  of  Stan- 
ton and  Sarah  White.  We  were  brought  up  in  the 
same  neighborhood,  and  had  been  acquainted  from 
childhood.  She  belonged  to  the  Religious  Society 
of  Friends,  and  was  then  a  member  of  Hopewell 
Monthly  Meeting,  to  which  place  her  father  had  re- 
moved a  few  years  before,  from  his  former  residence 
near  New  Garden.  We  were  married  at  Hopewell 
Meeting-House,  after  the  manner  and  custom  of 
Friends. 

My  wedding-day  was  my  twenty-sixth  birthday; 
my  wife  was  twenty-one  the  preceding  month.  Our 
attachment  to  each  other  was  of  long  standing.  She 
was  an  amiable  and  attractive  young  woman  of  lively, 
buoyant  spirits.  Her  heart  has  ever  been  quick  to 
respond  to  the  cry  of  distress,  and  she  has  been  an 
able  and  efficient  helper  to  me  in  all  my  efforts  on 


104 


REMINISCENCES. 


behalf  of  the  fugitive  slaves,  and  a  cheerful  sharer  in 
all  the  toils,  privations  and  dangers  which  we  have, 
in  consequence,  been  called  upon  to  endure. 

Soon  after  marriage  I  rented  a  house  near  my 
school,  and  here  we  first  went  to  housekeeping. 
My  school  closed  early  in  the  spring,  and  I  con- 
cluded to  rest  awhile  from  the  arduous  duties  of 
teaching. 

Thinking  that  my  health  would  be  improved  by 
the  open-air  exercise  of  farming,  and  having  a  very 
favorable  offer  made  me  of  a  comfortable  house, 
without  charge,  in  that  neighborhood,  and  as  much 
ground  as  I  wished  to  cultivate,  I  prepared  to  en- 
gage in  farming.  This  prospect  was  pleasant  to  lis 
both,  as  my  wife  and  I  had  been  brought  up  on 
farms.  The  house  was  tendered  us  by  our  friend 
and  neighbor  Shields  Moore,  who  now  lives  in  In- 
diana. We  went  to  work  in  good  spirits  and  soon 
had  a  garden  planted  and  a  crop  in.  But  my  plan 
for  farming  soon  came  to  an  end. 

A  new  school-house  had  just  been  completed, 
about  two  miles  north  of  Deep  River  Meeting- 
House,  in  a  thickly  settled  neighborhood  of  Friends. 
This  settlement  was  called  Nazareth,  and  the  school- 
house  received  the  same  name.  There  was  a  large 
number  of  young  people  in  the  neighborhood,  for 
whose  benefit  the  parents  were  anxious  to  establish  a 
good  school.  A  committee,  consisting  of  Abel  Cof- 
fin, Thaddeus  Gardner,  Zacharias  Coffin  and  Peter 
Hunt,  visited  me  and  asked  me  to  take  the  school. 
They  added  inducements  by  offering  me  a  good 
house,  free  of  charge,  and  agreeing  to  guarantee  my 


MY  SCHOOL  AT  GREENSBORO. 


105 


salary,  but  I  declined  rite  offer.  I  thought  they  had 
overestimated  my  qualifications  and  reputation  as  a 
teacher,  and  feared  that  I  could  not  satisfactorily  fill 
the  place.  They  would  not  accept  my  answer  as 
final,  however,  and  said  they  would  visit  me  again, 
giving  me  a  week  to  think  on  the  subject.  I  con- 
sulted with  my  wife  and  some  of  our  neighbors,  and 
finally  agreed  to  accept  the  offer.  I  accordingly  sold 
my  crop,  and  removed  to  the  house  near  the  school. 

In  my  article  of  agreement,  I  limited  my  school 
to  fifty  scholars.  This  number  was  soon  made  up, 
and  I  employed  Susanna  Overman,  a  graduate  of 
Greensboro  Academy,  as  assistant. 

This  was  the  largest  and  most  interesting  school 
that  I  ever  taught.  During  this  year  I  was  also 
engaged  in  Sabbath-school  work.  We  organized  a 
large  Sabbath-school  at  Deep  River  Meeting-House, 
the  first  ever  established  in  that  place.  In  the  early 
part  of  1826  we  organized  a  library  association  at 
my  school-house,  calling  it  the  Nazereth  Library 
Association.  We  got  several  of  the  prominent 
men  of  the  neighborhood  interested  in  this  work, 
and  succeeded  in  getting  a  small,  yet  good  collec- 
tion of  books  with  which  to  start  our  library.  We 
then  made  up  a  considerable  sum  of  money,  and 
having,  by  the  aid  of  Jeremiah  Hubbard  and  others, 
made  out  a  list  of  valuable  books,  we  sent  by  Abel 
Coffin,  who  was  going  to  Philadelphia,  and  pur- 
chased others.  This  was  the  beginning  of  what 
grew  in  time  to  be  a  large  and  interesting  library. 

When  my  school  closed,  I  made  a  donation  of  my 
stock  and  interest  in  the  library  to  the  association. 


I05  REMINISCENCES. 

I  was  then  preparing  to  move  to  the  State  of  In- 
diana. The  association  afterward  obtained  a  charter 
and  became  a  corporate  body.  A  year  or  two  after 
my  removal  to  the  West,  I  received  an  official  noti- 
fication of  a  resolution  passed  by  this  body,  thank- 
ing me  for  the  active  part  I  had  taken  in  organizing 
the  association,  and  for  my  donation  to  the  library. 

In  the  early  part  of  the  ninth  month,  1826,  we 
took  a  final  leave  of  North  Carolina.  My  parents 
had  emigrated  to  Indiana  the  previous  year,  and  I 
was  the  last  one  of  our  family  to  go.  My  family  at 
this  time  consisted  of  myself,  my  wife,  and  our  son 
Jesse,  about  a  year  old.  My  wife's  parents  were 
not  then  prepared  to  move,  but  followed  the  next 
year.  On  our  way  to  Indiana  we  had  the  company 
of  my  wife's  cousin,  Elias  Jessup,  and  his  little 
family. 

We  made  the  journey  in  light  wagons,  with  good 
teams,  and  had  a  pleasant  trip.  We  took  the  short- 
est route,  called  the  Kanawha  road,  and  arrived  at 
our  destination  in  four  weeks  from  the  time  of  start- 
ing. We  located  at  Newport,  Wayne  County,  In- 
diana, where  we  lived  for  more  than  twenty  years. 
This  village  was  in  the  midst  of  a  large  settlement 
of  Friends,  and  a  Quarterly  Meeting  was  then  estab- 
lished at  New  Garden  Meeting-House,  about  a  half 
mile  from  the  village.  I  bought  property  in  New- 
port, and  finding  that  there  was  a  good  opening 
there  for  a  mercantile  business,  I  concluded  to  en- 
gage in  it.  I  went  to  Cincinnati  and  purchased  a 
small  stock  of  goods  and  opened  a  store.  This  ven- 
ture was  successful,  and  I   increased  my  stock  and 


SETTLED  IN  INDIANA.  '  IOj 

varied  my  assortment  of  goods  until  a  large  retail 
business  was  established. 

The  next  year  I  commenced  cutting  pork  in  a 
small  way,  besides  carrying  on  my  other  business. 
This  I  continued  to  do,  enlarging  my  operations 
every  year,  and  kept  it  up  as  long  as  I  remained  in 
Newport, 

In  the  year  1836,  I  built  an  oil  mill  and  manufac- 
tured linseed  oil.  Notwithstanding  all  this  multi- 
plicity of  business,  I  was  never  too  busy  to  engage 
in  Underground  Railroad  affairs.  Soon  after  we  lo- 
cated at  Newport,  I  found  that  we  were  on  a  line  of 
the  U.  G.  R.  R.  Fugitives  often  passed  through 
that  place,  and  generally  stopped  among  the  colored 
people.  There  was  in  that  neighborhood  a  number 
of  families  of  free  colored  people,  mostly  from  North 
Carolina,  who  were  the  descendants  of  slaves  who 
had  been  liberated  by  Friends  many  years  before, 
and  sent  to  free  States  at  the  expense  of  North  Car- 
olina Yearly  Meeting.  I  learned  that  the  fugitive 
slaves  who  took  refuge  with  these  people  were  often 
pursued  and  captured,  the  colored  people  not  being 
very  skillful  in  concealing  them,  or  shrewd  in  making 
arrangements  to  forward  them  to  Canada.  I  was 
pained  to  hear  of  the  capture  of  these  fugitives,  and 
inquired  of  some  of  the  Friends  in  our  village  why 
they  did  not  take  them  in  and  secrete  them,  when 
they  were  pursued,  and  then  aid  them  on  their  way 
to  Canada?  I  found  that  they  were  afraid  of  the  pen- 
alty of  the  law.  I  told  them  that  I  read  in  the  Bible 
when  I  was  a  boy  that  it  was  right  to  take  in  the 
stranger  and  administer  to  those  in  distress,  and  that 


IG8  REMINISCENCES. 

I  thought  it  was  always  safe  to  do  right.  The  Bible, 
in  bidding  us  to  feed  the  hungry  and  clothe  the 
naked,  said  nothing  about  rolor,  and  I  should  try 
to  follow  out  the  teachings  of  that  good  book.  I 
was  willing  to  receive  and  aid  as  many  fugitives  as 
were  disposed  to  come  to  my  house.  I  knew  that 
my  wife's  feelings  and  sympathies  regarding  this 
matter  were  the  same  as  mine,  and  that  she  was  will- 
ing to  do  her  part.  It  soon  became  known  to  the 
colored  people  in  our  neighborhood  and  others,  that 
our  house  was  a  depot  where  the  hunted  and  ha- 
rassed fugitive  journeying  northward,  on  the  Under- 
ground Railroad,  could  find  succor  and  sympathy. 
It  also  became  known  at  other  depots  on  the  various 
lines  that  converged  at  Newport. 

In  the  winter  of  1826-27,  fugitives  began  to  come 
to  our  house,  and  as  it  became  more  widely  known 
on  different  routes  that  the  slaves  fleeing  from  bond- 
age would  find  a  welcome  and  shelter  at  our  house, 
and  be  forwarded  safely  on  their  journey,  the  num- 
ber increased.  Friends  in  the  neighborhood,  who 
had  formerly  stood  aloof  from  the  work,  fearful  of 
the  penalty  of  the  law,  were  encouraged  to  engage 
in  it  when  they  saw  the  fearless  manner  in  which  I 
acted,  and  the  success  that  attended  my  efforts. 
They  would  contribute  to  clothe  the  fugitives,  and 
would  aid  in  forwarding  them  on  their  way,  but 
were  timid  about  sheltering  them  under  their  roof; 
so  that  part  of  the  work  devolved  on  us.  Some 
seemed  really  glad  to  see  the  work  go  on,  if  some- 
body else  would  do  it.  Others  doubted  the  propri- 
ety of  it,  and  tried  to  discourage  me,  and  dissuade 


UNDERGROUND  RAILROAD  BEGUN.  IOg 

me  from  running  such  risks.  They  manifested  great 
concern  for  my  safety  and  pecuniary  interests,  tell- 
ing me  that  such  a  course  of  action  would  injure  my 
business  and  perhaps  ruin  me  ;  that  I  ought  to  con- 
sider the  welfare  of  my  family ;  and  warning  me  that 
my  life  was  in  danger,  as  there  were  many  threats 
made  against  me  by  the  slave-hunters  and  those  who 
sympathized  with  them. 

After  listening  quietly  to  these  counselors,  I  told 
them  that  I  felt  no  condemnation  for  anything  that 
I  had  ever  done  for  the  fugitive  slaves.  .  If  by  doing 
my  duty  and  endeavoring  to  fulfill  the  injunctions 
of  the  Bible,  I  injured  my  business,  then  let  my 
business  go.  As  to  my  safety,  my  life  was  in  the 
hands  of  my  Divine  Master,  and  I  felt  that  I  had  his 
approval.  I  had  no  fear  of  the  danger  that  seemed 
to  threaten  my  life  or  my  business.  If  I  was  faith- 
ful to  duty,  and  honest  and  industrious,  I  felt  that 
I  would  be  preserved,  and  that  I  could  make 
enough  to  support  my  family.  At  one  time  there 
came  to  see  me  a  good  old  Friend,  who  was  appar- 
ently very  deeply  concerned  for  my  welfare.  He 
said  he  was  as  much  opposed  to  slavery  as  I  was, 
but  thought  it  very  wrong  to  harbor  fugitive  slaves. 
No  one  there  knew  of  what  crimes  they  were  guilty; 
they  might  have  killed  their  masters,  or  committed 
some  other  atrocious  deed,  then  those  who  sheltered 
them,  and  aided  them  in  their  escape  from  justice 
would  indirectly  be  accomplices.  He  mentioned 
other  objections  which  he  wished  me  to  consider, 
and  then  talked  for  some  time,  trying  to  convince 
me   of  the   errors  of  my  ways.      I   heard   him    pa- 


IIO  REMINISCENCES. 

tiently  until  he  had  relieved  his  mind  of  the  burden 
upon  it,  and  then  asked  if  he  thought  the  Good 
Samaritan  stopped  to  inquire  whether  the  man  who 
fell  among  thieves  was  guilty  of  any  crime  before 
he  attempted  to  help  him?  I  asked  him  if  he  were 
to  see  a  stranger  who  had  fallen  into  the  ditch  would 
he  not  help  him  out  until  satisfied  that  he  had  com- 
mitted no  atrocious  deed?  These,  and  many  other 
questions  which  I  put  to  him,  he  did  not  seem  able 
to  answer  satisfactorily.  He  was  so  perplexed  and 
confused  that  I  really  pitied  the  good  old  man,  and 
advised  him  to  go  home  and  read  his  Bible  thor- 
oughly, and  pray  over  it,  and  I  thought  his  concern 
about  my  aiding  fugitive  slaves  would  be  removed 
from  his  mind,  and  that  he  would  feel  like  helping 
me  in  the  work.  We  parted  in  good  feeling,  and 
he  always  manifested  warm  friendship  toward  me 
until  the  end  of  his  days. 

Many  of  my  pro-slavery  customers  left  me  for  a 
time,  my  sales  were  diminished,  and  for  a  while  my 
business  prospects  were  discouraging,  yet  my  faith 
was  not  shaken,  nor  my  efforts  for  the. slaves  less- 
ened. New  customers  soon  came  in  to  fill  the  places 
of  those  who  had  left  me.  New  settlements  were 
rapidly  forming  to  the  north  of  us,  and  our  own  was 
filling  up  with  emigrants  from  North  Carolina,  and 
other  States.  My  trade  increased,  and  I  enlarged 
my  business.  I  was  blessed  in  all  my  efforts  and 
succeeded  beyond  my  expectations.  The  Under- 
ground Railroad  business  increased  as  time  ad- 
vanced,  and  it  was  attended  with  heavy  expenses, 
which   I  could   not  have  borne  had   not  my  affairs 


MODE  OF  WORKING.  m 

been  prosperous.  I  found  it  necessary  to  keep  a 
team  and  a  wagon  always  at  command,  to  convey 
the  fugitive  slaves  on  their  journey.  Sometimes, 
when  we  had  large  companies,  one  or  two  other 
teams  and  wagons  were  required.  These  journeys 
had  to  be  made  at  night,  often  through  deep  mud 
and  bad  roads,  and  along  by-ways  that  were  seldom 
traveled.  Every  precaution  to  evade  pursuit  had  to 
be  used,  as  the  hunters  were  often  on  the  track,  and 
sometimes  ahead  of  the  slaves.  We  had  different 
routes  for  sending  the  fugitives  to  depots,  ten,  fif- 
teen, or  twenty  miles  distant,  and  when  we  heard 
of  slave-hunters  having  passed  on  one  road,  we  for- 
warded our  passengers  by  another. 

In  some  instances  where  we  learned  that  the  pur- 
suers were  ahead  of  them,  we  sent  a  messenger  and 
had  the  fugitives  brought  back  to  my  house  to  re- 
main in  concealment  until  the  bloodhounds  in  human 
shape  had  lost  the  trail  and  given  up  the  pursuit. 

I  soon  became  extensively  known  to  the  friends 
of  the  slaves,  at  different  points  on  the  Ohio  River, 
where  fugitives  generally  crossed,  and  to  those 
northward  of  us  on  the  various  routes  leading  to 
Canada.  Depots  were  established  on  the  different 
lines  of  the  Underground  Railroad,  south  and  north 
of  Newport,  and  a  perfect  understanding  was  main- 
tained between  those  who  kept  them.  Three  princi- 
pal lines  from  the  South  converged  at  my  house ; 
one  from  Cincinnati,  one  from  Madison,  and  one 
from  Jeffersonville,  Indiana.  The  roads  were  al- 
ways in  running  order,  the  connections  were  good, 
the  conductors  active  and  zealous,  and  there  was  no 


!  1 2  REMINISCENCES. 

lack  of  passengers.  Seldom  a  week  passed  without 
our  receiving  passengers  by  this  mysterious  road. 
We  found  it  necessary  to  be  always  prepared  to  re- 
ceive such  company  and  properly  care  for  them. 
We  knew  not  what  night  or  what  hour  of  the  night 
we  would  be  roused  from  slumber  by  a  gentle  rap  at 
the  door.  That  was  the  signal  announcing  the  ar- 
rival of  a  train  of  the  Underground  Railroad,  for  the 
locomotive  did  not  whistle,  nor  make  any  unneces- 
sary noise.  I  have  often  been  awakened  by  this 
signal,  and  sprang  out  of  bed  in  the  dark  and  opened 
the  door.  Outside  in  the  cold  or  rain,  there  would 
be  a  two-horse  wagon  loaded  with  fugitives,  perhaps 
the  greater  part  of  them  women  and  children.  I 
would  invite  them,  in  a  low  tone,  to  come  in,  and 
they  would  follow  me  into  the  darkened  house  with- 
out a  word,  for  we  knew  not  who  might  be  watching 
and  listening.  When  they  were  all  safely  inside  and 
the  doo'r  fastened,  I  would  cover  the  windows,  strike 
a  light  and  build  a  good  fire.  By  this  time  my  wife 
would  be  up  and  preparing  victuals  for  them,  and  in 
a  short  time  the  cold  and  hungry  fugitives  would  be 
made  comfortable.  I  would  accompany  the  conduc- 
tor of  the  train  to  the  stable,  and  care  for  the  horses, 
that  had,  perhaps,  been  driven  twenty-five  or  thirty 
miles  that  night,  through  the  cold  and  rain.  The 
fugitives  would  rest  on  pallets  before  the  fire  the  rest 
of  the  night.  Frequently,  wagon-loads  of  passen- 
gers from  the  different  lines  have  met  at  our  house, 
having  no  previous  knowledge  of  each  other.  The 
companies  varied  in  number,  from  two  or  three  fugi- 
tives to  seventeen. 


MODE  OF  WORKING.  II3 

The  care  of  so  many  necessitated  much  work  and 
anxiety  on  our  part,  but  we  assumed  the  burden  of 
our  own  will  and  bore  it  cheerfully.  It  was  never 
too  cold  or  stormy,  or  the  hour  of  night  too  late 
for  my  wife  to  rise  from  sleep,  and  provide  food  and 
comfortable  lodging  for  the  fugitives.  Her  sym- 
pathy for  those  in  distress  never  tired,  and  her 
efforts  in  their  behalf  never  abated.  This  work  was 
kept  up  during  the  time  we  lived  at  Newport,  a 
period  of  more  than  twenty  years.  The  number  of 
fugitives  varied  considerably  in  different  years,  but 
the  annual  average  was  more  than  one  hundred. 
They  generally  came  to  us  destitute  of  clothing,  and 
were  often  barefooted.  Clothing  must  be  collected 
and  kept  on  hand,  if  possible,  and  money  must  be 
raised  to  buy  shoes,  and  purchase  goods  to  make 
garments  for  women  and  children.  The  young 
ladies  in  the  neighborhood  organized  a  sewing  so- 
ciety, and  met  at  our  house  frequently,  to  make 
clothes  for  the  fugitives. 

Sometimes  when  the  fugitives  came  to  us  desti- 
tute, we  kept  them  several  days,  until  they  could  be 
provided  with  comfortable  clothes.  This  depended 
on  the  circumstances  of  danger.  If  they  had  come 
a  long  distance  and  had  been  out  several  weeks  or 
months — as  was  sometimes  the  case — and  it  was  not 
probable  that  hunters  were  on  their  track,  we 
thought  it  safe  for  them  to  remain  with  us  until 
fitted  for  traveling  through  the  thinly  settled  country 
to  the  North.  Sometimes  fugitives  have  come  to 
our  house  in  rags,  foot-sore  and  toil-worn,  and  al- 
most wild,  having  been  out  for  several  months 
10 


H4 


REMINISCENCES. 


traveling  at  night,  hiding  in  canebrakes  or  thickets 
during  the  day,  often  being  lost  and  making  little 
headway  at  night,  particularly  in  cloudy  weather, 
when  the  north  star  could  not  be  seen,  sometimes 
almost  perishing  for  want  of  food,  and  afraid  of 
every  white  person  they  saw,  even  after  they  came 
into  a  free  State,  knowing  that  slaves  were  often 
captured  and  taken  back  after  crossing  the  Ohio 
River. 

Such  as  these  we  have  kept  until  they  were  re- 
cruited in  strength,  provided  with  clothes,  and  able 
to  travel.  When  they  first  came  to  us  they  were 
generally  unwilling  to  tell  their  stories,  or  let  us 
know  what  part  of  the  South  they  came  from.  They 
would  not  give  their  names,  or  the  names  of  their 
masters,  correctly,  fearing  that  they  would  be  be- 
trayed. In  several  instances  fugitives  came  to  our 
house  sick  from  exhaustion  and  exposure,  and  lay 
several  weeks.  One  case  was  that  of  a  woman  and 
her  two  children — little  girls.  Hearing  that  her 
children  were  to  be  sold  away  from  her,  she  deter- 
mined to  take  them  with  her  and  attempt  to  reach 
Canada.  She  had  heard  that  Canada  was  a  place 
where  all  were  free,  and  that  by  traveling  toward 
the  north  star  she  could  reach  it.  She  managed 
to  get  over  the  Ohio  River  with  her  two  little  girls, 
and  then  commenced  her  long  and  toilsome  journey 
northward.  Fearing  to  travel  on  the  road,  even  at 
night,  lest  she  should  meet  somebody,  she  made 
her  way  through  the  woods  and  across  fields,  living 
on  fruits  and  green  corn,  when  she  could  procure 
them,  and  sometimes  suffering  severely  for  lack  of 


MODE  OF  WORKING. 


US 


food.  Thus  she  wandered  on,  and  at  last  reached 
our  neighborhood.  Seeing  a  cabin  where  some  col- 
ored people  lived  she  made  her  way  to  it.  The 
people  received  her  kindly,  and  at  once  conducted 
her  to  our  house.  She  was  so  exhausted  by  the 
hardships  of  her  long  journey,  and  so  weakened  by 
hunger,  having  denied  herself  to  feed  her  children, 
that  she  soon  became  quite  sick.  Her  children 
were  very  tired,  but  soon  recovered  their  strength, 
and  were  in  good  health.  They  had  no  shoes  nor 
clothing  except  what  they  had  on,  and  that  was  in 
tatters.  Dr.  Henry  H.  Way  was  called  in,  and 
faithfully  attended  the'  sick  woman,  until  her  health 
was  restored.  Then  the  little  party  were  provided 
with  good  clothing  and  other  comforts,  and  were 
sent  on  their  way  to  Canada. 

Dr.  Way  was  a  warm  friend  to  the  fugitive  slaves, 
and  a  hearty  co-worker  with  me  in  anti-slavery  mat- 
ters. The  number  of  those  who  were  friendly  to 
the  fugitives  increased  in  our  neighborhood  as  time 
passed  on.  Many  were  willing  to  aid  in  clothing 
them  and  helping  them  on  their  way,  and  a  few 
were  willing  to  aid  in  secreting  them,  but  the  depot 
seemed  to  be  established  at  my  house. 

Notwithstanding  the  many  threats  of  slave-hunt- 
ers and  the  strong  prejudices  of  pro-slavery  men,  I 
continued  to  prosper  and  gained  a  business  influence 
in  the  community.  Some  of  my  customers,  who 
had  left  me  several  years  before  on  account  of  my 
anti-slavery  sentiments,  began  to  deal  with  me 
again.  I  had  been  elected  a  director  in  the  Rich- 
mond branch  of  the  State  Bank,  and  was  re-elected 


H6  REMINISCENCES. 

annually  for  six  or  seven  years,  by  the  stockholders, 
to  represent  our  district.  When  any  one  wished 
accommodation  from  the  bank,  much  depended  on 
the  director  from  the  district  where  the  applicant 
lived.  His  word  or  influence  would  generally  de- 
cide the  matter.  The  remembrance  of  this  seemed 
to  hold  a  check  on  some  of  the  pro-slavery  men  of 
our  neighborhood.  They  wished  to  retain  my 
friendship,  and  did  not  openly  oppose  my  U.  G.  R. 
R.  work  as  they  might  otherwise  have  done.  My 
business  influence  no  doubt  operated  in  some  de- 
gree to  shield  me  from  the  attacks  of  the  slave- 
hunters.  These  men  often  threatened  to  kill  me, 
and  at  various  times  offered  a  reward  for  my  head. 
I  often  received  anonymous  letters  warning  me  that 
my  store,  pork-house,  and  dwelling  would  be  burned 
to  the  ground,  and  one  letter,  mailed  in  Kentucky, 
informed  me  that  a  body  of  armed  men  were  then 
on  their  way  to  Newport  to  destroy  the  town.  The 
letter  named  the  night  in  which  the  work  would  be 
accomplished,  and  warned  me  to  flee  from  the  place, 
for  if  I  should  be  taken  my  life  would  pay  for  my 
crimes  against  Southern  slaveholders.  I  had  be- 
come so  accustomed  to  threats  and  warnings,  that 
this  made  no  impression  on  me — struck  no  terror  to 
my  heart.  The  most  of  the  inhabitants  of  our  vil- 
lage were  Friends,  and  their  principles  were  those 
of  peace  and  non-resistance.  They  were  not  alarm- 
ed at  the  threat  to  destroy  the  town,  and  on  the 
night  appointed  retired  to  their  beds  as  usual  and 
slept  peacefully.  We  placed  no  sentinels  to  give 
warning  of  danger,   and  had   no  extra  company  at 


FRIGHT  FROM  FROG  MUSIC. 


117 


our  house  to  guard  our  lives.  We  retired  to  rest 
at  the  usual  hour,  and  were  not  disturbed  during  the 
night.  In  the  morning  the  buildings  were  all  there 
— there  was  no  smell  of  fire,  no  sign  of  the  terrible 
destruction  threatened.  I  heard  of  only  one  person 
who  was  alarmed,  and  he  did  not  live  in  town. 

The  fright  of  this  man  created  considerable  amuse- 
ment at  the  time  and  was  not  soon  forgotten.  He 
was  a  poor  laborer,  who  lived  a  mile  and  a  half  from 
Newport,  in  a  cabin  which  he  had  built  in  the  woods. 
About  half  a  mile  east  of  his  place,  two  roads  cross- 
ed each  other,  one  of  them  leading  to  Newport,  and 
near  the  cross-roads  was  a  large  pond  of  water.  This 
incident  occurred  in  the  spring  of  the  year.  Having 
heard  that  on  a  certain  night  the  town  of  Newport 
was  to  be  destroyed  by  an  army  from  Kentucky, 
this  man  was  listening,  at  the  time  appointed,  for 
the  sound  of  the  approaching  army.  Soon  after 
dark  he  was  sure  he  heard  martial  music  near  the 
cross-roads.  He  hastened  to  town  with  all  speed, 
and  came  into  my  store,  almost  out  of  breath,  to 
give  the  alarm.  We  laughed  at  him,  and  told  him 
that  he  heard  the  noise  of  frogs  in  that  pond  of 
water,  but  he  would  not  be  convinced.  To  satisfy 
him,  a  young  man  present  said  he  would  mount  his 
horse  and  go  with  him  to  hear  the  music.  He  went, 
and  soon  returned  and  informed  us  that  the  frogs 
were  making  a  lively  noise  in  the  pond  in  honor  of 
the  return  of  spring ;  that  was  all  the  music  to  be 
heard.  The  laborer  was  so  chagrined  at  his  ludi- 
crous mistake,  that  he  did  not  show  himself  in  town 
for  some  time. 


!  j  g  REMINISCENCES. 

Slave-hunters  often  passed  through  our  town 
and  sometimes  had  hired  ruffians  with  them  froni 
Richmond,  and  other  neighboring  places.  They 
knew  me  well,  and  knew  that  I  harbored  slaves  and 
aided  them  to  escape,  but  they  never  ventured  to 
search  my  premises,  or  molest  me  in  any  way. 

I  had  many  employes  about  my  place  of  business, 
and  much  company  about  my  house,  and  it  seemed 
too  public  a  place  for  fugitives  to  hide.  These 
slave-hunters  knew  that  if  they  committed  any  tres- 
pass, or  went  beyond  the  letter  of  the  law,  I  would 
have  them  arrested,  and  they  knew  also  that  I  had 
many  friends  who  would  stand  at  my  back  and  aid 
me  in  prosecuting  them.  Thus,  my  business  influ- 
ence and  large  acquaintance  afforded  me  protection 
in  my  labors  for  the  oppressed  fugitives.  I  ex- 
pressed my  anti-slavery  sentiments  with  boldness 
on  every  occasion.  I  told  the  sympathizers  with 
slave-hunters  that  I  intended  to  shelter  as  many 
runaway  slaves  as  came  to  my  house,  and  aid  them 
on  their  way  ;  and  advised  them  to  be  careful  how 
they  interfered  with  my  work.  They  might  get 
themselves  into  difficulty  if  they  undertook  to  cap- 
ture slaves  from  my  premises,  and  become  involved 
in  a  legal  prosecution,  for  most  of  the  arrests  of 
slaves  were  unlawful.  The  law  required  that  a  writ 
should  be  obtained,  and  a  proof  that  the  slave  was 
their  property  before  they  could  take  him  away,  and 
if  they  proceeded  contrary  to  these  requirements, 
and  attempted  to  enter  my  house,  I  would  have 
them  arrested  as  kidnappers.  These  expressions, 
uttered  frequently,    had,   I  thought,   a   tendency  tc 


FROZEN  FEET.  ng 

intimidate  the  slave-hunters  and  their  friends,  and 
to  prevent  them  from  entering  my  house  to  search 
for  slaves, 

The  pursuit  was  often  very  close,  and  we  had  to 
resort  to  various  stratagems  in  order  to  elude  the 
pursuers.  Sometimes  a  company  of  fugitives  were 
scattered,  and  secreted  in  the  neighborhood  until 
the  hunters  had  given  up  the  chase.  At  other 
times  their  route  was  changed  and  they  were  hur- 
ried forward  with  all  speed.  It  was  a  continual 
excitement  and  anxiety  to  us,  but  the  work  was 
its  own  reward. 

As  I  have  said  before,  when  we  knew  of  no  pur- 
suit, and  the  fugitives  needed  to  rest  or  to  be 
clothed,  or  were  sick  from  exposure  and  fatigue,  we 
have  kept  them  with  us  for  weeks  or  months.  A 
case  of  this  kind  was  that  of  two  young  men  who 
were  brought  to  our  house  during  a  severe  cold  spell 
in  the  early  part  of  winter.  They  had  been  out  in 
the  snow  and  ice,  and  their  feet  were  so  badly  frozen 
that  their  boots  had  to  be  cut  off,  and  they  were 
compelled  to  lie  by  for  three  months,  being  unable 
to  travel.  Dr.  Henry  H.  Way,  who  was  always 
ready  to  minister  to  the  fugitives,  attended  them, 
and  by  his  skillful  treatment  their  feet  were  saved, 
though  for  some  time  it  was  thought  that  a  sur- 
gical operation  would  have  to  be  performed.  The 
two  men  left* us  in  the  spring,  and  went  on  to  Can- 
ada. They  seemed  loth  to  part  from  us,  and  mani- 
fested much  gratitude  for  our  kindness  and  care. 
The  next  autumn  one  of  them  returned  to  our 
house   to   see   us,   saying  that  he   felt  so  much   in- 


j  20  R  EMINISCENCES. 

debted  to  us  that  he  had  come  back  to  work  for  us 
to  try  to  repay  us,  in  some  measure,  for  what  we  had 
done  for  him.  I  told  him  that  we  had  no  charge 
against  him,  and  could  not  receive  anything  for  our 
attention  to  him  while  he  was  sick  and  helpless ;  but 
if  he  thought  he  would  be  safe,  I  would  hire  him 
during  the  winter  at  good  wages.  He  accepted  this 
offer  and  proved  to  be  a  faithful  servant.  He  at- 
tended night-school  and  made  some  progress  in 
learning.      He  returned  to  Canada  in  the  spring. 

Many  of  the  fugitives  came  long  distances,  from 
Alabama,  Mississippi,  Louisiana,  in  fact  from  all 
parts  of  the  South.  Sometimes  the  poor  hunted 
creatures  had  been  out  so  long,  living  in  woods  and 
thickets,  that  they  were  almost  wild  when  they  came 
in,  and  so  fearful  of  being  betrayed,  that  it  was 
some  time  before  their  confidence  could  be  gained 
and  the  true  state  of  their  case  learned.  Although 
the  number  of  fugitives  that  I  aided  on  their  way 
was  so  large,  not  one,  so  far  as  I  ever  knew,  was 
captured  and  taken  back  to  slavery.  Providence 
seemed  to  favor  our  efforts  for  the  poor  slaves,  and 
to  crown  them  with  success. 

INCIDENTS  OF  A  TRIP  TO  NORTH*  CAROLINA. 

Early  in  the  spring  of  1828  I  started  to  North 
Carolina  on  business  for  myself  and  others,  taking 
with  me  a  small  drove  of  horses  to  sell*. 

I  was  accompanied  by  Ellis  Mitchell,  a  light  mu 
latto  man,  free  born.      He  was  from  our  neighbor- 
hood in  North  Carolina,  where  by  his  industry  as  a 
blacksmith  he  had  become  possessed  of  a  comfort- 


BAD  TREATMENT.  I2r 

able  little  property  adjoining  the  farm  of  my  wife's 
father,  Stanton  White.  In  the  fall  of  1827  my 
father-in-law  moved  from  North  Carolina  and  settled 
in  Spiceland,  Henry  County,  Indiana.  Ellis  had 
long  wished  to  pay  a  visit  to  the  western  country, 
but  was  deterred  from  making  the  attempt  by  a 
knowledge  of  the  difficulties  that  beset  a  colored 
man,  who  traveled  alone  from  a  slave  State  to  the 
free  States.  Therefore,  when  my  father-in-law  pre- 
pared to  start,  Ellis  saw  his  opportunity.  He  offered 
his  services  to  drive  my  father-in-law's  team,  and  was 
gladly  accepted. 

He  made  the  journey  in  safety  and"  spent  the  win- 
ter in  Indiana,  visiting  his  numerous  friends  and 
acquaintances,  who  had  emigrated  from  North  Caro- 
lina. When  he- wished  to  return  home  in  the  spring, 
he  offered  to  go  with  me  and  aid  me  in  driving  the 
horses,  and  I  gladly  availed  myself  of  his  services. 
Dr.  Henry  H.  Way,  who  was  then  my  partner  in 
business,  accompanied  us  on  the  first  day's  journey. 
We  stopped  at  night  at  a  tavern  near  Eaton,  Ohio, 
had  our  horses  put  up  and  called  for  supper  for  three. 
When  we  were  called  to  the  supper  table,  however, 
we  found  plates  and  seats  for  only  two.  The  doctor 
observed  to  the  landlady  that  we  had  ordered  supper 
for  three,  but  that  she  had  prepared  for  only  two, 
and  remarked:  "Perhaps  you  did  not  understand 
that  there  were  three  in  our  company." 

"Yes,  sir,"  she  replied;  "I  did  understand,  but 
we  don't  admit  niggers  to  our  table  to  eat  with  white 
folks.  I  will  give  your  servant  his  supper  in  the 
kitchen." 

11 


j  2  2  REMINISCENCES. 

"He  is  not  our  servant,"  rejoined  the  doctor; 
"but  a  respectable  gentleman,  fully  as  worthy  as  we 
are,  and  nearly  as  white ;  he  owns  good  property, 
and  is  really  worth  more  money  than  either  of  us." 

"I  don't  care,"  she  replied  ;  "he  can't  eat  at  my 
table  with  white  folks." 

In  his  quaint,  peculiar  style  of  speaking  the  doc- 
tor asked  :    "Do  you  ever  expect  to  go  to  heaven?" 

"I  hope  so,"  she  replied,  wondering  how  such  a 
question  could  refer  to  the  subject  of  their  conver- 
sation. 

The  doctor  said  :  "If  this  man  should  go  there,  as 
I  trust  he  will,  'do  you  think  he  will  be  put  in  the 
kitchen?"  and  then  went  on  to  quote  several  pas- 
sages of  Scripture,  with  which  the  woman  was  ap- 
parently not  familiar,  concluding  by  saying:  "I  had 
much  rather  eat  with  this  man  than  with  a  person 
who  would  not  eat  with  him." 

But  the  landlady  did  not  yield,  and  Ellis  had  to 
eat  in  the  kitchen.  We  traveled  through  the  State 
of  Ohio,  but  had  no  further  difficulty  in  regard  to 
Ellis'  accommodations  until  we  crossed  the  river  at 
Gallipolis  and  entered  the  State  of  Virginia.  Then, 
Ellis  was  a  "nigger"  and  had  to  go  into  the  kitchen 
the  most  of  the  way.  White  traveling  up  the 
Kanawha  River,  there  was  a  sudden  change  of 
temperature,  and  the  weather,  which  had  been  mild 
and  pleasant,  became  cold  and  blustering,  and  snow 
fell. 

Ellis  Mitchell  became  quite  sick  from  exposure, 
and  was  hardly  able  to  travel.  We  wished  to  stop 
early,   but   could    find    no    house   of  entertainment. 


BAD  TREATMENT.  I2$ 

Some  time  after  sunset  we  arrived  at  a  good  tavern 
and  called  for  quarters.  The  landlord  came  out  to 
meet  us  and  appeared  very  accommodating.  He 
called  several  negro  servants  to  take  our  horses,  and 
said  to  me  :  "Send  your  servant  with  mine  to  take 
care  of  the  horses."  I  told  him  that  I  would  go  to 
the  stable  myself  to  look  after  the  horses,  as  my 
companion  was  sick  and  I  wished  him  to  go  in  to 
the  fire.  I  requested  the  landlord  to  give  him  a 
comfortable  room  where  he  could  lie  down,  for  he 
had  had  a  hard  ague  chill  in  the  afternoon  and  the 
fever  was  now  coming  on. 

The  landlord  replied:  "Oh  yes,  sir,  he  shall  be 
properly  attended  to;  "  and  I  told  Ellis  to  go  in. 

I  went  with  the  servants  to  see  that  our  drove 
of  horses  was  properly  stabled  and  fed,  then  went 
back  to  the  house  and  inquired  about  Ellis. 

The  landlord  said:  "My  niggers  will  take  care  of 
him  ;  don't  be  uneasy." 

But  I  was  determined  to  see  where  he  was,  and 
how  he  fared,  and  walking  out  of  the  back  door,  I 
proceeded  to  a  negro  cabin  which  I  saw  a  few  rods 
off.  Entering  it,  I  saw  Ellis  sitting  on  a  rough  bench 
in  one  corner,  near  a  large  fireplace  in  which  burned 
a  few  sticks  of  wood.  In  the  opposite  corner  sat 
several  negro  children  on  the  dirt  floor,  for  only  half 
of  the  cabin,  the  back  part,  had  a  rough  board  floor. 
On  these  boards  lay  a  few  old  blankets  and  quilts 
which  afforded  all  the  bed  that  Ellis  could  expect 
for  the  night. 

I  went  back  to  the  house  with  my  feelings  much 
disturbed,  and  said  to  the  landlord:  "I  called  for  a 


124 


REMINISCENCES. 


comfortable  room  for  the  sick  man,  so  that  he  might 
lie  down,  but  I  find  him  sitting  on  a  rough  bench, 
with  no  chance  to  lie  down.  I  want  him  taken  out 
of  that  dirty  cabin  and  given  a  comfortable  place  to 
rest  and  sleep;  he  is  able  to  pay  for  it.  He  is  a 
free  man,  owning  a  good  property,  and  at  home  has 
nice  feather  beds  to  sleep  on." 

The  landlord  replied:  "I  will  see  that  he  is  made 
comfortable." 

After  supper,  I  went  again  to  the  cabin  to  see 
how  Ellis  was  faring.  I  found  him  lying  on  the 
bench,  with  his  overcoat  over  him.  An  old  straw 
bed,  with  some  ragged  and  dirty  blankets,  had  been 
spread  down  in  one  corner  for  him,  but  he  had  re- 
fused to  lie  on  it.  For  his  supper  he  had  been 
given  some  poor  coffee  and  corn  bread,  of  which  he 
had  tasted  but  little.  The  floor  of  the  cabin  was 
occupied  by  the  negro  servants,  men,  women,  and 
chil'dren.  Ellis  spent  the  night  on  the  bench  by  the 
fire,  sleeping  but  little. 

In  the  morning  the  breakfast  offered  him  was  the 
same  as  his  supper,  yet  when  we  came  to  settle  our 
accounts,  his  bill  was  the  same  as  mine.  Ellis  had 
never  been  a  slave,  had  always  lived  in  a  neighbor- 
hood of  Friends,  where  he  was  respected  and  kindly 
treated,  and  this  was  the  first  time  he  had  experi- 
enced the  effects  of  slavery.  The  rest  of  the  way 
home  he  fared  more  comfortably.  After  crossing 
the  mountains  into  Patrick  County,  where  taverns 
were  few  and  far  between,  we  made  an  early  start 
one  morning,  and  traveled  till  ten  o'clock  to  reach 
an  inn.     We   stopped   and   called  for  breakfast  for 


CAN'T  EAT  WITH  WHITE  FOLKS. 


I2C 


two,  and,  after  waiting-  some  time,  I  was  informed 
that  the  meal  was  ready.  I  stepped  into  the  dining- 
room,  but  seeing  only  one  plate  on  the  table,  I 
called  to  the  landlady,  and  said :  "  I  ordered  break- 
fast for  two,  and  I  wish  this  gentleman  to  eat  with 
me." 

She  replied:  "  After  you  have  done,  sir,  he  may 
come  to  the  table." 

I  told  her  that  we  had  no  time  to  spare  to  eat, 
one  after  the  other,  for  we  had  a  long  journey  be- 
fore us  that  day,  and  wished  to  be  off  as  soon  as 
possible." 

"I  don't  care,"  she  said,  "niggers  can't  eat  with 
white  folks  at  my  table." 

I  answered:  "That  gentleman  is  nearly  as  white 
as  I  am,  and  is  a  worthy  man;  I  have  no  objections 
to  eat  with  him." 

She  still  persisted  in  her  refusal;  then  I  said:  "I 
have  no  time  to  parley.  That  man  is  older  than  I 
am  ;  I  will  give  him  the  preference  if  either  of  us 
have  to  wait." 

She  at  once  set  a  plate  on  another  table  in  the 
room,  and  set  the  same  fare  before  Ellis.  So  we 
were  permitted  to  eat  in  the  same  room. 

Ellis  concluded  that  Virginia  was  a  hard  place  for 
free  negroes,  even  if  they  happened  to  be  nearly 
white,  and  Was  glad  to  get  out  of  the  State,  and 
reach  his  own  comfortable  home. 

After  spending  a  week  in  the  neighborhood  of  my 
old  home,  and  disposing  of  part  of  my  horses,  I 
went  farther  south,  into  the  edge  of  South  Carolina, 
on  the  Pedee  River,   thence    turned  my  course  to- 


126  REMINISCENCES. 

ward  Fayetteville.  Fifty  miles  south  of  that  place 
lies  the  town  of  Lamberton,  where  I  arrived  one 
day  at  noon,  and  stopped  for  dinner.  I  saw  a  large 
crowd  of  people  in  the  Court-House  yard,  and 
thought  that  it  would  be  a  good  opportunity  to 
dispose  of  the  few  horses  which  I  had  left.  The 
landlord  informed  me  that  an  auction  was  about  to 
take  place — that  a  large  number  of  slaves  were  to 
be  sold  that  afternoon  to  the  highest  bidders.  As 
soon  as  dinner  was  over,  I  walked  out  to  the  large 
lot  in  front  of  the  Court-House,  and  looked  about 
me.  The  slaves  who  were  to  be  sold  stood  in  a 
group  near  the  auctioneer's  stand,  which  was  a  high 
platform  with  steps.  They  appeared  intelligent, 
but  their  countenances  betrayed  deep  dejection  and 
anxiety.  The  men  who  intended  to  purchase, 
passed  from  one  to  another  of  the  group,  exam- 
ining them  just  as  I  would  examine  a  horse  which 
I  wished  to  buy.  These  men  seemed  devoid  of 
any  feeling  of  humanity,  and  treated  the  negroes 
as  if  they  were  brutes.  They  examined  their  limbs 
and  teeth  to  see  if  they  were  sound  and  healthy, 
and  looked  at  their  backs  and  heads,  to  see  if  they 
were  scarred  by  whips,  or  other  instruments  of  pun- 
ishment. It  was  disgusting  to  witness  their  actions, 
and  to  hear  their  vulgar  and  profane  language. 
Now  and  then  one  of  them  would  make  some  ob- 
scene remark,  and  the  rest  would  greet  it  with  peals 
of  laughter,  but  not  a  smile  passed  over  the  sad 
countenances  of  the  slaves.  There  were  men,  women 
and  children  to  be  sold,  the  adults  appearing  to 
be  in   the  prime  of  life.      When    the  examination 


A  SLAVE  AUCTION.        .  127 

was  over,  the  auctioneer  mounted  the  platform, 
taking  one  of  the  slave  men  with  him.  He  de- 
scribed the  good  qualities  of  that  valuable  piece  of 
property, — then  the  bidding  commenced.  The  slave 
looked  anxiously  and  eagerly  from  one  bidder  to 
another,  as  if  trying  to  read  in  their  countenances 
their  qualities  as  masters,  and  his  fate.  The  crier's 
hammer  soon  came  down,  then  another  slave  was 
placed  upon  the  stand,  and  bid  off.  After  several 
men  had  been  sold  in  this  way,  a  woman  was  placed 
upon  the  stand,  with  a  child  in  her  arms  appar- 
ently a  year  old.  She  was  a  fine  looking  woman, 
in  the  prime  of  life,  with  an  intelligent  countenance, 
clouded  with  the  deepest  sadness.  The  auctioneer 
recommended  her  as  a  good  cook,  house  servant, 
and  field  hand — indeed,  according  to  his  represen- 
tation, she  could  turn  her  hand  to  anything,  and  was 
an  unusually  valuable  piece  of  property.  She  was 
industrious,  honest  and  trustworthy,  and,  above  all, 
she  was  a  Christian,  a  member  of  the  church — as  if 
the  grace  of  God  would  add  to  her  price !  The  bid- 
ding was  quite  lively,  and  she  sold  for  a  high  price. 
I  supposed  that  the  child  was  inclu  ied  in  the  sale, 
of  course,  but  soon  saw  that  it  was  to  be  sold  sepa- 
rately. The  mother  begged  her  new  master  to  buy 
her  child,  but  he  did  not  want  it,  and  would  not 
listen  to  her  pleading. 

The  child  was  sold  to  another  man,  but  when  he 
came  to  take  it  from  her,  she  clasped  her  arms 
around  it  tighter  than  ever  and  clung  to  it.  Her 
master  came  up  and  tore  it  from  her  arms  amid  her 
piercing  shrieks  and  cries,    and  dragged  her  away, 


I28  •  REMINISCENCES. 

cursing  and  abusing  her  as  he  went.  The  scene 
moved  my  heart  to  its  depths ;  I  could  endure  it  no 
longer.  I  left  the  ground,  returned  to  my  tavern, 
called  for  my  horses,  and  left  the  town  without  at- 
tempting to  do  any  business.  As  I  mounted  my 
horse,  I  heard  the  voice  of  the  slave  mother  as  she 
screamed:  "  My  child,  my  child  !  "  I  rode  away  as 
fast  as  I  could,  to  get  beyond  the  sound  of  her 
cries.  But  that  night  I  could  not  sleep ;  her  screams 
rang  in  my  ears,  and  haunted  me  for  weeks  after- 
ward. 

This  incident  increased  my  abhorrence  of  slavery 
and  strengthened  my  determination  to  labor  for  the 
cruelly  oppressed  slaves.  I  resolved  to  labor  in  this 
cause  until  the  end  of  my  days,  not  expecting  that 
I  would  live  to  see  the  fetters  broken  and  the  bond- 
men free,  yet  hoping  that  the  time  of  redemption- 
was  not  far  distant.  I  returned  home  with  feelings 
of  renewed  energy  and  zeal  for  the  cause  of  liberty. 

I  devoted  much  time  and  labor  to  aiding  the  poor 
fugitives,  but  found  opportunity  to  engage  in  other 
benevolent  work.  The  Society  of  Friends  had  a 
standing  committee,  called  the  "Committee  on  the 
Concerns  of  the  People  of  Color,"  whose  business  it 
was  to  look  after  the  educational  interest  of  the  free 
colored  people  among  us.  I  was  a  member  of  that 
committee.  A  fund  was  raised  every  year  by  our 
society  to  sustain  schools,  and  to  aid  the  poor  and 
destitute  among  the  colored  people.  I  was  appointed 
treasurer  of  this  fund.  We  had  several  large  settle- 
ments of  free  colored  people  in  the  limits  of  our 
Quarterly  Meeting,  which  were  under  our  care,  and 


THE  TEMPERANCE  QUESTION.  I2q 

we  sustained  schools  among  them.  With  others  of 
the  committee,  I  often  visited  these  neighborhoods 
to  look  after  the  interests  of  these  poor,  ignorant 
people. 

I  also  engaged  in  the  cause  of  temperance,  which 
was  as  unpopular  then  as  the  anti-slavery  cause. 

TEMPERANCE. 

I  will  here  give  a  brief  sketch  of  our  struggle  at 
Newport  in  the  cause  of  temperance,  and  state  how 
we  succeeded  in  firmly  planting  those  principles 
which  afterward  made  that  village  noted  for  its 
sobriety  and  good  moral  influence. 

Our  war  with  King  Alcohol  began  in  1830,  and 
continued  for  several  years,  resulting  finally  in  a 
complete  victory  on  our  part.  Newport  was  a  small 
village  of  about  twenty  families,  when  I  located 
there  in  the  fall  of  1826.  A  few  mechanics,  such 
as  blacksmiths,  wagon-makers,  carpenters,  shoe- 
makers, etc.,  had  opened  shops,  and  there  were  one 
or  two  dram  shops  where  liquor  was  sold  in  small 
quantities.  There  was  no  dry-goods  store  in  the 
village  until  I  commenced  business  there.  I  first 
opened  my  store  with  a  small  assortment  of  dry- 
goods,  groceries  and  hardware,  such  as  was  needed 
by  the  farmers,  and  gradually  enlarged  my  stock  as 
the  demand  for  the  articles  increased. 

The  country  was  new  and  thinly  settled,  but  emi- 
grants from  North  Carolina  and  other  places  came 
in  and  the  population  grew  in  number  year  by  year. 

The  liquor  business  increased  as  the  village  and 
neighborhood    became    more    thickly    settled,    and 


130 


REMINISCENCES. 


other  dram  shops  were  added.  It  was  no  uncom- 
mon thing  to  see  a  drinking,  swearing  gang  of  row- 
dies about  these  places  of  dissipation,  or  to  hear 
them  quarreling  and  fighting  among  themselves. 
Frequently,  on  the  last  day  of  the  week  a  company 
of  roughs  from  the  surrounding  neighborhoods 
would  meet  at  Newport  and  have  a  drunken  spree. 

The  only  religious  denominations  in  the  neighbor- 
hood were  Friends  and  Methodists ;  the  former  were 
the  most  numerous,  but  the  latter  had  a  church  or- 
ganization. Friends  in  the  village  became  much 
annoyed  by  the  liquor  shops  and  the  noisy  disturb- 
ances which  resulted  from  them,  and  a  few  of  us 
often  labored  with  the  liquor  sellers,  but  to  no  effect. 
One  evening  Daniel  Puckett,  Dr.  Henry  H.  Way  and 
I  met,  according  to  agreement,  to  consult  together  in 
regard  to  this  growing  evil  in  our  village.  We  felt 
that  something  must  be  done,  if  possible,  to  put  a 
stop  to  it,  but  knew  that  before  anything  could  be 
effectually  accomplished,  the  public  sentiment  must 
be  aroused,  and  that  the  people  must  recognize  the 
enormity  of  this  growing  evil.  How  shall  we  pro- 
ceed to  do  this  ?  was  the  question  that  we  consid- 
ered. It  was  suggested  and  agreed  upon  that  we 
should  try  to  organize  a  temperance  society,  but  the 
next  question  was,  how  will  this  take  with  the  pub- 
lic? We  knew  of  no  such  organization  west  of  the 
mountains,  and  realized  that  if  we  engaged  in  the 
work  it  must  be  as  pioneers.  We  knew  that  Friends 
professed  to  be  a  temperance  society ;  that  our  dis- 
cipline prohibited  our  members  from  distilling,  im- 
porting or  vending  spirituous  liquors,  and  from  the 


THE  TEMPERANCE  QUESTION.  I3I 

unnecessary  use  of  the  same,  but  we  might  differ  as 
to  what  the  necessary  use  of  liquor  was. 

Friends  were  not,  as  a  general  thing,  total  abstain- 
ers from  liquor,  and  the  question  to  be  considered 
was,  will  they  sustain  nas  in  this  move  ?  To  suc- 
ceed, we  knew  that  we  must  also  get  the  Meth- 
odists of  the  neighborhood  interested  in  the  matter 
and  gain  their  support,  so  we  selected  three  of  the 
most  influential  members  of  that  denomination  in 
the  place,  and  invited  them  to  meet  us  in  council. 

They  came  at  the  appointed  time :  Edward  Star- 
buck,  James  Driggins,  and  another  whose  name  I 
do  not  recollect.  The  result  of  the  council  was  that 
we  united  in  calling  a  meeting  at  our  school-house  in 
the  town  for  the  purpose  of  organizing  a  temper- 
ance society. 

Several  advertisements  were  written  and  signed 
by  the  six  persons  present:  three  Friends  and  three 
Methodists.  These  were  posted  in  different  parts 
of  the  village,  and  the  result  was  that  a  public  ex- 
citement was  created  and  that  a  large  number  of  peo- 
ple— both  men  and  women — assembled  at  the  school- 
house  on  the  appointed  evening.  A  chairman  was 
chosen  and  the  meeting  called  to  order ;  then  a  com- 
mittee to  prepare  a  constitution  and  by-laws  was 
nominated.  This  committee  retired,  but  as  the 
writings  had  been  previously  prepared,  they  soon 
returned  and  reported.  Then,  on  the  motion  to 
adopt,  the  battle  commenced.  We  expected  to 
meet  with  opposition,  but  were  not  prepared  for 
such  formidable  opposition  from  many  of  the  promi- 
nent religionists  of   the    neighborhood.       King  Al- 


j  -  2  REMINISCENCES. 

cohol  and  his  votaries  opened  fire  on  our  little  band 
of  cold-water  adherents,  but  we  were  well  prepared 
for  defense,  having  enlisted  for  the  war,  and  ex- 
pected a  long  hard  struggle.  Our  number  was 
small,  but  we  felt  that  one,  rightly  armed,  could 
chase  a  thousand,  and  two  could  put  ten  thousand  to 
flight. 

The  battle  continued  for  several  hours.  The 
enemy  evidently  weakened  and  lost  ground ;  a  few 
were  captured.  The  society  was  organized  under 
the  name  of  the  "Newport  Temperance  Society," 
and  twelve  signers  to  the  constitution  and  pledge 
were  obtained.  The  meeting  then  adjourned,  to 
assemble  again  the  next  week  at  the  same  place. 
We  knew  that  no  church  could  be  obtained  for  the 
purpose  of  holding  such  an  incendiary  meeting,  as  it 
was  termed.  At  the  next  meeting  the  opposition 
was  still  formidable.  All  sorts  of  accusations  were 
brought  against  us,  and  many  flimsy  arguments 
were  adduced  to  prove  that  our  work  should  not 
go  on  and  could  not  end  in  success.  Among  other 
things  we  were  accused  of  wanting  to  take  away 
their  liberty  as  independent  citizens,  of  wishing  to 
connect  Church  and  State,  etc.  The  result  of  the 
second  meeting  was  the  addition  of  forty  names  to 
the  temperance  society.  The  women  were  now 
wide  awake,  and  rallied  to  our  side  ;  this  gave  us 
strength  and  encouragement. 

As  the  news  of  our  organization  spread  over  the 
neighboring  country,  the  excitement  became  greater. 
The  frequent  expressions  were:  "Our  liberties  are 
endangered  by  these  fanatics  at  Newport ;  they  are 


THE  TEMPERANCE  QUESTION.  T33 

turning  the  world  upside  down  in  their  fanatical 
zeal,"  etc.  Our  work  was  now  the  absorbing  topic 
of  conversation.  The  liquor  sellers  became  alarmed  ; 
not  only  those  in  Newport,  but  those  in  neighboring 
villages.  Their  business  was  in  danger ;  something 
must  be  done  to  check  the  movement  that  had  be- 
gun at  Newport.  They  held  a  council  at  Williams- 
burg, a  village  four  miles  west  of  our  place,  and  the 
result  was  that  they  sent  us  a  challenge  for  a  debate 
on  the  subject,  between  three  men  of  their  choosing 
and  three  men  of  our  choosing.  We  called  a  meet- 
ing and  accepted  their  challenge,  appointing  a  com- 
mittee to  make  all  preliminary  arrangements,  and 
to  select  our  three  men.  Our  opponents  selected 
John  Hough  and  E.  Lee,  of  Williamsburg;  and  Jo- 
seph Lomax,  of  that  vicinity,  as  their  champions ; 
all  of  them  were  Democrats.  Lee  was  a  merchant 
in  Williamsburg,  interested  in  the  liquor  business 
there,  and  was  considered  a  strong  debater.  Our 
committee  chose  Dr.  Henry  H.  Way,  Willis  Davis, 
our  school  teacher,  of  Newport ;  and  Abel  Lomax, 
from  the  neighborhood  of  Williamsburg.  Abel 
Lomax  had  been  a  member  of  the  State  Legisla- 
ture for  several  years,  having  been  elected  on  the' 
Whig  tic  ket,  and  was  a  thorough  temperance  man. 
It  was  agreed  that  the  meeting  should  be  held  at 
our  school-house,  commencing  at  two  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon.  A  large  company  gathered,  and  strict 
attention  was  given  to  the  proceedings.  Esquire 
Curtis  presided  over  the  meeting,  which  lasted  till 
twelve  o'clock  at  night.  The  debate  was  long  and 
hot  on  the  side  of  the  opposition,   but  their  argu- 


134 


REMINISCENCES. 


ments  were  calmly  and  forcibly  met  by  our  valiant 
men,  and  a  complete  victory  was  gained  for  temper- 
ance. 

Notwithstanding  the  opposition  we  had  to  con- 
tend with,  and  the  flouts  and  jeers  directed  against 
us,  even  by  professors  of  religion,  we  persevered  in 
the  work,  holding  frequent  meetings,  appointing 
committees  to  labor  in  the  cause,  visiting  the  liquor 
dealers  and  those  who  patronized  them,  and  in  every 
way  we  could  forwarding  a  cause  which  seemed  to 
us  a  righteous  one. 

Our  number  increased,  many  who  had  first  op- 
posed us  falling  into  rank,  and  in  less  than  one 
year  we  had  between  three  and  four  hundred  signers 
to  our  pledge.  Public  sentiment  had  so  changed  in 
our  village  and  neighborhood,  that  a  man  who  had 
any  regard  for  his  reputation  would  not  be  seen 
going  into  a  liquor  shop  to  purchase  liquor  for  any 
purpose.  Several  of  our  liquor  dealers  were  starved 
out  for  want  of  custom.  They  closed  their  shops  and 
moved  away  when  their  licenses  expired,  not  being 
able  to  renew  them  for  want  of  the  requisite  num- 
ber of  freehold  signers  to  their  petitions.  Many 
of  the  drinking,  rowdy  class  in  our  neighborhood 
moved  away  into  a  more  congenial  atmosphere,  so 
that  quite  a  change  was  wrought  in  our  quiet  little 
village  and  the  surrounding  neighborhood.  All  the 
dram  shops  were  now  gone  except  one ;  that  was  kept 
on  a  small  scale.  We  had  labored  much  with  the 
proprietor  of  this  shop  ;  he  often  promised  to  close 
his  establishment  but  failed  to  do  so,  and  finally 
bade  us  defiance.      His  license  had  -not  yet  expired, 


THE  TEMPERANCE  QUESTION.  135 

and  he  thought  that  we  could  not  move  him.  We 
called  a  meeting  at  the  school-house  to  consider  his 
case.  We  invited  him  to  it,  but  he  refused  to  come, 
and  still  defied  us.  We  passed  a  resolution,  pro- 
scribing him  as  an  enemy  to  the  peace  and  harmony 
of  our  town,  and  declaring  that  we  would  have  no 
dealings  with  him  and  no  social  intercourse,  except 
in  case  of  sickness  or  death,  while  he  persisted  in 
his  nefarious  business.  I  volunteered  to  carry  the 
resolution  to  him,  and  labor  with  him,  having  been 
well  acquainted  with  him  for  many  years.  I  did  so, 
and  in  my  conversation  told  him  that  it  was  impos- 
sible for  him  to  stem  the  current  of  public  senti- 
ment; that  he  had  been  kindly  entreated  by  both 
men  and  women,  and  fair  offers  had  been  made  to 
him  by  those  who  felt  a  deep  interest  in  his  wel- 
fare, but  he  had  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  all  our  plead- 
ings, and  bade  us  defiance.  Now,  I  told  him,  we 
were  determined  to  stop  the  liquor  business  in  New- 
port, and  we  should  watch  him,  day  and  night,  and 
prosecute  him  for  every  unlawful  act,  but  I  pleaded 
with  him  to  stop  at  once,  then  no  prosecution  would 
be  brought  against  him.  I  told  him  that  we  were 
his  friends,  not  his  enemies,  and  sought  only  his 
good.  He  finally  yielded  and  gave  up  the  busi- 
ness, and  moved  away.  Not  a  drop  of  liquor  was 
now  sold  in  our  town ;  we  had  succeeded  beyond 
our  most  sanguine  expectations.  But  we  did  no! 
rest  in  this  quietness. 

A  stranger  to  the  most  of  us,  by  the  name  of 
Mann,  came  to  Newport,  and  rented  a  house,  under 
the  pretense  of  keeping  a  grocery.      He  moved  into 


136 


REMINISCENCES. 


the  dwelling-  attached  to  the  store,  but  we  soon 
found  that  his  groceries  were  to  consist  of  a  g(  neral 
assortment  of  liquors.  He  had  managed  to  get  the 
requisite  number  of  signers  to  a  petition  for  license 
to  sell  liquor;  he  had  obtained  them  slyly  in  out 
township.  As  soon  as  it  was  known  in  Newport, 
we  got  up  a  remonstrance  and  obtained  over  four 
hundred  signers  to  it.  The  next  week  was  Com- 
missioner's Court  at  Centeryille.  Eli  Osborne  and 
I  were  appointed  to  attend  court,  and  present  the 
remonstrance  when  the  license  was  applied  for.  We 
did  this,  and  the  license  was  not  granted.  We  re- 
turned home  rejoicing  at  our  success,  but  next  day 
Mann  employed  a  lawyer,  who  succeeded  in  making 
the  court  believe  that  they  were  obliged  to  grant 
the  license,  as  the  requisite  number  of  freeholders 
had  signed  the  petition.  Mann  now  rejoiced  over 
us,  and  bade  us  defiance.  He  opened  his  liquor 
shop,  and  drinking  companies  soon  gathered  from 
surrounding  neighborhoods,  and  drunken  men  were 
again  seen  in  our  streets.  We  labored  with  him,  to 
no  effect.  But  this  reign  of  terror  was  of  short 
duration.  The  Temperance  Society  held  frequent 
meetings  ;  we  had  many  able  temperance  lecturers  ; 
our  committees  were  at  work;  we  were  vigilant  in 
all  our  efforts,  and  endeavored  to  watch  over  and 
guard  the  reformed  drunkards.  One  of  these  re- 
formed drunkards  lived  on  the  opposite  side  of  the 
street  from  this  shop ;  but  he  was  faithful  to  his 
pledge,  and  did  not  yield  to  the  temptation  which 
was  kept  prominently  before  him. 

At  a  late  hour,  one  night,  a  few  weeks  after  this 


THE  TEMPERANCE  QUESTION.  jij 

liquor  shop  had  been  opened,  a  pistol  was  fired  from 
it,  and  the  shot  passed  through  a  pane  of  glass  in  the 
house  across  the  street,  entered  the  bedroom  where 
this  reformed  man  and  his  wife  were  sleeping,  and 
lodged  in  the  wall  a  few  inches  above  their  heads, 
waking  them  immediately. 

Early  next  morning  this  man  went  to  Centerville 
and  got  out  a  writ  for  the  liquor  seller,  and  the 
sheriff  came  and  arrested  him  and  lodged  him  in  jail 
to  await  his  trial  before  the  next  court.  While  he 
was  in  jail  his  property  was  attached  for  debt.  It 
was  difficult  for  him  to  find  bail,  but  at  last  he  suc- 
ceeded in  getting  bailed  out  of  prison,  as  it  was 
some  time  till  court  convened,  and  he  left  for  parts 
unknown.  He  never  returned  to  Newport,  for  he 
knew  that  other  writs  awaited  him.  This  closed  the 
liquor  traffic  in  Newport. 

We  elected  Esquire  Curtis,  one  of  our  strong 
temperance  men,  to  the  Legislature  from  our  district, 
and  while  he  was  our  representative,  we  sent  up  a 
petition  for  a  special  act  of  the  Legislature  for  the 
protection  of  our  village  against  the  liquor  traffic. 
Special  acts  could  sometimes  be  obtained  under  the 
old  Constitution  of  the  State,  and  through  the  influ- 
ence of  Esquire  Curtis  and  others  an  act  was  passed, 
so  that  no  liquor  could  be  sold  in  the  corporate 
limits  of  Newport,  for  any  purpose,  without  a  permit 
from  the  trustees  of  the  town.  Now,  we  had  gained 
a  complete  victory  over  King  Alcohol  in  Newport, 
and  public  sentiment  had  been  so  changed  that  there 
was  no  dram  shop  in  New  Garden  Township. 

Some  of  our  citizens  thought  that  it  was  neees- 
12 


138 


REMINISCENCES. 


sary  to  have  some  spirits  kept  in  Newport  for  medi- 
cal and  mechanical  purposes,  and  the  temperance 
society  appointed  me  liquor  seller,  as  there  was  no 
drug  store  in  the  place  at  that  time,  and  no  stock 
of  medicines  except  the  small  assortment  which  I 
kept. 

I  reluctantly  submitted  to  become  liquor  seller 
and  obtained  a  permit  from  the  trustees.  I  procured 
at  Cincinnati,  from  Allen  &  Co.,  druggists,  three 
two-gallon  jugs,  one  filled  with  French  brandy,  one 
with  wine,  the  other  with  alcohol.  Thus,  my  stock 
of  liquor  consisted  of  six  gallons,  which  lasted  for 
several  months.  I  was  the  only  liquor  dealer  in 
Newport  for  about  a  year,  then  Dr.  Way  opened  a 
drug  store,  and  I  gladly  turned  the  business  over  to 
him.  Newport  still  remains  a  temperance  town, 
having  been  guarded  and  protected  for  more  than 
forty  years,  as  no  other  town  in  the  State  has  been, 
so  far  as  I  have  any  knowledge.  After  our  work  at 
Newport  seemed  to  be  accomplished,  we  extended 
our  labors  to  other  towns  and  villages  near,  but  met 
with  little  encouragement.  Public  sentiment  was 
opposed  to  us  ;  the  people  did  not  seem  prepared  to 
receive  temperance  doctrine  at  that  early  day. 


THE  CUNNING  SLAVE. 


139 


CHAPTER  V, 

NEWPORT  STORIES — THE  CUNNING  SLAVE — ROBERT  BUR- 

REL ELIZA    HARRIS SAM,    THE    ELOQUENT    SLAVE 

PREJUDICE    AGAINST     COLOR AUNT     RACHEL A 

SLAVE-HUNTER       OUTWITTED SEVENTEEN      FUGI- 
TIVES. 

OF  the  many  hundred  cases  that  came  under  our 
personal  notice  during  the  twenty  years  that 
we  lived  at  Newport,  Indiana,  a  few  will  be  given.  I 
shall  not  attempt  to  give  dates,  nor  the  names  of  the 
runaway  slaves.  When  the  fugitives  came  to  our 
house,  they  seldom  gave  the  name  by  which  they 
had  been  known  in  slavery,  or  if  they  did,  we  gave 
them  another  name,  by  which  they  were  afterward 
known  both  at  our  house  and  in  Canada.  The 
stories  that  follow  are  gathered  from  the  slaves'  own 
narratives. 

THE   CUNNING   SLAVE. 

Jim  was  a  shrewd,  intelligent  chattel,  the  property 
of  a  man  living  in  Kentucky.  Having  in  some  un- 
accountable manner  got  the  idea  that  freedom  was 
better  than  bondage,  he  resolved  to  make  an  effort 
to  gain  his  liberty.  He  did  not  make  his  intention 
known  to  his  wife  or  any  of  his  fellow-bondmen, 
choosing  to  make  the  attempt  alone.     He  watched 


I4o  REMINISCENCES. 

for  an  opportunity  to  escape,  and  when  it  came  he 
started  for  the  Ohio  River.  He  knew  that  he  was 
a  valuable  piece  of  property,  and  that  his  master 
would  pursue  him  and  make  strong  efforts  to  cap- 
ture him,  so  he  let  no  grass  grow  under  his  feet  till 
he  reached  the  bank  of  the  river.  He  wandered 
along  this  in  the  dark  for  some  time,  looking  for  a 
way  to  cross,  and  finally  came  to  the  hut  of  a  col- 
ored man.  He  told  his  story  to  the  negro  living  in 
the  hut,  and  offered  him  part  of  the  small  sum  of 
money  he  had  if  he  would- take  him  across  in  a  skiff 
to  the  Indiana  shore.  The  negro  knew  where  a 
skiff  lay  drawn  up  on  the  shore,  and  consented  to  row 
him  across.  Jim  reached  the  other  side  safely,  and 
landed  a  short  distance  above  Madison.  It  was  now 
near  daylight,  and  he  must  hasten  to  seek  a  place  of 
concealment.  He  was  directed  how  to  find  George 
De  Baptist,  a  free  colored  man,  who  often  aided 
fugitive  slaves.  George  then  lived  in  Madison,  but 
soon  after  removed  to  Detroit,  Michigan,  for  his 
own  safety.  Jim  made  his  way  to  the  house  of  this 
friendly  colored  man,  and  remained  secreted  during 
the  day.  Some  time  in  the  day,  George  De  Baptist 
learned  that  Jim's  master  had  arrived  in  town  with  a 
posse  of  men,  and  that  they  were  rudely  entering 
the  houses  of  colored  people,  searching  for  the  miss- 
ing slave.  By  shrewd  management  on  the  part  of 
George,  the  hunters  were  baffled,  and  the  next 
night  Jim  was  conducted  through  corn-fields  and 
by-ways  to  a  depot  of  the  Underground  Railroad. 
He  was  forwarded  from  station  to  station,  at  late 
hours  in  the  night,  until  he  reached  William  Beard's, 


THE  CUNNING  SLAVE. 


141 


in  Union  County,  Indiana.  Here  he  rested  a  few 
days,  under  the  roof  of  that  noted  and  worthy  abo- 
litionist, whose  house  was  known  for  many  years  as 
a  safe  retreat  for  the  oppressed  fugitive.  From  that 
place  he  was  conducted  to  our  house,  a  distance  of 
about  twenty-five  miles,  and,  after  remaining  with 
us  one  day,  he  was  forwarded  on  from  station  to 
station,  till  he  reached  Canada.  Here  he  remained 
a  few  months.      In  telling  his  story,  he  said : 

"Oh,  how  sweet  it  was  to  breathe  free  air,  to  feel 
that  I  had  no  massa  who  could  whip  me  or  sell  me. 
But  I  was  not  happy  long.  I  could  not  enjoy  liberty 
when  the  thoughts  of  my  poor  wife  and  children  in 
slavery  would  rise  up  before  me.  I  thought  to  my- 
self, I  have  learned  the  way  and  found  friends  all 
along  the  road;  now  I  will  go  back  and  fetch  my 
wife  and  children.  I'll  go  to  old  massa's  planta- 
tion, and  I'll  make  believe  I  am  tired  of  freedom, 
^i'll  tell  old  massa  a  story  that  will  please  him  ;  then 
I  will  go  to  work  hard  and  watch  for  a  chance  to 
slip  away  my  wife  and  children." 

So  Jim  left  Canada  and  wended  his  way  back  to 
the  old  plantation  in  Kentucky.  His  master  was 
greatly  surprised,  one  morning,  to  see  his  missing 
property  come  walking  up  from  the  negro  quarters 
as  if  nothing  had  happened.  Jim  came  up  to  him 
and  made  a  low  bow,  and  stood  before  him  as  hum- 
ble as  a  whipped  dog.  In  answer  to  the  volley  of 
questions  and  hard  names  that  greeted  him,  Jim 
said : 

"I  thought  I  wanted  to  be  free,  massa,  so  I  run 
away  and  went  to  Canada.     But  I  had  a  hard  time 


142 


REMINISCENCES. 


there,  and  soon  got  tired  of  taking  care  of  myself. 
I  thought  I  would  rather  live  with  massa  again  and 
be  a  good  servant.  I  found  that  Canada  was  no 
place  for  niggers ;  it's  too  cold,  and  Ave  can't  make 
any  money  there.  Mean  white  folks  cheat  poor 
niggers  out  of  their  wages  when  they  hire  them.  I 
soon  got  sick  of  being  free,  and  wished  I  was  back 
on  the  old  plantation.  And  those  people  called 
abolitionists,  that  I  met  with  on  the  way,  are  a  mean 
set  of  rascals.  They  pretend  to  help  the  niggers, 
but  they  cheat  them  all  they  can.  They  get  all  the 
work  out  of  a  nigger  they  can,  and  never  pay  him 
for  it.      I  tell  you,  massa,   they  are  mean  folks." 

In  narrating  his  story,  Jim  said:  "Well,  old 
massa  seemed  mightily  pleased  with  my  lies.  He 
spoke  pleasant  to  me,  and  said:  'Jim,  I  hope  you 
will  make  a  good  missionary  among  our  people  and 
the  neighbors.'  I  got  massa's  confidence,  and 
worked  well  and  obeyed  him  well,  and  I  talked  t& 
the  niggers  before  him,  in  a  way  to  please  him. 
But  they  could  understand  me,  for  I  had  been  doing 
missionary  work  among  them,  and  the  neighbors' 
niggers  too,  but  not  such  missionary  work  as  massa 
thought  I  was  doing." 

Jim  worked  on  faithfully  through  the  fall  and 
winter  months,  all  the  time  arranging  matters  for 
a  second  flight. 

In  the  spring,  when  the  weather  was  warm,  he 
succeeded  in  getting  his  wife  and  children  and  a  few 
of  his  slave  friends  across  the  Ohio  River  into  In- 
diana. He  got  safely  to  the  first  station  of  the 
Underground  Railroad,   with  his  party,    numbering 


THE  CUNNING  SLAVE.  j^ 

fourteen,  and  hurried  on  with  them  rapidly  from 
station  to  station,  until  they  reached  our  house. 
They  were  hotly  pursued  and  had  several  narrow 
escapes,  but  the  wise  management  of  their  friends 
on  the  route  prevented  them  from  being  captured. 
They  remained  at  our  house  several  days  to  rest,  as 
they  were  much  exhausted  with  night  travel,  and 
suffering  from  exposure,  and  while  they  were  con- 
cealed in  our  garret,  their  pursuers  passed  through 
the  town. 

The  hunters  went  northward  by  way  of  Winchester 
and  Cabin  Creek,  where  there  was  a  large  settlement 
of  free  colored  people.  While  they  were  searching 
in  these  neighborhoods,  we  forwarded  the  fugitives 
on  another  route,  by  way  of  Spartansburg,  Green- 
ville and  Mercer  County,  Ohio,  to  Sandusky.  From 
this  place  they  were  shipped  across  the  lake  to  Fort 
Maiden,  Canada.  Jim's  opinions,  as  he  had  ex- 
pressed them  to  his  master,  now  underwent  a  sudden 
change.  He  liked  the  country  and  the  people,  and 
thought  that  he  could  make  a  living  not  only  for 
himself,  but  for  his  family.  As  to  the  abolitionists 
along  the  route,  he  thought  they  were  the  best  peo- 
ple in  the  world.  Instead  of  cheating  the  poor 
fugitives  by  getting  their  services  without  pay,  they 
fed  and  clothed  them  without  charge,  and  would 
help  them  on  their  journey ;  often  using  their  own 
horses  and  wagons,  and  traveling  all  night  with  the 
fugitives.  A  few  years  after  I  had  the  pleasure  of 
seeing  Jim  and  his  family  in  their  comfortable  home 
in  Canada.  Jim  said  he  hoped  God  would  forgive 
him  for  telling  his  master  so  many  lies.      He  said  he 


144  REMINISCENCES. 

felt   no   feelings   of  homesickness,    no    longings   for 
massa  and  the  old  plantation  in  Kentucky. 

ROBERT  BURREL. 

A  colored  man,  who  gave  his  name  as  Robert 
Burrel,  came  to  my  house,  seeking  employment. 
He  said  he  had  been  working  several  months  at  Flat 
Rock,  in  Henry  County,  but  that  his  employer  there 
had  no  work  for  him  during  the  winter,  and  had 
recommended  him  to  call  on  me.  He  said  he  had 
been  brought  up  in  Tennessee,  but,  thinking  he  had 
rather  live  in  a  free  State,  had  come  to  Indiana  a 
few  months  before.  I  liked  his  sober  and  intelligent 
appearance,  and  gave  him  employment  in  my  pork- 
house.  I  found  him  to  be  a  deeply  religious  man 
and  a  most  faithful  and  trustworthy  servant.  He 
was  pleasant  in  his  manner  and  speech,  but  was 
never  heard  to  indulge  in  loud  laughter.  He  seemed 
to  have  some  serious  subject  on  his  mind,  over 
which  he  was  constantly  brooding.  If  any  one 
inquired  particularly  concerning  his  past  life,  he 
evaded  the  questions,  and  it  was  not  until  he  had 
been  in  my  employment  for  several  months  that  he 
ventured  to  tell  me  the  true  state  of  his  case.  He 
was  a  runaway  slave,  and  belonged  to  a  man  living 
in  East  Tennessee.  He  had  married  a  free  colored 
woman  living  there,  and  was  as  happy  as  it  was  pos- 
sible for  a  slave  to  be,  until  he  learned  that  his 
master  was  about  to  sell  him  to  a  trader  who  would 
take  him  to  the  far  South.  Then  he  ran  away,  leav- 
ing his  wife  and  two  children,  and  made  his  way  to 
Indiana.      His  object  was  to  gain  enough  money  to 


ROBERT  BURR  ELL. 


H5 


buy  his  freedom  and  send  for  his  family.  He  had 
been  working  with  this  end  in  view,  but  had  kept 
his  fears,  hopes  and  anxieties  in  his  own  heart,  lest 
he  should  be  betrayed  and  lose  the  liberty  that  was 
so  sweet.  His  story  gained  my  sympathy,  and  I 
promised  to  aid  him  in  any  way  I  could.  We  often 
consulted  together  concerning  his  wife  and  two  little 
boys.  He  represented  his  wife  as  being  a  Christian 
woman,  and  said  that  she  was  a  member  of  the 
Methodist  Church;  to  which  he  also  belonged.  She 
had  promised  to  remain  faithful  to  him,  and  to  await 
patiently  the  result  of  his  effort.  I  discouraged  his 
attempt  to  buy  himself,  as  it  would  take  several 
years  of  hard  work,  and  might  then  be  a  failure.  I 
advised  him  to  save  all  the  money  he  could,  and 
perhaps  some  way  would  open  by  which  his  wife 
and  children  could  get  to  him,  and  go  with  him  to 
Canada.  But  he  felt  very  timid  about  sending  for 
his  wife  and  children  before  securing  his  own  free- 
dom, for  he  feared  they  would  be  tracked  and  his 
whereabouts  discovered. 

I  continued  him  in  my  employ,  putting  him  in  my 
linseed  oil  mill,  and  paying  him  extra  wages  for  his 
care  and  good  management.  In  conversation  with 
him,  one  day,  I  found  that  he  knew  something  about 
John  Rankin,  a  noted  abolitionist  and  Presbyterian 
clergyman,  formerly  of  East  Tennessee,  but  then 
living  at  Ripley,  Ohio. 

I  wrote  to  friend  Rankin,  giving  the  outlines  of 

Robert's  story,   and  asking  him  if  he  thought  the 

wife  and   two   children   could   be   brought   to    Ohio 

without  arousing    the    suspicions    of  Robert's  mas- 

n 


146 


REMINISCENCES. 


ter  and  leading-  to  his  detection.  He  wrote  me,  in 
reply,  that  some  of  his  family  were  going  to  East 
Tennessee  soon,  on  a  visit  to  their  relatives  there, 
and  he  thought  they  could  have  an  interview  with 
Robert's  wife,  and  arrange  to  have  her  and  the 
children  removed  to  Ohio.  I  kept  up  a  correspond- 
ence with  him  on  the  subject,  and  ascertaining  that 
it  would  cost  about  forty  dollars  to  move  the  woman 
and  children  to  Ohio,  I  sent  him  that  amount,  to 
be  applied  for  that  purpose.  I  sent  a  message  to  be 
delivered  to  Robert's  wife,  telling  her  that  if  she 
would  come  to  Ripley,  Ohio,  she  could  gain  infor- 
mation of  her  husband.  The  message  was  delivered 
to  her  by  the  friends  of  John  Rankin,  but  they  did 
not  succeed  in  gaining  her  confidence,  and  she  would 
not  come  to  Ohio,  fearing  that  it  was  a  scheme  to 
betray  her  husband.  So  the  project  failed  at  that 
time,  and  John  Rankin  returned  the  money  I  had 
sent  him  ;  but  two  years  later  we  renewed  our  efforts, 
and  succeeded  in  bringing  the  woman  and  her  chil- 
dren to  Ripley.  From  this  place,  lest  somebody 
should  have  traced  them  from  Tennessee,  hoping  to 
learn  the  whereabouts  of  Robert,  they  were  taken 
to  Cincinnati.  Soon  afterward  they  were  brought 
to  my  house  in  Newport,  and  there  was  a  joyful 
meeting  between  husband  and  wife,  after  a  sepa- 
ration of  four  years. 

I  purchased  for  them  a  little  home  in  Newport, 
which  Robert  paid  for  by  his  work,  and  here  they 
lived  happily  several  years,  with  none  to  molest  or 
make  them  afraid.      When  the  fugitive  slave  law  of 


THE  STORY  OF  ELIZA  HARRIS.  147 

1850  was  passed,  they  left  and  went  to   Canada  for 
greater  security. 

THE   STORY    OF    ELIZA    HARRIS. 

Eliza  Harris,  of  "Uncle  Tom's  Cabin"  notoriety, 
the  slave  woman  who  crossed  the  Ohio  River,  near 
Ripley,  on  the  drifting  ice  with  her  child  in  her 
arms,  was  sheltered  under  our  roof  and  fed  at  our 
table  for  several  days.  This  was  while  we  lived  at 
Newport,  Indiana,  which  is  six  miles  west  of  the 
State  line  of  Ohio.  To  elude  the  pursuers  who  were 
following  closely  on  her  track,  she  was  sent  across 
to  our  line  of  the  Underground  Railroad. 

The  story  of  this  slave  woman,  so  graphically  told 
by  Harriet  Beecher  St  owe  in  "  Uncle  Tom's  Cabin," 
will,  no  doubt,  be  remembered  by  every  reader  of 
that  deeply  interesting  book.  The  cruelties  of 
slavery  depicted  in  that  remarkable  work  are  not 
overdrawn.  The  stories  are  founded  on  facts  that 
really  occurred,  real  names  being  wisely  withheld, 
and  fictitious  names  and  imaginary  conversations 
often  inserted.  From  the  fact  that  Eliza  Harris  was 
sheltered  at  our  house  several  days,  it  was  generally 
believed  among  those  acquainted  with  the  circum- 
stances that  I  and  my  wife  were  the  veritable  Simeon 
and  Rachel  Halliday,  the  Quaker  couple  alluded  to 
in  "Uncle  Tom's  Cabin."  I  will  give  a  short  sketch 
of  the  fugitive's  story,  as  she  related  it. 

She  said  she  was  a  slave  from  Kentucky,  the 
property  of  a  man  who  lived  a  few  miles  back  from 
the  Ohio  River,  below  Ripley,  Ohio.  Her  master 
and  mistress  were  kind  to  her,  and  she  had  a  com- 


148 


REMINISCENCES. 


fortable  home,  but  her  master  got  into  some  pecu- 
niary difficulty,  and  she  found  that  she  and  her  only 
child  were  to  be  separated.  She  had  buried  two 
children,  and  was  doubly  attached  to  the  one  she 
had  left,  a  bright,  promising  child,  over  two  years 
old.  When  she  found  that  it  was  to  be  taken  from 
her,  she  was  filled  with  grief  and  dismay,  and  re 
solved  to  make  her  escape  that  night  if  possible. 
She  watched  her  opportunity,  and  when  darkness 
had  settled  down  and  all  the  family  had  retired  to 
sleep,  she  started  with  her  child  in  her  arms  and 
walked  straight  toward  the  Ohio  River.  She  knew 
that  it  was  frozen  over,  at  that  season  of  the  year, 
and  hoped  to  cross  without  difficulty  on  the  ice,  but 
when  she  reached  its  banks  at  daylight,  she  found 
that  the  ice  had  broken  up  and  was  slowly  drifting 
in  large  cakes.  She  ventured  to  go  to  a  house  near 
by,  where  she  was  kindly  received  and  permitted  to 
remain  through  the  day.  She  hoped  to  find  some 
way  to  cross  the  river  the  next  night,  but  there 
seemed  little  prospect  of  any  one  being  able  to 
cross  in  safety,  for  during  the  day  the  ice  became 
more  broken  and  dangerous  to  cross.  In  the  even- 
ing she  discovered  pursuers  nearing  the  house,  and 
■with  desperate  courage  she  determined  to  cross  the 
river,  or  perish  in  the  attempt.  Clasping  her  child 
in  her  arms  she  darted  out  of  the  back  door  and  ran 
toward  the  river,  followed  by  her  pursuers,  who  had 
just  dismounted  from  their  horses  when  they  caught 
sight  of  her.  No  fear  or  thought  of  personal  dan- 
ger entered  Eliza's  mind,  for  she  felt  that  she  had 
rather  be   drowned  than   to   be  captured   and  sepa- 


THE  STORY  OF  ELIZA  HARRIS  j^g 

rated  from  her  child.  Clasping  her  babe  to  her 
bosom  with  her  left  arm,  she  sprang  on  to  the  first 
cake  of  ice,  then  from  that  to  another  and  another. 
Some  times  the  cake  she  was  on  would  sink  beneath 
her  weight,  then  she  would  slide  her  child  on  to  the 
next  cake,  pull  herself  on  with  her  hands,  and  so 
continue  her  hazardous  journey.  She  became  wet 
to  the  waist  with  ice  water  and  her  hands  were  be- 
numbed with  cold,  but  as  she  made  her  way  from 
one  cake  of  ice  to  another,  she  felt  that  surely  the 
Lord  was  preserving  and  upholding  her,  and  that 
nothing  could  harm  her. 

When  she  reached  the  Ohio  side,  near  Ripley, 
she  was  completely  exhausted  and  almost  breath- 
less. A  man,  who  had  been  standing  on  the  bank 
watching  her  progress  with  amazement  and  expect- 
ing every  moment  to  see  her  go  down,  assisted  her 
up  the  bank.  After  she  had  recovered  her  strength 
a  little  he  directed  her  to  a  house  on  the  hill,  in  the 
outskirts  of  town.  She  made  her  way  to  the  place, 
and  was  kindly  received  and  cared  for.  It  was  not 
considered  safe  for  her  to  remain  there  during  the 
night,  so,  after  resting  a  while  and  being  provided 
with  food  and  dry  clothing,  she  was  conducted  to  a 
station  on  the  Underground  Railroad,  a  few  miles 
farther  from  the  river.  The  next  night  she  was  for- 
warded on  from  station  to  station  to  our  house  in 
Newport,  where  she  arrived  safely  and  remained 
several   days. 

Other  fugitives  arrived  in  the  meantime,  and  Eliza 
and  her  child  were  sent  with  them,  by  the  Green- 
ville branch  of  the  Underground  Railroad,  to  San- 


ISO 


REMINISCENCES. 


dusky,  Ohio.  They  reached  that  place  in  safety, 
and  crossed  the  lake  to  Canada,  locating  finally  at 
Chatham,  Canada  West. 

In  the  summer  of  1854  I  was  on  a  visit  to  Can- 
ada, accompanied  by  my  wife  and  daughter,  and 
Laura  S.  Haviland,  of  Michigan.  At  the  close  of  a 
meeting  which  we  attended,  at  one  of  the  colored 
churches,  a  woman  came  up  to  my  wife,  seized  her 
hand,  and  exclaimed:  "  How  are  you,  Aunt  Katie? 
God  bless  you  !"  etc.  My  wife  did  not  recognize 
her,  but  she  soon  called  herself  to  our  remembrance 
by  referring  to  the  time  she  was  at  our  house  in  the 
days  of  her  distress,  when  my  wife  gave  her  the 
name  of  Eliza  Harris,  and  by  relating  other  partic- 
ulars. We  visited  her  at  her  house  while  at  Chat- 
ham, and  found  her  comfortable  and  contented. 

Many  other  fugitives  came  and  spoke  to  us,  whom 
we  did  not  recognize  or  remember  until  they  related 
some  incident  that  recalled  them  to  mind.  Such 
circumstances  occurred  in  nearly  every  neighbor- 
hood we  visited  in  Canada.  Hundreds  who  had 
been  sheltered  under  our  roof  and  fed  at  our  table, 
when  fleeing  from  the  land  of  whips  and  chains, 
introduced  themselves  to  us  and  referred  to  the 
time,  often  fifteen  or  twenty  years  before,  when  we 
had  aided  them. 

On  the  first  day  of  August,  1854,  we  went,  with 
a  large  company  from  Windsor,  to  attend  a  celebra- 
tion of  the  West  India  emancipation.  The  meeting 
was  held  in  a  dense  settlement  of  fugitives,  about 
eight  miles  south  of  Windsor.  Several  public 
speakers  from  Detroit  were  in  our  party.      A  plat- 


SAM,  THE  ELOQ UENT  SLA  VE.  j^i 

form  had  been  erected  in  a  grove  near  the  school- 
house,  where  Laura  S.  Haviland  had  established  a 
school  for  fugitives.  The  day  was  fine,  and  there 
was  a  large  crowd  of  colored  people,  who  had  come 
from  various  settlements  to  hear  the  speaking. 
Here  we  met  quite  a  number  of  those  whom  we 
had  helped  on  their  way  to  freedom,  and  the  grati- 
tude they  expressed  was  quite  affecting.  One  old 
white-headed  man  came  to  my  wife,  and  said  he 
wanted  to  get  hold  of  her  hand.  She  reached  her 
hand  to  him,  and  while  he  held  it,  he  said  :  "  Don't 
you  'member  me,  Misses?" 

She  looked  at  him  closely,  and  said:  "No,  I  be- 
lieve I  do  not  remember  thee." 

Then  the  old  negro  said:  "La  me!  Misses,  don't 
you  'member  when  dey  was  close  after  me  to  take 
me  an'  you  hid  me  in  de  feather  bed  and  saved  me  ? 
Why,  bress  your  heart !  if  it  hadn't  been  for  you  I 
should  nebber  been  here.  It's  more  dan  twenty 
years  ago,  and  my  head  is  white,  but  I  hasn't  forgot 
dat  time." 

She  shook  his  hand  heartily,  and  said:  "Now  I 
remember  thee." 

At  Amherstburg,  generally  called  Fort  Maiden, 
and  many  other  places,  we  met  with  many,  both 
men  and  women,  whom  we  had  assisted  on  their 
way  to  liberty,  and  their  expressions  of  thankfulness 
and  regard  were  very  gratifying  to  us. 

SAM,   THE  ELOQUENT  SLAVE. 

The  subject  of  this  sketch  was  the  property  of  a 
man  living  near  Lexington,  Kentucky.       He  had  a 


152 


REMINISCENCES. 


wife  and  several  children  whom  he  was  permitted 
to  visit  frequently,  was  well  treated  by  his  master, 
and  had  no  fear  of  being  sold  away  from  his  family ; 
so  his  condition  was  a  very  favorable  one,  compared 
with  that  of  many  other  slaves.  But  this  state  of 
security  came  suddenly  to  an  end.  The  master  died 
and  the  heirs  decided  to  sell  Sam,  but  as  he  was 
very  powerful,  and  a  dangerous  man  to  deal  with 
when  his  spirit  was  roused,  no  one  dared  to  take 
possession  of  him  and  tell  him  that  he  was  sold 
away  from  his  family.  What  could  not  be  done  by 
force  was  accomplished  by  stratagem.  Sam  was 
sent  into  the  jail  to  take  a  box  of  candles,  and,  all 
unsuspecting,  walked  into  the  trap.  Several  men 
were  hidden  behind  the  door,  and  leaping  out  sud- 
denly, they  knocked  him  down,  overpowered  and 
bound  him.  He  then  learned  that  he  was  bought 
by  a  negro  trader,  who  intended  taking  him  to  the 
South.  Just  before  the  coffie  started,  Sam's  wife 
was  permitted  to  come  to  the  jail  to  bid  him  good- 
by,  but  her  distress  was  so  great  and  she  wept  so 
loudly  that  she  was  hurried  out  and  taken  away 
without  having  been  able  to  say  a  word.  Sam 
was  taken  to  Mississippi  and  sold,  but  after  several 
months  managed  to  escape,  and  after  much  difficulty 
and  many  hardships  found  his  way  back  to  Lexing- 
ton, Kentucky,  where  he  hoped  to  find  some  one 
who  would  purchase  him  and  allow  him  to  remain 
near  his  family,  but  in  this  effort  he  did  not  succeed. 
Hearing  that  pursuers  were  on  his  track,  he  left 
that  neighborhood,  and  succeeded  in  making  his 
way  to  Newport,  Indiana,  where  he  arrived  in  the 


SAM,  THE  ELOQUENT  SLAVE.  153 

dead  of  winter,  in  a  destitute  and  suffering  condition. 

I  persuaded  him  to  remain  till  better  weather, 
when  the  roads  would  be  open  and  traveling  easier, 
and  he  remained  till  spring,  I  in  the  meantime  fur- 
nishing him  with  employment  at  good  wages.  It 
may  be  in  place  here  to  mention  that  the  abolition- 
ists were  frequently  accused,  by  pro-slavery  people, 
of  availing  themselves  of  the  labor  of  the  fugitive 
slaves  by  employing  them  several  months  on  the 
promise  of  good  wages,  then  raising  the  alarm  that 
the  masters  were  in  pursuit,  and  hustling  them  off 
on  the  road  to  Canada  without  paying  the  wages 
due  them.  It  is  almost  needless  to  say  that  this 
accusation  was  false.  During  that  winter  there  was 
a  monthly  prayer-meeting,  held  in  the  Wesleyan 
Chapel  at  Newport,  on  behalf  of  the  slaves,  and  I 
asked  Sam  to  attend  one  of  these  meetings  with  me. 
He  at  first  hesitated,  so  fearful  was  he  of  being 
betrayed,  but  on  being  assured  that  there  was  no 
danger,  he  consented  to  go. 

It  seemed  strange  to.  him  that  white  people  should 
pray  for  slaves  ;  he  had  never  heard  of  such  a  thing 
before.  As  others  were  telling  stories  of  the  suffer- 
ings of  slaves,  I  suggested  to  Sam  that  he  should 
give  his  experience.  To  this  he  consented,  with 
reluctance,  and  I  rose  and  informed  the  meeting 
that  a  fugitive  slave  was  sitting  by  my  side,  whose 
story  I  was  sure  would  be  interesting  to  all  present. 
Sam  then  rose  from  his  seat  and  gave  a  short  history 
of  his  sufferings,  together  with  a  vivid  description 
of  the  horrors  of  slavery,  and  so  interested  his  hear- 
ers that  they  expressed  a  desire  to  hear  him  again. 


154 


R  EMINISCENCES. 


He  was  prevailed  upon  to  speak  another  time, 
when  a  larger  number  would  have  an  opportunity  to 
hear  him,  and  a  meeting  was  appointed  for  this  pur- 
pose. When  the  evening  came  the  church  was 
crowded.  Sam  was  conducted  to  the  pulpit  by  the 
minister  and  myself.  We  made  short  introductory 
speeches,  then  Sam  spoke  for  more  than  an  hour  to 
the  attentive  and  deeply  interested  audience.  They 
had  not  expected  to  hear  good  language  from  a  slave 
who  had  had  no  educational  advantages,  and  were 
surprised  to  find  his  speech  resembling  that  of  a 
practiced  orator.  Sam  had,  during  the  life  of  his 
indulgent  master,  had  frequent  opportunities  of  hear- 
ing public  speeches  in  Lexington,  and  this  experi- 
ence, which  had  been  a  sort  of  education  to  him, 
added  to  his  native  eloquence,  enabled  him  to  hold 
his  audience  spellbound,  while  he  depicted  in  glow- 
ing words  the  cruelty  of  slavery  and  the  manifold 
sufferings  of  the  slaves.  He  then  gave  an  account 
of  his  own  trials,  and  pictured  in  a  touching  manner 
the  scene  of  his  wife's  separation  from  him  when  he 
was  bound  in  jail,  and  finished  with  an  appeal  to  the 
audience  so  full  of  pathos  that  the  heart  of  every 
one  was  touched,  and  nearly  all  his  hearers  were 
melted  to  tears. 

Some  of  them  declared  afterward  that  they 
thought  Henry  Clay  could  not  surpass  him  in  elo- 
quence. Shortly  after  this  the  United  Brethren 
held  a  Conference  in  Newport,  and  wishing  to  have 
Sam  address  them,  a  deputation  called  at  my  house, 
to  speak  with  him  on  the  subject.  They  were 
shown  into  the  parlor,  where  a  fire  was  burning,  and 


PREJUDICE  AGAINST  COLOR.  Tcq 

as  I  sat  talking  with  them,   Sam   came  in  with  an 
armful  of  wood  to  replenish  the  fire. 

One  of  the  deputation  said :  "Is  this  the  man?" 
and  I  answered,  "Yes;"  then  remarked  to  Sam 
that  these  men  wished  to  see  him.  Sam  went  out 
quickly  and  did  not  return.  When  I  went  to  look 
for  him,  I  found  him  outside  the  kitchen  door,  with 
a  large  butcher  knife  in  his  hand,  ready  to  defend 
himself.  He  thought  that  the  men  had  come  to 
take  him,  and  was  determined  to  sell  his  life  or  lib- 
erty as  dearly  as  possible.  When  the  matter  was 
explained,  he  went  in  to  see  the  men,  and  afterward 
spoke  for  them.  In  the  spring  he  was  sent  on  to 
Canada,  where  he  was  out  of  the  slave-dealer's 
power  forever. 

PREJUDICE  AGAINST  COLOR. 

A  white  man  from  Massachusetts  moved  with  his 
family  to  Missouri,  bought  a  farm  and  settled  there. 
One  of  his  neighbors  had  a  slave,  a  young  man 
nearly  white,  who  was  willed  free  at  a  certain  age. 
The  time  of  his  bondage  had  nearly  expired  when 
the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts  hired  him  of  his 
master,  and  after  he  became  free,  he  continued  in 
the  same  service.  He  proved  to  be  a  very  intelli- 
gent, industrious  and  trusty  man,  and  his  employer 
soon  gave  him  the  entire  control  of  the  farm  and  all 
affairs  of  out-door  business.  The  family  did  not 
have  good  health  in  their  new  home,  and  becoming 
dissatisfied  with  the  locality  resolved  to  return  to 
Massachusetts. 

The  farm  was  sold   and   the   other  property  dis- 


i56 


REMINISCENCES. 


posed  of,  and  they  were  about  to  start  eastward, 
when  the  husband  and  father  sickened  and  died.  A 
short  time  before  he  breathed  his  last,  he  called  his 
servant  to  his  bedside  and  requested  him  to  take 
charge  of  his  wife  and  two  daughters  and  see  them 
safely  back  to  their  home  in  the  East. 

The  man  promised  faithfully  that  he  would  fulfill 
this  request,  and  soon  after  the  funeral  was  over  the 
little  party  started.  It  was  before  the  time  of  rail- 
roads or  turnpikes  in  the  West,  and  they  went  in  a 
wagon,  drawn  by  four  horses,  the  colored  man  driv- 
ing the  team,  and  attending  to  all  matters  connected 
with  the  journey.  Passing  over  the  prairies  of  Illi- 
nois and  Indiana,  they  found  the  mud  very  deep 
and  the  roads  almost  impassable,  it  being  late  in  the 
fall,  and  when  they  reached  Indianapolis  they  con- 
cluded to  remain  there  during  the  winter.  The 
young  man  found  employment  with  his  team,  and 
supported  the  family  by  his  work. 

The  two  daughters  were  well  educated  and  accom- 
plished young  ladies,  and  when  they  became  known 
were  greeted  as  acquisitions  to  the  society  of  the 
place.  They  were  members  of  the  Presbyterian 
Church  and  taught  in  the  Sabbath-schools  of  that 
denomination,  and  being  good  singers  were  invited 
to  join  the  choir. 

The  mulatto  man  in  their  family,  who  was  really 
almost  white  and  possessed  none  of  the  negro  feat- 
ures, was  very  gentlemanly  in  his  appearance  and 
manners,  and  so  kind  and  attentive  to  them  and 
thoughtful  for  their  welfare,  that  one  of  the  daugh- 
ters became  very  much  attached   to  him.      He  had 


PREJUDICE  AGAINST  COLOR. 


157 


long  loved  her  in  secret,  without  daring  to  speak, 
but  now,  finding  that  his  love  was  reciprocated,  saw 
no  reason  why  they  should  not  be  married. 

The  mother  gave  her  consent,  and  accompanied 
her  prospective  son-in-law  to  obtain  the  marriage 
license. 

On  the  evening  of  the  wedding,  the  news  spread 
through  the  city  that  a  negro  had  married  a  white 
woman,  and  an  infuriated  mob  filled  the  street  in 
front  of  the  housg,  and  with  hoots  and  yells  pro- 
ceeded to  search  for  the  man — several  shades  lighter 
than  some  of  themselves — who  dared  to  marry  a 
white  woman.  The  bridgroom  escaped  by  a  back 
way  and  fled  to  the  woods  for  safety,  as  if  he  were  a 
fugitive  slave.  Not  finding  him,  the  mob  dragged 
the  bride  out  of  the  house  and  rode  her  on  a  rail 
through  the  streets,  as  a  demonstration  of  the  popu- 
lar indignation.  The  bridgroom  remained  concealed 
in  the  woods  for  awhile,  finding  no  way  to  commun- 
icate with  his  wife,  and  not  daring  to  venture  back 
to  get  his  clothes  or  to  say  good-by.  He  was  in 
deep  distress  and  knew  not  what  to  do. 

The  city  was  in  an  uproar  of  excitement,  and  the 
indignant  citizens  were  searching  the  houses  of  the 
colored  people  for  this  terrible  criminal  who  had 
committed  so  great  a  sin  as  to  marry  a  woman  a 
shade  lighter  than  himself,  and  that  with  the  full 
approbation  of  her  mother  and  sister.  It  was  evi- 
dent that  he  could  not  show  himself  in  Indianapolis 
again  with  safety.  He  moved  eastward  and  got  into 
a  colored  settlement  at  Flat  Rock,  Henry  County, 


158 


REMINISCENCES. 


from  which  place  he  was  directed  to  my  house  at 
Newport. 

The  news  of  the  marriage  flew  all  over  the  State. 
The  newspapers  were  full  of  it,  and  the  public 
sentiment  was  aroused.  The  dreadful  prospect  of 
amalgamation  loomed  before  the  people  like  an 
impending  curse.  It  must  be  put  a  stop  to  at  once. 
The  Legislature  was  in  session  at  Indianapolis  at  the 
time  this  occurred,  and  they  took  immediate  action 
concerning  it.  They  passed  a  l^w  placing  a  heavy 
penalty  on  any  clergyman  or  magistrate  who  should 
marry  a  white  person  to  one  in  whose  veins  there 
was  a  drop  of  colored  blood.  Several  members  of 
the  Legislature,  and  a  number  of  prominent  citizens 
visited  the  offending  family  and  urged  them  to  apply 
for  a  divorce. 

The  poor  girl  was  almost  crazy  with  trouble,  hav- 
ing been  disgraced  by  being  ridden  on  a  rail,  and 
alarmed  by  the  threats  of  the  outrageous  mob,  and 
her  mother  and  sister  were  also  alarmed,  and  finally, 
through  fear,  they  yielded  to  the  threats  and  per- 
suasions of  their  visitors,  and  signed  a  petition  for  a 
divorce.  The  Legislature  at  once  divorced  the 
couple,  and  the  young  lady  was  declared  free  from 
the  disgraceful  alliance.  It  was  found  to  be  a  very 
nice  point  in  carrying  out  the  new  law,  to  detect  the 
drop  of  colored  blood.  No  minister  or  magistrate 
was  safe  in  marrying  any  couple.  The  law  would 
not  work,  and  was  repealed  the  following  year. 

Many  people  blamed  me  for  taking  in  Charley, 
the  young  colored  man,  and  harboring  one  whom 
they  regarded  as  a  great  criminal.      I  gave  him  em- 


PREJUDICE  AGAINST  COLOR. 


159 


ployment,  and  he  remained  with  me  for  several 
months.  He  proved  to  be  quiet,  orderly  and  in- 
dustrious, and  very  gentlemanly  in  all  his  ways,  yet 
many  of  the  women  in  our  town  and  neighborhood 
were  as  much  afraid  of  him  as  if  he  were  a  murderer. 
My  wife  and  a  few  other  women  had  no  such  foolish 
fear  of  poor  Charley,  but  sympathized  with  him  in 
his  troubles.  Soon  after  he  came  to  my  house,  I 
called  a  council  of  a  few  of  my  particular  friends, 
those  who  stood  by  me  and  sustained  me  in  all  my 
anti-slavery  efforts.  We  were  not  in  favor  of  amal- 
gamation and  did  not  encourage  the  intermarriage 
or  mixing  of  the  races,  but  we  were  in  favor  of  jus- 
tice and  right-dealing  with  all  colors.  This  seemed 
to  be  the  united  feeling  of  those  in  council.  We 
looked  upon  such  marriages  as  a  matter  of  choice 
with  the  contracting  parties,  and  not  as  a  crime  or  a 
sin.  Many  reasons  might  be  given  why  we  did  not 
encourage  such  a  choice,  but  we  did  not  criminate 
those  who  had  made  the  choice. 

The  object  of  this  council  was  to  take  into  consid- 
eration the  propriety  of  sending  a  deputation  to 
Indianapolis  to  learn  the  true  state  of  things  there, 
to  ascertain  the  feelings  of  Charley's  wife  and  her 
mother  toward  him  ;  and  to  obtain  his  clothing, 
which  he  had  been  compelled  to  leave  behind  in  his 
hasty  flight. 

Charley  was  in  deep  mental  distress,  and  needed 
the  counsel  and  sympathy  of  his  friends.  He  was 
not  sensible  of  having  committed  any  crime  in  mar- 
rying the  woman  he  loved,  and  who  professed  to 
love  him  in  return,  but  all  his  hopes  of  happiness 


j6o  REMINISCENCES. 

were  destroyed,  and  he  was  regarded  as  a  criminal. 
He  was  likewise  deeply  concerned  for  the  welfare 
of  the  family  that  had  been  placed  in  his  care  by 
the  dying  husband  and  father. 

George  Shugart  volunteered  to  go  to  Indianapolis, 
and  get  Charley's  clothes  and  learn  the  feelings  and 
wishes  of  the  family.  It  was  just  at  the  time  that 
the  Legislature  had  taken  action  in  the  case,  and  the 
family  were  so  confused  and  alarmed  that  they  could 
make  no  definite  plans  for  the  future.  They  thought 
it  best  to  remain  where  they  were  until  spring.  The 
horses  and  wagon  had  been  sold,  at  a  heavy  sacri- 
fice, and  they  had  no  means  of  continuing  their 
journey  then.  So  the  messenger  brought  little 
comfort  to  Charley.  He  remained  in  my  employ 
until  late  in  the  spring,  when  he  learned  that  the 
mother  and  her  two  daughters  had  left  Indianapolis 
and  gone  to  Cincinnati.  As  soon  as  he  received  this 
information  he  went  to  Cincinnati,  where  he  joined 
them.  Soon  after  the  whole  party  disappeared 
from  Cincinnati.  No  one  knew  where  they  went, 
but  it  was  supposed  that  they  returned  to  Massachu- 
setts, and  that  the  husband  and  wife  lived  together 
unmolested. 

AUNT    RACHEL. 

The  subject  of  this  sketch,  one  of  those  good 
old  darkey  aunties  whom  we  have  all  known  or 
heard  of,  was  brought  up  in  Lexington,  Kentucky. 
She  was  a  slave,  a  house  servant,  and  had  a  kind 
and  indulgent  master  and  mistress,  to  whom  she 
was  much  attached.     She  had  the  principal  charge 


AUNT  RACHEL.  jgj 

of  household  affairs.  Her  husband  belonged  to 
another  person  in  the  neighborhood,  but  was  often 
permitted  to  visit  her.  They  had  a  family  of  sev- 
eral children,  and  were  as  happily  situated  as  it  was 
possible  for  slaves  to  be.  They  knew  that  they 
were  liable  to  be  separated  and  sold  away  from  each 
other,  and  this  disturbed  their  happiness.  At  last 
the  dreaded  misfortune  came  to  them.  The  husband 
was  sold,  and  taken  to  the  far  South,  and  the  wife 
never  saw  him  nor  heard  from  him  afterward.  This 
was  a  terrible  shock  to  Aunt  Rachel,  and  had  it  not 
been  for  her  children,  she  said  she  would  have 
prayed  to  die.  But  for  their  sake  she  bore  her 
grief,  not  thinking  that  she  would  ever  be  called 
upon  to  part  from  them,  or  to  experience  deeper 
pangs  of  sorrow  than  those  she  had  already  known. 
She  knew  not  what  was  in  store  for  her.  Two  years 
afterward  her  old  master  and  mistress  died,  and  she 
and  her  children  were  sold  at  public  sale.  The 
children  were  bid  off  by  citizens  of  Lexington,  but 
Aunt  Rachel  was  sold  to  a  Southern  slave-trader. 
Now,  indeed,  came  trouble.  No  one  but  a  mother 
who  has  been  separated  from  the  children  she  loves 
can  understand  the  depth  of  her  distress,  or  sym- 
pathize with  the  anguish  of  her  heart.  Aunt  Rachel 
was  torn  away  from  her  children  and  taken  South  in 
a  gang  of  slaves,  which  the  trader  had  bought  for 
the  Southern  market.  In  Mississippi  she  was  sold 
to  a  cotton  planter,  and  immediately  set  to  work  in 
the  cotton  field.  She  had  never  been  accustomed 
to  out-door  work,  and  could  not  keep  up  with  the 
other  cotton  pickers.  For  this  she  was  cruelly  pun- 
14 


!g2  reminiscences. 

ished,  and  her  allowance  of  food  reduced.  Finding 
that  her  strength  was  failing  her  under  this  hard 
treatment,  she  resolved  to  run  away,  and  try  to 
make  her  way  back  to  her  old  Kentucky  home. 
She  hoped,  if  she  lived  to  get  there,  to  prevail  on 
some  of  her  white  friends  at  Lexington  to  buy  her, 
and  thus  enable  her  to  stay  near  her  children.  She 
thought  of  the  great  distance  she  must  traverse,  and 
of  the  dangers  and  hardships  of  such  an  undertaking, 
but  she  said  to  herself:  "It  is  death  to  stay  here, 
and  I  had  rather  die  in  the  attempt  to  get  away." 

It  was  now  the  beginning  of  summer,  and  she 
thought  she  could  live  on  berries  and  fruits  the 
most  of  the  time.  She  slipped  off  one  night  and 
made  good  headway  during  the  hours  of  darkness, 
hiding  in  the  cane-brakes  when  daylight  appeared. 
The  next  night  she  ventured  to  the  negro  quarters 
of  a  plantation,  and  got  some  provisions.  Her  long 
and  toilsome  journey  was  attended  with,  much 
danger  and  suffering,  and  occupied  the  most  of  the 
summer.  She  finally  reached  her  old  home  in  Lex- 
ingion,  Kentucky,  and  secreted  herself  with  a  friend. 
She  did  not  dare  yet  to  make  herself  known-  to 
her  children,  lest  it  should  lead  to  her  detection, 
but  sometimes  could  hardly  control  herself  when 
she  saw  her  youngest  child,  a  little  girl  three  years 
old,  playing  in  the  adjoining  yard.  She  remained 
in  concealment  for  some  time,  while  her  colored 
friends  tried  to  find  some  one  in  Lexington  who 
would  purchase  her.  They  were  unsuccessful  in 
their  attempts,  and  it  was  deemed  unsafe  for  her  to 
remain  longer  in  the  place,  as  it  had  by  this  time 


AUNT  RACHEL. 


163 


become  known  to  a  number  of  the  citizens  of  Lex- 
ington that  she  had  escaped  from  her  master  and 
was  there.  She  thought  she  would  start  northward 
and  try  to  reach  Canada,  but  while  her  colored 
friends  were  making  arrangements  for  her  journey  to 
the  North  on  the  Underground  Railroad,  she  re- 
ceived the  alarming  intelligence  that  her  master 
from  Mississippi  had  arrived  in  Lexington  in  pursuit 
of  her.  He  had  had  no  clue  to  her  whereabouts, 
but  judged  that  in  her  flight  she  would  be  guided  by 
that  instinct  which  leads  one  across  rivers  and  moun- 
tains to  the  spot  endeared  by  associations  of  home 
and  kindred. 

Soon  after  reaching  Lexington  he  learned  that  she 
was  secreted  somewhere  in  the  town.  He  offered  a 
reward  for  her  capture,  and  a  diligent  search  com- 
menced. The  police  were  on  the  alert,  and  poor 
Aunt  Rachel  was  soon  captured  and  dragged  to  jail 
for  safe  keeping.  Her  master  was  greatly  incensed 
because  she  had  run  away,  and  put  him  to  so  much 
trouble  and  expense  in  pursuing  her,  and  was  very 
abusive  and  threatening  in  his  language  to  her.  He 
gave  her  a  few  keen  cuts  with  his  whip,  as  tokens 
of  what  was  in  store  for  her,  and  told  her  he  would 
have  his  pay  out  of  her  when  he  got  home  ;  he 
would  double  her  task,  and  if  she  did  not  perform  it 
he  would  cut  the  hide  off  of  her  with  his  whip. 

Aunt  Rachel  trembled  but  made  no  reply;  she 
knew  that  she  was  in  his  power.  Handcuffs  were 
put  on  her  wrists,  and  a  chain  with  a  heavy  ball  fast- 
ened around  her  ankle.  Thus  ironed,  she  lay  in  the 
jail  for  more  than  a  week,  while  her  master  was  en- 


j64  reminiscences. 

gaged  in  buying  a  small  company  of  slaves  for  his 
plantation  in  Mississippi.  When  ready  to  start 
South,  he  hired  a  wagon  in  which  to  transport  his 
slaves  to  Louisville,  at  which  point  he  intended  to 
put  them  aboard  a  down-river  boat.  Aunt  Rachel 
was  placed  in  the  wagon,  with  her  heavy  irons  on. 
After  a  wearisome  day's  travel,  they  stopped  in  front 
of  a  tavern,  where  they  intended  to  spend  the  night. 
It  was  quite  dark,  for  they  had  been  compelled  to 
travel  some  time  after  night-fall  in  order  to  reach  a 
place  where  they  could  find  quarters.  While  her 
master  went  into  the  house  to  see  about  getting 
entertainment,  Aunt  Rachel  gathered  up  the  ball 
and  chain  in  her  manacled  hands,  slipped  out  of  the 
hind  end  of  the  wagon,  and  slid  down  into  a  deep 
ravine  near  the  road.  She  crouched  under  the  side 
of  the  bank  and  lay  as  still  as  death.  She  was  soon 
missed,  and  the  search  for  her  began.  Her  master, 
and  those  he  called  to  his  assistance,  ran  in  every 
direction,  with  lighted  lanterns,  looking  for  her,  but 
they  overlooked  her  hiding-place.  She  was  so  near, 
almost  under  the  wagon,  that  they  did  not  think  of 
searching  where  she  lay.  She  remained  perfectly 
still,  except  the  tumultuous  throbbing  of  her  heart; 
and  this  she  thought  would  surely  betray  her  when 
those  in  search  passed  near  her  hiding-place. 

Finally,  all  became  quiet,  and  the  search  seemed 
given  up  for  the  night.  Then  Aunt  Rachel  gath- 
ered up  her  chain  and  crawled  off  into  the  woods, 
making  her  way  through  the  darkness  as  fast  as  her 
fetters  would  allow.  She  did  not  venture  to  follow 
any  road  or  beaten  path,  but  wandered  on  through 


A  UNT  RA  CIIEL.  !  6  5 

the  woods,  as  best  she  could,  for  two  or  three  miles. 
Being  quite  weary  under  the  weight  of  her  irons, 
she  stopped  to  rest.  It  was  cool  weather,  late  in 
the  fall,  and  she  soon  felt  chilly.  Looking  about, 
she  discovered  some  hogs  lying  snugly  in  a  leafy 
bed  under  the  side  of  a  large  log,  and  frightening 
them  away,  she  crept  into  their  warm  bed.  She  now 
felt  comfortable,  and  soon  fell  into  a  refreshing  sleep 
that  lasted  an  hour  or  two.  When  she  awoke  she 
felt  quite  refreshed,  and  ready  to  pursue  her  journey. 
Her  situation  was  indeed  forlorn.  She  had  eluded 
the  grasp  of  her  master,  but  manacled  as  she  was, 
how  could  she  ever  make  her  way  to  freedom  and 
safety?  Must  she  not  perish  of  hunger  in  the  lonely 
woods?  How  could  she  free  herself  from  her  hand 
fetters,  and  from  the  heavy  chain  that  was  chafing 
her  ankle  and  making  it  sore?  As  she  reflected  on 
these  questions,  distress  filled  her  mind,  and  she 
wept.  She  knew  of  no  friend  but  God,  and  she 
prayed  to  him  in  this  hour  of  need ;  she  asked 
him  to  guide  and  help  her.  She  seemed  to  feel 
his  presence  with  her,  in  answer  to  her  petitions, 
and  a  glow  of  comfort  warmed  her  heart.  She 
moved  on,  to  look  for  a  safe  place  where  she 
might  hide  during  the  day,  and  came  to  a  small 
stream  of  water,  on  whose  banks  were  a  number  of 
large  stones.  She  placed  two  stones  close  together 
and  laid  her  chain  across  them,  then  lifting  another 
stone  in  her  fettered  hands,  she  managed  by  re- 
peated blows  and  by  frequently  turning  it,  to  break 
the  chain ;  thus  freeing  herself  of  the  greater  part 
of  it,  and   of  the  heavy  ball.      Several  links,   how- 


A 
jgg  REMINISCENCES. 

ever,  were  left  hanging-  to  the  band  riveted  around 
her  ankle ;  from  this  she  could  not  free  herself.  She 
lay  in  the  woods  during  the  day,  and  at  night  ven- 
tured to  a  house  where  she  saw  some  colored  people. 
She  was  kindly  received,  and  furnished  with  food. 
The  man  succeeded  in  getting  her  handcuffs  off, 
which  was  a  great  relief  to  her,  but  having  no  file, 
he  was  unable  to  relieve  her  of  the  iron  band  on  her 
leg.  This  colored  brother  gave  her  directions  for 
her  journey,  and  put  her  on  a  route  that  would  reach 
the  Ohio  River,  opposite  Madison,  Indiana.  He 
even  ventured  to  take  two  of  his  master's  horses  out 
of  the  field,  and  help  her  on  her  way  several  miles. 

The  next  night  her  progress  was  slow  on  account 
of  her  manacled  ankle,  which  by  this  time  was 
swollen  and  very  painful.  Some  time  before  day- 
light she  ventured  to  approach  a  hut,  which  was 
situated  near  the  road  she  was  traveling.  She  dis- 
covered a  negro  man  kindling  a  fire,  and  made  her- 
self known  to  him.  He  received  her  kindly,  and 
his  wife  ministered  to  her  needs.  She  remained 
secreted  during  the  day  at  this  hut,  and  at  night 
felt  strengthened  and  ready  to  pursue  her  journey. 
The  man  had  a  file,  and  succeeded  in  filing  off  the 
rivet,  and  loosening  the  band  from  her  leg.  He 
then  applied  what  simple  remedies  he  had  at  hand, 
and  succeeded  in  some  measure  in  assuaging  the 
pain  and  swelling  of  the  ankle.  At  night  this 
kind  friend  helped  her  on  her  way,  and  conducted 
her  to  the  house  of  a  colored  man,  who  lived  near 
the  Ohio  River,  below  Madison.  This  man  was  a 
slave,    but  had  a  kind   and   indulgent  master,    who 


AUNT  RACHEL.  ify 

allowed  him  the  use  of  a  skiff,  and  permitted  him 
to  go  over  the  river  to  trade.  Aunt  Rachel  pre- 
vailed upon  him  to  take  her  across  the  river  that 
night,  and  he  landed  her  near  Madison,  directing 
her  how  to  find  a  settlement  of  free  colored  people 
near  that  place.  At  this  settlement  she  fell  into  the 
hands  of  a  trusty  colored  man,  who  lived  about  ten 
miles  out  in  the  country,  where  he  owned  a  good 
farm,  and  was  comfortably  situated.  Aunt  Rachel 
found  a  quiet  home  at  his  house,  which  was  for- 
tunate for  her,  as  she  was  now  almost  unable  to 
travel.  The  chafing  of  the  iron  band  around  her 
ankle  had  caused  inflammation,  and  made  a  very 
painful  sore.  She  was  able,  however,  to  move 
about  enough  to  do  housework.  She  remained  at 
this  place  all  winter,  unmolested.  In  the  spring  a 
fugitive  was  captured  in  the  neighborhood,  and 
Aunt  Rachel  and  her  friends  became  alarmed  for 
her  safety.  She  was  put  on  the  Underground  Rail- 
road, and  brought  to  our  house  at  Newport.  She 
was  anxious  to  remain  with  us  for  awhile,  hoping 
that  by  some  means  she  might  hear  from  her  chil- 
dren, concerning  whom  she  was  very  anxious.  She 
thought  she  would  be  safe  from  pursuit,  for  her 
master  in  Mississippi  would  not  be  likely  to  spend 
much  more  time  and  money  looking  after  her.  My 
wife  needed  help  at  that  time,  and  agreed  to  hire 
her  for  a  few  weeks.  We  soon  found  her  to  be  one 
of  the  best  housekeepers  and  cooks  we  had  ever 
employed.  She  was  careful  and  trustworthy,  and 
exemplary  in  all  her  ways.  We  became  much  at- 
tached to  her;  indeed,    the  neighbors   and  all  who 


]  58  REMINISCENCES. 

knew  her  had  a  great  deal  of  respect  and  liking  for 
Aunt  Rachel.  Every  one  who  heard  her  story,  as 
she  related  it  in  simple  yet  thrilling  language,  felt  a 
deep  interest  in  her  case.  She  staid  with  us  more 
than  six  months,  and  would  have  remained  longer 
had  it  not  been  considered  unsafe.  Some  Kentuck- 
ians  were  scouting  about  through  our  neighborhood 
looking  for  fugitives.  They  made  their  headquarters 
at  Richmond,  at  a  hotel  which  was  a  well-known 
resort  for  negro  hunters.  Aunt  Rachel  became 
alarmed,  and  we  thought  it  best  for  her  to  go  on  to 
Canada,  where  she  would  be  safe.  A  good  oppor- 
tunity in  the  way  of  company  for  the  greater  part 
the  way  offered  just  then,  very  fortunately. 

A  committee  of  men  and  women  Friends,  ap- 
pointed by  New  Garden  Quarterly  Meeting  to  attend 
the  opening  of  a  meeting  at  Young's  Prairie,  Mich- 
igan, were  just  about  starting  on  this  mission.  Aunt 
Rachel  was  acquainted  with  most  of  them,  and 
wished  to  accompany  them,  and  they  were  very 
willing  to  engage  in  Underground  Railroad  work, 
though  the  Quarterly  Meeting  had  not  appointed 
them  to  that  service. 

We  provided  Aunt  Rachel  with  warm  and  com- 
fortable clothing  for  her  journey  to  the  North.  A 
well-filled  trunk  was  placed  in  one  of  the  carriages, 
and  Aunt  Rachel  took  her  seat  by  one  of  the  women 
Friends.  She  presented  the  appearance  of  a  sedate 
and  comely  Quaker  woman,  quite  as  suitable  to  be 
ippointed  on  the  committee  as  any  of  the  company. 
A.unt  Rachel  traveled  very  agreeably  with  this  com- 
mittee to  Young's  Prairie,  Cass  County,   Michigan. 


A  UNT  RA  CHEL. 


l6g 


She  remained  at  the  Friends'  settlement  there  for 
several  days,  and  was  then  sent  on  the  mail  coach 
to  Detroit.  At  that  city  she  called  on  some  people 
to  whom  we  had  directed  her,  and  they  sent  her 
across  to  Canada.  She  found  employment  in  the 
homes  of  white  families  in  Windsor  and  Norwich, 
where  she  remained  for  several  months.  Then  she 
married  a  respectable  colored  man  by  the  name  of 
Keys,  who  owned  a  comfortable  little  home.  Here 
I  met  with  her  eight  years  afterward,  when  on  a 
visit  to  the  fugitives  in  Canada,  in  company  with 
William  Beard.  The  meeting  was  very  unexpected 
to  Aunt  Rachel,  as  she  had  no  previous  knowl- 
edge of  our  arrival  in  the  country.  We  rode  up 
to  her  little  home,  and  hitched  our  horses  at  the 
gate,  some  distance  from  the  house.  Aunt  Rachel 
was  in  the  yard  at  the  time,  picking  up  kindling 
wood.  She  stood  still  a  moment  until  she  recog- 
nized me,  then  dropped  her  wood  and  rushed  to 
meet  me,  shouting  and  praising  God.  She  ex- 
claimed:  ''Is  it  possible  the  good  Lord  has  sent 
you  here?"  then,  with  tears  running  down  her  black 
cheeks,  she  threw  her  arms  around  me,  and  asked 
many  blessings  on  my  head.  Her  emotions  and 
manifestations  of  joy  at  meeting  me  quite  unman- 
ned me  for  a  time.  She  led  us  into  the  house,  whfch 
was  snug  and  comfortable,  and  introduced  us  to  her 
husband.  He  appeared  to  be  a  very  friendly,  kind- 
hearted  man.  Aunt  Rachel  informed  me  that  she 
had  suffered  a  great  deal  with  her  leg,  where  she 
had  worn  that  cruel  chain.  At  one  time  she  lay 
for  several  months  under  treatment  of  some  of  the 
15 


j~0  REMINISCENCES. 

best  doctors  in  Detroit.  They  decided  that  to  save 
her  life  the  limb  must  be  amputated.  She  con- 
sented that  the  operation  should  be  performed,  and 
the  doctors  came  with  their  surgical  instruments, 
but  her  husband  would  not  give  his  consent.  He 
believed  that  she  could  get  well  without  losing  her 
limb.  The  doctors  yielded,  the  limb  was  spared, 
and  she  did  get  well, 

A  SLAVE-HUNTER  OUTWITTED. 

The  story  that  I  am  about  to  relate  may,  in  some 
of  its  particulars,  seem  improbable  or  even  impossi- 
ble, to  any  reader  not  acquainted  with  the  workings 
of  the  southern  division  of  the  Underground  Rail- 
road. That  two  young  slave  girls  could  successfully 
make  their  escape  from  a  Southern  State  and  travel 
hundreds  of  miles,  hiding  in  the  day,  in  thickets  and 
other  secluded  places,  and  traveling  at  night,  crossing 
rivers  and  swamps,  and  passing  undiscovered  through 
settlements,  appears  more  like  a  story  of  romance 
than  one  of  sober  reality.  But  I  will  not  test  the 
reader's  credulity  by  leaving  this  story  unexplained; 
I  will  give  a  few  items  regarding  the  manner  of  the 
escape  of  many  slaves  from  the  South.  I  have 
always  contended  that  the  Underground  Railroad, 
so  called,  was  a  Southern  institution ;  that  it  had  its 
origin  in  the  slave  States.  It  was,  however,  con 
ducted  on  quite  a  different  principle  south  of  Mason 
and  Dixon's  line,  from  what  it  was  on  this  side. 
South  of  the  line  money,  in  most  cases,  was  the 
motive  ;  north,  we  generally  worked  on  principle. 
For  the  sake  of  money,  people  in  the  South  would 


A  SLAVE-HUNTER  OUTWITTED.  j^i 

help  slaves  to  escape  and  convey  them  acrosr  the 
line,  and  by  this  means,  women  with  their  children, 
and  young  girls,  like  the  subjects  of  this  story,  were 
enabled  to  reach  the  North.  They  were  hidden  in 
wagons,  or  stowed  away  in  secret  places  on  steam- 
boats, or  conducted  on  foot  through  the  country,  by 
shrewd  managers  who  traveled  at  night  and  knew 
what  places  to  avoid. 

Free  colored  people  who  had  relatives  in  slavery 
were  willing  to  contribute  to  the  utmost  of  their 
means,  to  aid  in  getting  their  loved  ones  out  of  bond- 
age ;  just  as  we  would  do  if  any  of  our  loved  ones 
were  held  in  thralldom.  It  was  by  some  line  of  the 
Southern  Underground  Railroad  that  two  slave  girls, 
living  in  Tennessee,  managed  to  escape  and  reach 
Cabin  Creek,  Randolph  County,  Indiana,  where 
lived  their  grandparents  and  most  of  their  near 
relatives,  who  were  free. 

This  neighborhood  was  settled  principally  by  free 
colored  people  who  had  purchased  government  land 
in  forty  or  eighty  acre  lots ;  in  some  instances  a 
quarter  section — one  hundred  and  sixty  acres — had 
been  entered.  A  dense  settlement  of  free  colored 
people  had  formed  at  Cabin  Creek,  and  a  good 
school  had  been  established  there,  under  the  aus- 
pices of  New  Garden  Quarterly  Meeting  of  Friends. 

Near  the  center  of  the  colony  lived  the  grand- 
parents of  the  two  girls  mentioned,  and  there  the 
girls  staid,  after  their  long  and  perilous  journey, 
enjoying  their  newly  gained  liberty,  and  hoping  that 
their  master  would  never  learn  of  their  whereabouts. 
But  they  were  not  destined  to  dwell  here  in  safety. 


172 


REMINISCENCES. 


Their  master  had  come  to  Richmond,  ostensibly  to 
look  about  the  neighborhood  and  buy  cattle,  but 
really  to  gain  some  trace  of  his  slave  property.  He 
hired  spies  and  sent  them  into  different  neighbor- 
hoods, Cabin  Creek  among  the  rest,  and  thus  the 
girls  were  discovered.  When  the  master  learned 
that  his  two  slave  girls  were  so  near,  he  felt  as  if 
they  were  already  in  his  power,  but  when  he  heard 
more  concerning  Cabin  Creek  neighborhood  and  the 
character  of  the  colored  people  there,  he  began  to 
think  it  might  not  be  so  easy  to  effect  a  capture. 
When  a  slave-hunter  came  to  Cabin  Creek,  the 
people  banded  together  to  protect  the  fugitive  he 
was  after,  and  as  they  were  very  determined  in  their 
defense  it  was  a  difficult  matter  to  capture  the  slave. 
They  had  prearranged  signals  for  such  occasions, 
and  the  alarm  soon  called  the  people  together. 

The  master  of  the  two  girls  obtained  a  writ  and 
placed  it  in  the  hands  of  an  officer,  then  gathered  a 
company  of  roughs  from  Richmond,  Winchester  and 
other  neighborhoods,  and  rode  out  to  Cabin  Creek 
at  the  head  of  a  large  company  of  armed  men. 
They  marched  to  the  cabin  where  the  two  girls 
were,  and  surrounded  it. 

The  alarm  was  given  as  soon  as  the  company 
were  seen  approaching,  and  a  boy  mounted  a  horse 
and  rode  off  at  full  speed  to  spread  the  alarm.  He 
was  fired  at  by  some  of  the  company,  and  a  rifle 
ball  grazed  his  arm,  making  a  slight  flesh  wound. 
This  only  hastened  his  speed  and  increased  the  ex- 
citement. The  grandfather  of  the  two  girls  was 
away   from  home,   but  the   brave  old  grandmother 


A  SLAVE-HUNTER  OUTWITTED. 


173 


seized  a  corn-cutter  and  placed  herself  in  the  only 
door  of  the  cabin,  defying  the  crowd  and  declaring 
that  she  would  cut  the  first  man  in  two  who  under- 
took to  cross  the  threshold.  Thus  she  kept  the 
slave-hunter  and  his  posse  at  bay,  while  a  large 
crowd  of  colored  people  collected.  Quite  a  number 
of  white  people  came  also,  some  out  of  curiosity  or 
sympathy  with  the  master,  and  others  who  sympa- 
thized with  the  fugitives.  It  is  said  that  there  were 
more  than  two  hundred  people  gathered  around  the 
cabin.  The  sound  of  the  horn,  and  the  message  of 
the  boy,  had  brought  together  most  of  the  colored 
people  in  the  settlement.  An  uncle  of  the  slave 
girls,  who  lived  near  by,  seeing  the  crowd  as  they 
rode  up,  placed  himself  near  his  mother,  on  the  out- 
side of  the  door,  and  several  other  sturdy  negroes 
stood  by  his  side. 

He  was  a  shrewd  sharp  fellow,  with  a  fair  educa- 
tion, and  kept  his  presence  of  mind  under  the  ex- 
citing circumstances.  He  demanded  to  see  the 
writ,  and  it  was  handed  to  him  by  the  officer.  He 
read  it  over  carefully,  and  tried  to  pick  flaws  in  it. 
He  denied  that  it  gave  them  any  authority  to  enter 
that  house  to  search  for  property.  The  laws  of  In- 
diana did  not  recognize  human  beings  as  property 
until  they  had  been  proven  to  be  such,  and  that  was 
a  difficult  thing  to  do.  He  said  that  he  doubted 
very  much  whether  the  man  who  had  obtained  this 
writ  to  arrest  two  slave  girls  could  prove  them  to  be 
his  property.  Furthermore,  he  did  not  believe  the 
girls  were  in  that  house.  He  extended  the  debate 
with  the  master  as  long  as  possible,  and  in  the  mean- 


174 


REMINISCENCES. 


time  several  colored  people  had  been  permitted  to 
pass  in  and  out  under  the  sharp  edge  of  the  old 
woman's  corn-cutter,  but  no  white  person  had  been 
admitted. 

While  the  debate  was  going  on,  arrangements 
were  being  made,  both  outdoors  and  indoors,  for 
the  escape  of  the  girls.  The  uncle  understood  all 
this  perfectly,  and  he  was  doing  his  part  toward 
success,  by  prolonging  the  palaver.  The  girls 
dressed  in  boys'  clothes,  and  put  on  slouch  hats  ; 
then,  while  the  debate  outside  grew  warm  and  ex- 
citement began  to  run  high,  and  the  slave-hunters 
to  declare  that  they  would  enter  the  house,  in  spite 
of  the  corn-cutter  and  other  obstructions,  the  girls 
passed  out  of  the  door  with  other  negroes,  and  made 
their  way  through  the  crowd.  Two  fleet  horses, 
with  light  but  very  capable  riders,  stood  near  the 
side  of  a  large  log,  screened  from  the  sight  of  the 
crowd  by  some  tall  bushes.  The  girls  stepped 
quickly  on  the  log  and  sprang,  one  on  each  horse, 
behind  the  riders,  and  were  soon  out  of  sight. 
When  the  uncle  knew  that  the  girls  were  at  a  safe 
distance,  he  began  to  moderate  and  proposed  a 
compromise.  Speaking  in  a  whisper  to  his  mother, 
he  appeared  to  be  consulting  with  her  on  the  sub- 
ject, and  finally  said,  that  if  the  master  of  the  girls 
would  agree  to  give  them  a  fair  trial  at  Winchester, 
he  and  his  posse  would  be  allowed  to  enter  the 
house  peaceably.  This  was  agreed  to,  and  the 
grandmother  laid  aside  her  weapon  of  defense,  and 
appeared  calm  and  subdued.  The  master  and  his 
posse  rushed  in  to  seize  the  girls,  and  those  outside, 


A  SLAVE-HUNTER  OUTWITTED. 


175 


who  could  not  see  into  the  house,  listened  to  hear 
the  girls'  screams  of  terror  and  pleadings  for  mercy 
while  their  master  bound  them.  But  they  heard 
nothing  of  the  kind,  only  oaths  and  exclamations 
from  the  men  as  they  searched  about  the  cabin  and 
up  in  the  loft.  The  hunters  were  baffled  ;  the  girls 
were  not  to  be  found.  The  darkies  seemed  in  a 
good  humor,  and  there  was  a  general  display  of 
white  teeth  in  broad  grins.  Some  of  the  white  folks 
also  seemed  amused,  and  inclined  to  make  sport  of 
the  misfortune  of  the  master.  It  was  no  laughable 
matter  to  him — to  be  duped  by  negroes  and  to  lose 
such  valuable  property  as  these  girls  were,  either  of 
whom  would  soon  be  worth  one  thousand  dollars. 
Some  in  the  crowd  were  unfeeling  enough  to  jest  at 
his  loss,  and  to  advise  him  to  look  around  and  see  if 
there  was  not  a  hole  in  the  ground  where  the  girls 
had  been  let  down  to  the  Underground  Railroad. 

When  the  master  fully  realized  how  he  had  been 
outwitted,  his  wrath  knew  no  bounds,  but  his 
hired  assistants  tried  to  comfort  him  with  the 
thought  that  they  could  soon  ferret  out  the  fugi- 
tives, and  promised  to  make  a  thorough  search 
through  all.  the  abolition  neighborhoods. 

The  girls  were  taken  a  short  distance  on  the  Win- 
chester road ;  then  through  by-ways  and  cross-roads 
they  were  brought  through  the  Cherry  Grove  settle- 
ment of  Friends  to  Newport,  a  distance  of  about 
twenty  miles.  The  girls  were  much  exhausted  when 
they  arrived  at  our  house,  having  had  a  hard  ride, 
part  of  the  way  in  the  night.  After  taking  some 
nourishment,  they  were  placed  in  a  private  room  to 


176 


REMINISCENCES. 


rest  during  the  remainder  of  the  night,  and  were  soon 
sound  asleep.  We  did  not  apprehend  any  danger 
that  night,  as  we  supposed  a  vigorous  search  would 
be  made  at  Cabin  Creek  and  neighboring  settle- 
ments, and  that  our  town  would  not  be  searched 
till  the  hunt  in  the  other  localities  had  been  pros- 
ecuted and  proved  fruitless. 

Some  time  the  next  day,  a  messenger  arrived  at 
my  house  from  Cabin  Creek,  and  told  us  that  after 
failing  to  find  the  girls  at  their  grandfather's,  the 
posse  of  pursuers  had  divided  into  several  squads  to 
search  the  different  neighborhoods,  and  that  one 
company  were  on  their  way  to  Newport.  That 
afternoon  several  strangers  were  seen  rambling 
about  our  village,  inquiring  for  stray  horses,  and 
going  abruptly  into  the  houses  of  colored  people 
living  in  the  suburbs.  It  was  not  difficult  to  guess 
what  was  their  real  business.  I  was  busy  in  my 
store  when  I  learned  of  the  conduct  of  these  stran- 
gers, but  went  at  once  to  the  house  and  told  my 
wife  that  negro  hunters  were  in  town,  and  that  she 
must  secrete  the  two  girls.  She  was  used  to  such 
business,  and  was  not  long  in  devising  a  plan. 
Taking  the  two  girls,  who  had  by  this  time  been 
dressed  in  female  apparel,  into  a  bedroom,  she  hid 
them  between  the  straw  tick  and  feather  tick,  allow- 
ing them  room  for  breathing,  then  made  up  the  bed 
as  usual,  smoothed  the  counterpane  and  put  on  the 
pillows.  But  the  girls  were  so  excited  and  amused 
at  the  remembrance  of  how  they  outwitted  massa, 
and  of  their  ride,  dressed  in  boys'  clothes,  and  at 
their  novel  position,  that  they  laughed  and  giggled 


A  SLAVE-HUNTER  OUTWITTED. 


177 


until  my  wife  had  to  separate  them,  and  put  one  in 
another  bed.  I  went  back  to  my  store  and  left 
Aunt  Katy,  as  every  one  called  my  wife,  to  manage 
affairs  at  the  house.  If  the  searchers  attempted  to 
enter  our  house,  she  was  to  rattle  the  large  dinner 
bell  violently,  and  at  this  signal  the  neighbors  would 
rush  in,  and  I  would  get  the  proper  officers  and  have 
the  negro  hunters  arrested  for  attempting  to  enter 
my  house  without  legal  authority. 

But  these  proceedings  were  not  necessary.  The 
hunters  did  not  have  courage  enough  to  enter  my 
house,  though  they  knew  it  was  a  depot  of  the  Un- 
derground Railroad.  Hearing  that  threats  were 
made  against  them  in  the  village,  they  left  without 
giving  us  any  trouble. 

We  kept  the  girls  very  secluded  for  several  weeks 
until  the  master  had  given  up  the  search,  and  gone 
home.  Then  having  other  fugitives  to  forward  to 
the  North,  we  sent  them  altogether  via  the  Green- 
ville and  Sandusky  route  to  Canada,  where  they 
arrived  in  safety. 


i;8 


REMINISCENCES. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

NEWPORT    STORIES    CONTINUED — SEVENTEEN    FUGITIVES 

TWO  SLAVE  GIRLS    FROM    MARYLAND ANECDOTE 

OF    A    VISIT   TO    CINCINNATI STORY  OF    LOUIS  TAI- 

BERT — JOHN   WHITE. 

THE  largest  company  of  slaves  ever  seated  at 
our  table,  at  one  time,  numbered  seventeen, 
though  we  often  had  parties  of  from  ten  to  fifteen. 
The  party  referred  to,  arrived  at  our  house  about 
dawn  one  morning,  having  been  brought  in  two 
covered  wagons  from  Salem,  a  settlement  of  Friends 
in  Union  County.  The  distance  was  about  thirty 
miles,  and  the  journey  occupied  the  most  of  the 
night. 

It  was  an  interesting  company,  consisting  of  men 
and  women,  all  apparently  able-bodied  and  in  the 
prime  of  life.  They  were  of  different  complexions, 
varying  from  light  mulatto  to  coal  black,  and  had 
bright  and  intelligent  expressions.  They  were  all 
from  the  same  neighborhood,  a  locality  in  Kentucky, 
some  fifteen  or  twenty  miles  from  the  Ohio  River, 
but  belonged  to  different  masters. 

For  some  time  they  had  been  planning  to  escape, 
but  had  kept  their  own  counsels,  not  venturing  tc 
divulge  their  secrets  to  other  slaves.     A  place  of 


SEVENTEEN  FUGITIVES. 


179 


rendezvous  was  agreed  upon,  and  at  the  appointed 
time  they  repaired  to  it,  carrying  small  bundles  of 
their  best  clothes  which  they  had  found  opportunity 
to  carry  out  previously  and  hide.  One  young  man, 
who  was  engaged  to  be  married,  succeeded  in  get- 
ting his  intended  wife,  a  beautiful  mulatto,  from  her 
master's  place,  and  took  her  with  him.  Most  of 
them  had  managed  to  save  some  money,  and  they 
found  this  of  great  service  in  helping  them  on  their 
way.  The  leader  of  the  party  had  made  arrange- 
ments with  a  poor  white  man,  living  on  the  bank 
of  the  Ohio  River,  whom  he  knew  to  be  trust- 
worthy. This  man  owned  a  wood  boat  and  a  skiff, 
and  promised  for  the  consideration  of  a  liberal  sum 
of  money  to  have  his  boat  in  waiting,  on  a  certain 
night,  at  a  secluded  point,  and  to  take  the  party 
across  the  river  to  a  point  on  the  Indiana  shore, 
some  miles  above  Madison. 

At  the  time  appointed,  the  party  succeeded  in 
getting  together,  and  hastened  to  the  river.  Their 
white  friend  was  in  readiness  for  them,  and  landed 
them  safely  on  the  Indiana  shore  before  daylight. 
They  hurried  into  the  woods,  to  find  hiding-places 
among  the  hills  and  in  ravines  during  the  day,  for 
they  knew  that  they  would  be  pursued,  and  that 
their  masters  would  make  great  efforts  to  capture 
such  valuable  property. 

The  next  night  they  left  their  hiding-places  and 
moved  cautiously  northward,  not  daring  to  travel  in 
the  road,  but  making  their  way  through  corn-fields 
and  across  plantations.  At  one  time,  when  they  had 
just  crossed  a   road  and  entered  a  corn-field  in  the 


jgo  REMINISCENCES. 

river  bottom,  they  heard  the  sound  of  horses'  feet,  in 
the  road  near  by.  Two  or  three  men,  who  were 
riding  ahead  of  the  main  party,  saw  the  fugitives  and 
gave  the  alarm.  The  pursuers  instantly  dismounted 
and  rushed  into  the  corn-field,  but  having  to  climb  a 
high  rail  fence  they  did  not  gain  on  the  runaways. 
The  party  of  fugitives  scattered,  and  fled  rapidly 
through  the  wilderness  of  tall,  full-bladed  corn. 
The  field  they  were  in  was  large,  and  other  corn- 
fields joined  it,  lying  in  the  rich  river  bottom,  so 
that  they  had  the  advantage  of  shelter  all  the  way. 
The  pursuers,  fifteen  or  twenty  in  number,  divided 
and  rushed  after  them  with  guns  in  hand,  calling  on 
them  to  stop  or  they  would  be  shot  down.  Some 
of  the  fugitives  recognized  the  voices  of  their  mas- 
ters, but  they  heeded  them  not.  They  ran  on  with 
all  their  might,  each  one  looking  out  for  himself  or 
herself.  Several  shots  were  fired  at  them  as  they 
ran,  and  they  heard  the  bullets  whistle  through  the 
corn  around  them.  They  outstripped  their  pursuers, 
and  ran  from  one  corn-field  to  another  in  the  bottom 
land  until  they  had  gone  two  or  three  miles.  Hear- 
ing no  sound  of  their  pursuers,  they  stopped  to  take 
breath  and  see  if  all  their  party  were  safe. 

A  few  of  them  had  kept  in  hearing  of  each  other, 
and  by  a  low  whistle  were  soon  brought  together. 
More  than  half  the  company  were  still  missing. 
They  moved  on,  a  short  distance,  very  cautiously, 
and  gave  another  whistle,  which  was  responded  to, 
and  in  a  few  minutes  the  young  man  and  his  in- 
tended wife  and  two  other  women  joined.  They 
repeated  their  whistle,  .but  heard  no  response. 


SEVENTEEN  FUGITIVES. 


181 


About  half  the  company  were  now  together, 
including  all  the  women.  It  was  near  morning, 
and  as  they  did  not  feel  safe  in  the  corn-fields,  they 
resolved  to  make  their  way,  if  possible,  to  the  woods 
among  the  hills,  and  hide  there  during  the  day. 

They  succeeded  in  this  attempt,  but  just  as  they 
were  entering  the  woods  they  were  greatly  alarmed 
by  hearing,  a  little  distance  behind  them,  the  report 
of  several  guns,  fired  in  quick  succession.  They 
feared  that  their  missing  comrades  had  fallen  into 
the  hands  of  the  enemy.  They  hastened  forward  in 
the  woods,  and  concealed  themselves  in  a  thicket  of 
young  trees  and  bushes.  Soon  after  daylight  they 
were  alarmed  by  hearing  the  sound  of  some  one 
chopping  with  an  ax  near  them.  They  cautiously 
reconnoitered,  and  'found  that  it  was  a  colored  man 
chopping  wood.  One  of  the  party  ventured  to 
approach  him,  and  found  him  to  be  friendly.  His 
house  was  not  far  off,  but  he  did  not  think  it  safe 
to  take  them  to  it,  as  the  hunters  might  come  there 
to  look  for  them.  He  conducted  them  to  a  safe 
hiding-place,  and  furnished  them  with  food,  of  which 
they  were  greatly  in  need.  They  had  lost  their 
bundles  in  their  flight  through  the  corn-fields,  and 
were  thus  deprived  of  their  little  stock  of  provision 
and  spare  clothing. 

The  next  night  their  colored  friend  conducted 
them  to  a  depot  of  the  Underground  Railroad,  the 
Hicklin  settlement,  where  fugitives  were  always 
kindly  received  and  cared  for,  and  helped  on  their 
way  to  other  stations.  Here  they  remained  in  con- 
cealment during  the  day,  feeling  great  anxiety  about 


!  8  2  REMINISCENCES. 

their  missing  comrades — fearing  that  they  had  been 
captured  and  taken  back  to  slavery.  During  the 
day,  however,  Hicklin,  at  whose  house  they  were, 
learned  that  there  were  other  fugitives  in  the  vicin- 
ity, among  his  neighbors  who  were  abolitionists, 
and  when  he  went  to  ascertain  the  facts  concerning 
them  he  found  them  to  be  the  comrades  of  the 
party  at  his  house.  They  had  met  with  a  free  col 
ored  man  who  had, conducted  them  to  this  neighbor- 
hood. Two  of  them  had  received  gunshot  wounds, 
which  were  very  painful  but  not  dangerous.  Sev- 
eral hours  after  they  had  evaded  the  hunters  in  the 
corn-field,  and  while  trying  to  make  their  way  to  the 
woods,  they  had  come  upon  a  party  of  the  hunters 
who  were  lying  in  ambush,  having  dismounted  from 
their  horses  and  tied  them  in  the  bushes.  The 
fugitives  saw  the  horses,  and  instantly  comprehend- 
ing the  situation,  they  started  off  at  full  speed  and 
ran  for  life.  The  pursuers  fired  at  them,  but  they 
did  not  stop,  though  one  received  a  number  of  small 
shot  in  his  back  and  shoulder,  and  the  other  was 
wounded  by  a  rifle  ball  that  passed  through  his 
clothes  and  made  a  gash  several  inches  long  in  his 
side.  They  reached  the  woods  and  soon  distanced 
their  pursuers,  and  saw  them  no  more. 

The  two  companies  were  glad  to  meet  again,  and 
soon  prepared  to  renew  their  journey  to  the  North. 
Their  friends  at  Hicklin  settlement  provided  two 
wagons  and  transported  them  to  the  next  station, 
and  they  were  hurried  on  from  station  to  station, 
traveling  at  night  and  hiding  during  the  day,  until 
they  reached  my  house,  as  I  have  mentioned.      On 


SEVENTEEN  FUGITIVES.  ^3 

that  morning  my  wife  had  risen  first,  and  when  she 
heard  the  two  wagons  drive  up  and  stop,  she  opened 
the  door.  She  knew  the  drivers,  who  were  from 
Union  County,  and  who  had  been  at  our  house  on 
similar  errands  before.  She  spoke  to  these  con- 
ductors, and  asked:    "What  have  you  got  there?" 

One  of  them  replied:    "All  Kentucky." 

"Well,  bring  all  Kentucky  in,"  she  answered, 
then  stepped  back  to  our  room  and  told  me  to  get 
up,  for  all  Kentucky  had  come.  I  sprang  up  and 
dressed  quickly,  and  when  I  went  out,  I  found  the 
fugitives  all  seated  in  the  room,  my  wife  having  wel- 
comed them  and  invited  them  to  take  chairs  and  sit 
down.      I  said  to  one  of  the  conductors  : 

"The  train  has  brought  some  valuable  looking 
passengers  this  time.      How  many  have  you  ?" 

"Only  seventeen  this  load,"  he  replied. 

"Well,"  I  said,  "seventeen  full-grown  darkies 
and  two  able-bodied  Hoosiers  are  about  as  many  as 
the  cars  can  bear  at  one  time.  Now  you  may  switch 
off  and  put  your  locomotives  in  my  stable  and  let 
them  blow  off  steam,  and  we  will  water  and  feed 
them." 

My  wife  and  our  hired  girl  soon  had  breakfast 
prepared  for  the  party,  and  the  seventeen  fugitives 
were  all  seated  together  around  a  long  table  in  the 
dining-room.  We  assured  them  that  they  could 
partake  of  their  food  without  fear  of  molestation, 
for  they  were  now  among  friends,  in  a  neighborhood 
of  abolitionists,  and  a  fugitive  had  never  been  cap- 
tured in  our  town.  Their  countenances  brightened 
at  this  assurance,    and  they  seemed   more  at  ease. 


1 84 


REMINISCENCES. 


Several  of  our  near  neighbors  came  in  to  see  this 
valuable  property  seated  around  our  table,  and  esti- 
mated that,  according  to  the  owners'  valuation,  they 
were  worth  $17,000.  Two  of  the  company  were 
still  suffering  from  the  wounds  they  had  received. 
After  breakfast,  Dr.  Way  and  Dr.  Stanton  were  in- 
vited in  to  see  the  wounded  fugitives.  They  took 
the  two  men  to  their  office  near  by  and  examined 
them.  They  extracted  a  number  of  small  shot  from 
the  back  and  shoulders  of  one,  then  dressed  his 
wounds  and  the  wound  of  the  other,  who  had  been 
struck  by  a  rifle  ball.  The  men  then  seemed  com- 
fortable, and  were  very  thankful  for  this  kind  treat- 
ment. 

This  interesting  company  of  fugitives  remained 
two  days  at  my  house  to  rest  and  prepare  for  their 
journey  northward.  Having  lost  their  bundles  of 
clothing,  as  mentioned,  many  of  them  were  in  need 
of  garments  and  shoes.  These  were  furnished  to 
them,  and  when  all  were  made  comfortable,  I  ar- 
ranged for  teams  and  suitable  conductors  to  take 
them  on  to  the  next  station.  It  was  decided,  for 
greater  safety,  to  forward  them  via  the  Mississineway 
route,  though  that  was  not  the  most  direct  line  to 
Canada.  When  all  necessary  arrangements  were 
made,  the  fugitives  left  my  house  shortly  after  dark 
in  two  wagons  drawn  by  good  teams,  and  accom- 
panied by  suitable  conductors.  The  station  they 
were  directed  to  reach  that  night  was  the  house  of 
John  Bond,  a  well-known  friend  to  the  slave,  who 
lived  in  a  Friends'  settlement  on  Cabin  Creek.  The 
distance  was  something  over  twenty  miles,   and  as 


SEVENTEEN  FUGITIVES. 


lS$ 


the  road  was  new  and  rough,  it  would  take  them  the 
most  of  the  night  to  reach  the  station.  The  con- 
ductors returned  the  next  day  with  the  teams,  say- 
ing they  had  arrived  safely  with  the  fugitives  at  the 
station  and  left  them  there.  Early  the  next  morn- 
ing, after  the  fugitives  had  left  my  house,  a  messen- 
ger, who  had  been  sent  by  Aquilla  Jones,  of  Rich- 
mond, arrived  at  my  house,  and  informed  me  that 
fifteen  Kentuckians,  in  search  of  fugitive  slaves,  had 
come  to  Richmond  the  night  before,  and  were  stop- 
ping at  the  hotel  of  one  L B ,  who  was  a 

well-known  friend  to  the  slave-hunter.  Aquilla 
Jones  did  not  know  of  any  fugitives  passing  re- 
cently, but  supposed  that  if  there  were  any  in  the 
neighborhood  I  would  be  likely  to  know  it.  I 
immediately  started  a  messenger  on  horseback  to 
overtake  the  party  of  fugitives,  and  to  have  them 
scattered  and  secreted  among  their  friends,  thus  to 
remain  until  further  orders.  Expecting  that  the 
fugitives  were  still  at  John  Bond's,  I  wrote  a  note 
to  him  apprising  him  of  their  danger,  but  they  had 
been  forwarded  that  morning  to  a  Friends'  settle- 
ment in  Grant  County,  some  twenty-five  or  thirty 
miles  further  on.  The  intervening  country  being 
thinly  settled,  it  had  been  thought  safe  to  let  them 
travel  in  the  daytime. 

On  receipt  of  my  message,  John  Bond  mounted 
his  horse  and  pursued  the  party.  He  overtook 
them  that  night,  and  had  them  scattered  and  con- 
cealed among  friends.  They  remained  in  their 
hiding-places  for  several  weeks,  until  the  hunters 
had  given  up  the  chase  and  returned  home;  then 
16 


l86  REMINISCENCES. 

they  came  together  again,  and  were  forwarded  on 
from  station  to  station,  by  way  of  Adrian  and  De- 
troit, Michigan,  until  they  reached  Canada  in  safety. 
On  their  way  they  rested  a  few  days  in  a  settlement 
of  abolitionists  not  far  from  Adrian,  and  here  the 
young  man  and  his  intended  wife,  whom  I  have  pre- 
viously mentioned,  were  legally  married.  A  few 
years  afterward  I  had  the  pleasure  of  visiting  them 
in  Canada,  and  dining  with  them  in  their  own  com- 
fortable little  home.  They  had  a  beautiful  son, 
about  a  year  old,  and  proudly  said:  "We  can  call 
him  our  own ;  old  master  can  not  take  him  from  us 
and  sell  him." 

We  will  now  turn  back  and  notice  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  bloodhounds  in  human  shape  who  were 
on  the  trail  of  the  fugitives.  The  morning  after  the 
fifteen  Kentuckians  arrived  at  Richmond,  they  em- 
ployed several  roughs  of  that  place  to  accompany 
them  as  guides.  These  roughs  were  always  ready 
to  help  capture  fugitives,  for  the  sake  of  money, 
and  professed  to  know  all  the  abolitionist  neighbor- 
hoods toward  the  North. 

The  Kentuckians  divided  into  three  companies, 
each  having  a  guide.  One  company  was  to  go  by 
the  way  of  Hillsboro  and  Spartansburg,  another  by 
way  of  Williamsburg  and  Economy,  and  the  third 
through  Newport  and  Cherry  Grove.  They  hoped 
in  this  way  to  strike  the  trail  of  the  fugitives,  and 
arranged  to  meet  at  Winchester,  the  county  seat  of 
Randolph  County,  and  give  an  account  of  their 
search.  The  party  that  was  to  come  by  way  of 
Newport,  came  through  town  one  or  two  at  a  time, 


SEVENTEEN  FUGITIVES. 


I87 


some  distance  apart,  so  as  to  avoid  exciting  sus- 
picion in  regard  to  their  business.  When  they  met 
children  in  the  street,  they  inquired  if  any  stray 
horses  or  cattle  had  been  seen,  and  then  asked  if 
any  fugitive  slaves  had  been  in  town  lately.  In 
this  way  they  learned  that  a  large  company  of  fugi- 
tives had  been  at  my  house  a  few  days  before,  but 
that  they  had  gone  on  to  Canada. 

The  three  companies  met  at  Winchester  according 
to  agreement,  but  no  discoveries  had  been  made 
except  by  the  company  that  passed  through  New- 
port. It  was  now  decided  that  two  of  the  companies 
should  follow  up  the  supposed  line  of  the  Under- 
ground Railroad  to  the  lake,  and  watch  for  the 
fugitives  at  the  points  where  they  would  be  most 
likely  to  pass  over  to  Canada.  The  guides  pro- 
fessed to  understand  the  route  and  to  know  the 
places  where  the  fugitives  would  most  likely  be  har- 
bored. The  third  company,  with  some  additional 
guides  from  Winchester,  were  to  canvass  the  differ- 
ent settlements  of  Friends  in  that  neighborhood  and 
around  Newport,  in  the  hope  of  gaining  some  clue 
to  the  fugitives,  if  they  were  still  sheltered  among 
the  abolitionists  there.  They  were  told  by  some 
who  were  favorable  to  their  cause,  that  it  was  quite 
probable  that  Levi  Coffin,  the  notorious  nigger  thief 
of  Newport,  had  got  intelligence  of  their  move- 
ments, and  had  hid  their  slaves  among  some  of  his 
friends  in  the  neighborhood,  for  he  had  many  friends 
there  no  better  than  himself,  and  there  were  many 
in  Richmond  who  would  give  him  warning  of  pur- 
suers.    This  part   of  the   company,  after  an   unsuc- 


1 88  REMINISCENCES. 

cessful  search  through  the  various  neighborhoods, 
returned  to  Richmond,  stopping  on  the  way  at  a 
tavern  three  miles  north  of  Newport.  Here  they 
uttered  many  threats  against  me,  declaring  they 
would  hang  me  or  shoot  me,  and  burn  my  houses. 
The  tavern-keeper  was  friendly  tovVard  me,  though 
he  did  not  believe  in  aiding  runaway  slaves,  and  he 
felt  alarmed  for  my  safety.  After  the  hunters  were 
gone,  he  mounted  his  horse  and  came  to  see  me  and 
warn  me  of  my  danger.  He  advised  me  to  keep 
closely  at  home,  not  to  venture  out  alone  lest  my 
enemies  should  take  my  life.  I  thanked  him  for  his 
kindness,  but  told  him  that  I  felt  no  fear  of  danger. 
I  had  obeyed  the  commands  of  the  Bible,  and  the 
dictates  of  humanity,  in  feeding  the  hungry,  clothing 
the  naked,  and  aiding  the  oppressed,  and  I  felt  no 
condemnation  for  it.  I  should  go  about  my  busi- 
ness as  usual,  and  if  duty  called  me  from  home,  I 
should  pay  no  attention  to  the  threats  of  slave- 
hunters,  but  attend  to  my  duty. 

The  hunters   made  their  headquarters    at    L 

B 's    tavern    in    Richmond,    while    awaiting    the 

return  of  their  companions  from  the  lakes.  They 
were  not  idle  in  the  meantime,  but  made  frequent 
night  raids  through  our  neighborhood  and  other  set- 
tlements of  abolitionists,  supposing  that  their  slaves 
might  still  be  harbored  among  us. 

One  evening,  in  company  with  several  roughs  of 
Richmond,  they  started  toward  Newport,  making 
terrible  threats  against  me.  They  would  burn  mc 
out,  if  it  cost  them  ten  thousand  dollars ;  they 
would  shoot  me  down  at  sisdit  or  drag:  me  into  the 


SE  VENTEEN  FUGITIVES. 


1 89 


woods  and  hang  me  to  a  limb,  etc.,  etc.  These 
threats  were  made  publicly,  and  one  of  my  friends 
who  heard  them  became  much  alarmed  for  my 
safety.  He  mounted  his  horse  and  rode  to  New- 
port to  give  me  warning.  He  arrived  at  my  house 
about  midnight,  when  all  of  us  were  asleep.  He 
knocked  loudly  at  the  door,  and  when  I  arose  and 
let  him  in,  he  repeated  in  an  excited  manner  the 
threats  he  had  heard,  and  seemed  much  alarmed.  I 
thanked  him  for  the  interest  he  manifested  in  my 
welfare,  and  told  him  to  make  himself  entirely  easy, 
for  I  anticipated  not  the  slightest  disturbance.  Ac- 
cording to  the  old  proverb,  I  -  said  barking  dogs 
never  bite,  and  if  these  men  intended  to  do  such 
terrible  things  to  me,  they  would  not  have  told  of  it 
publicly.  I  discovered  that  he  had  a  couple  of 
loaded  revolvers  with  him,  and  told  him  to  put  them 
away,  for  I  did  not  want  such  weapons ;  I  did  not 
depend  on  fire-arms  for  protection.  He  said  he 
thought  he  might  come  in  contact  with  the  slave- 
hunters  on  the  way,  and  would  need  these  to  defend 
himself  with.  I  had  his  horse  put  up,  and  per- 
suaded him  to  go  to  rest.  When  morning  came, 
my  buildings  were  all  standing,  there  was  no  smell 
of  fire  about  the  premises,  I  was  not  hanging  to  a 
tree,  and  rny  friend  had  found  no  use  for  his  revol- 
vers. 

The  hunters,  who  had  gone  northward  toward  the 
lakes,  returned  without  having  obtained  any  clue  to 
their  valuable  missing  property.  They  remained  at 
Richmond  a  few  days,  then  the  whole  party  returned 
South.      But  before  going,  they  conferred  upon  me 


190 


REMINISCENCES. 


a  high  honor.  They  said  that  they  could  never  get 
the  slightest  intelligence  of  their  slaves  after  they 
reached  my  house,  and  declared  that  there  must  be 
an  Underground  Railroad,  of  which  I  was  president. 
They  repeated  this  several  times  in  Richmond,  and 
I  heard  of  it  when  next  I  went  to  attend  the  board 
of  bank  directors  at  that  place. 

Some  of  my  friends  asked  me  if  I  had  heard  of 
my  promotion  to  office,  and  when  I  said  I  had  not, 
they  told  me  what  the  Kentuckians  had  said.  I 
replied  that  I  would  accept  that  position  or  any 
other  they  were  disposed  to  give  me  on  that  road — 
conductor,  engineer,  fireman  or  brakeman.  This 
was  the  first  time  I  ever  heard  of  the  Underground 
Railroad. 

The  saying  of  the  Kentuckians  soon  became 
widely  circulated,  and  I  frequently  received  letters 
addressed  to  "Levi  Coffin,  President  of  the  Under- 
ground Railroad."  I  had  the  honor  of  wearing 
that  title  for  more  than  thirty  years,  and  it  was  not 
until  the  great  celebration  of  the  Fifteenth  Amend- 
ment to  the  Constitution,  by  the  colored  people  at 
Cincinnati,  that  I  resigned  the  office,  and  laid  aside 
the  name  conferred  on  me  by  Southern  slave-hunt- 
ers. On  that  occasion  I  said  that  our  underground 
work  was  done,  and  that  as  we  had  no  more  use  for 
the  road,  I  would  suggest  that  the  rails  be  taken  up 
and  disposed  of,  and  the  proceeds  appropriated  for 
the  education  of  the  freed  slaves. 

A  few  weeks  after  the  Kentucky  slave-hunters 
had  left  Richmond,  I  was  summoned,  with  several 
of  my  neighbors,   to  appear  before  the  grand  jury 


SE  VEN  TEEN  FUGITI VES.  1  g  r 

at  Centerville,  the  county  seat  of  our  county,  where 
court  was   then  in  session.      I  at  once  guessed  the 

cause  of  the  summons.     Knowing  that  L B , 

of  Richmond,  was  one  of  the  grand  jurors,  I  sup- 
posed that  he  was  acting  in  the  interests  of  the 
slave-hunters  who  had  recently  made  their  head- 
quarters at  his  house,  and  that  I  was  to  be  indicted 
for  harboring  fugitive  slaves,  while  my  neighbors 
were  summoned  as  witnesses.  Though  almost  sure 
that  this  was  the  case,  I  felt  no  alarm.  I  thought 
that  if  the  grand  jury  should  find  a  bill  against  me, 
and  I  should  be  compelled  to  stand  a  trial  in  court, 
and  be  convicted  of  a  violation  of  the  fugitive  slave 
law,  and  have  to  suffer  the  penalty,  it  might  be  the 
means  of  advancing  the  anti-slavery  cause,  and  of 
raising  up  other  friends  for  the  slave.  Some  of  the 
ablest  lawyers  of  that  district  were  my  friends,  and  I 
knew  that  I  would  have  plenty  of  defenders.  These 
were  some  of  my  reflections  as  I  rode  to  Centerville, 
a  distance  of  eleven  miles,  in  company  with  Daniel 
Puckett,  Dr.  Henry  H.  Way,  Samuel  Nixon,  and 
Robert  Green,  who  had  been  summoned  to  appear 
with  me  before  the  grand  jury.  When  I  entered 
the  court-room  I  discovered  that  I  was  personally 
acquainted  with  a  majority  of  the  jurors,  and  knew 
some  of  them  to  be  strongly  anti-slavery  in  their 
sentiments.  Bloomfield,  of  Centerville,  was  fore- 
man of  the  jury.  He  asked  me  whether  I  knew  of 
any  violations  of  the  law  in  our  neighborhood  within 
a  certain  time,  any  cases  of  assault  and  battery,  or 
other  outbreaks.  I  told  him  that  I  knew  of  nothing 
of  the   kind,  adding  that  we  were   nearly  all  aboli- 


j  g2  REMINISCENCES. 

tionists,  and  were  a  peaceable  people.  The  foreman 
then  turned  to  L B ,  and  said : 

"Mr.  B ,  I  believe  that  it  is  you  who  are  in- 
terested in  the  negro  question.  If  you  wish  to  ask 
Mr.  Coffin  any  questions,  you  can  proceed." 

L B then  asked  me  if  I  understood  the 

statute  in  regard  to  harboring  fugitive  slaves.  I  told 
him  that  I  had  read  it,  but  did  not  know  whether  I 
understood  it  or  not.  I  suggested  that  he  turn  to  it 
and  read  it,  which  he  did.  I  told  him  that  I  knew 
of  no  violation  of  that  statute  in  our  neighborhood. 
Persons  often  traveled  our  way  and  stopped  at  our 
house  who  said  they  were  slaves,  but  I  knew  noth- 
ing about  it  from  their  statements,  for  our  law  did 
not  presume  that  such  people  could  tell  the  truth. 
This  made  a  laugh  among  the  jury,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  L B .      I  went  on  to  say  that  a  few 

weeks  before  a  company  of  seventeen  fugitives  had 
stopped  at  my  house,  hungry  and  destitute,  two  of 
them  suffering  from  wounds  inflicted  by  pursuers 
who  claimed  them  as  slaves,  but  I  had  no  legal 
evidence  that  they  were  slaves  ;  nothing  but  their 
own  statements,  and  the  law  of  our  State  did  not 
admit  colored  evidence.  I  had  read  in  the  Bible 
when  I  was  a  boy  that  it  was  right  to  feed  the  hun- 
gry and  clothe  the  naked,  and  to  minister  to  those 
who  had  fallen  among  thieves  and  were  wounded, 
but  that  no  distinction  in  regard  to  color  was  men- 
tioned in  the  good  Book,  so  in  accordance  with  its 
teachings  I  had  received  these  fugitives  and  cared 
for  them.      I  then  asked : 

"Was  I  right,  Friend  B ,  in  doing  so?" 


THE  GRAND  JURY. 


193 


He  hesitated  and  seemed  at  a  loss  how  to  reply. 
I  continued:  "How  does  thy  Bible  read?  Was  it 
not  as  I  have  said?" 

"Yes,"  he  answered,   "it  reads  somehow  so." 

He  evidently  wished  to  change  the  subject.  He 
next  asked  me  if  I  understood  the  statute  in  regard 
to  hiring  free  colored  people  who  had  not  given 
bond  and  security,  as  the  law  required,  that  they 
would  not  come  upon  the  county  for  support.  I  told 
him  that  I  had  read  it,  but,  perhaps,  did  not  under- 
stand it,  and  requested  him  to  turn  to  it  and  read  it. 
He  did  so,  and  I  then  said  :  "  I  presume  I  am  guilty 
of  violating  that  statute,  for  I  am  in  the  habit  of 
hiring  service  whenever  I  need  it,  without  distinc- 
tion of  color,  and  without  asking  any  questions  in 
regard  to  that  law." 

One  of  the  jury  asked  me  if  I  knew  of  any  case 
in  the  county  where  the  requirements  of  that  statute 
had  been  fulfilled. 

I  replied:  "No,  not  one.  It  appears  to  be  a  dead 
letter  in  this  part  of  the  State,  and  many  of  our 
best  lawyers  believe  it  to  be  an  unconstitutional  act 
of  the  Legislature." 

The  foreman  then  said:    "Mr.  B ,   I    believe 

Mr.  Coffin  understands  the  negro  law  about  as  well 
as  you  do.  If  you  are  through  asking  questions,  he 
need  not  be  detained." 

"I  have  no  further  questions  to  ask  him." 

As  I  was  retiring  I  said  :  "  I  do  not  know  whether 

I  understand  the  law  as  Avell  as  Friend   B does ; 

but  I  know  that  I  have  more  to  do  with  aiding  the 
17 


Ig4  REMINISCENCES. 

fugitives  and  less  to  do  with  aiding  their  pursuers, 
than  he  has." 

Dr.    Henry  H.   Way  was  then  called  in.      L 

B questioned  him    in   regard   to  the   party   of 

seventeen  fugitives,  and  asked  him  at  whose  house 
they  had  stopped  in  Newport. 

"At  Levi  Coffin's,"  the  doctor  replied,  and  in 
answer  to  questions  gave  a  full  description  of  them ; 
adding  that  he  and  Dr.  Stanton  had  dressed  the 
wounds  of  the  two  men  who  had  been  shot. 

B asked :     ' '  Did    you    know  that    they    were 

slaves,  escaping  from  their  masters?" 

The  doctor  replied  :  "  We  had  no  evidence  except 
their  own  statements.  They  said  they  were  slaves 
from  Kentucky,  but  their  evidence  is  worthless  in 
law  in  this  State." 

Here  they  got  into  an  argument  in  regard  to  law, 

in  which  the  doctor  completely  confounded  B . 

The  foreman  finally  interfered,  told  B that  he 

was  wrong,  and  dismissed  the  doctor.  The  other 
witnesses  were  called  in  and  questioned,  but  their 
testimony  all  amounted  to  the  same  thing,  showing 
that  the  fugitives  had  been  sheltered  at  my  house 
for  several  days,  and  that  anybody  who  wished  to 
see    them    had    access   to   them.       Notwithstanding 

B 's  attempt  to  implicate  me,  the  jury  found  no 

bill  against  me. 

Anti-slavery  sentiment   had .  largely  increased    in 

our  county,  and  this  effort  of  B 's  to  indict  me 

for  harboring  fugitive  slaves  soon  became  widely 
known  and  had  a  tendency  to  kill  him  politically. 


TWO  SLAVE  GIRLS  RESCUED. 


195 


TWO  SLAVE  GIRLS  PROM  MARYLAND. 

The  laws  of  Indiana,  Illinois  and  Ohio  allowed 
persons  from  a  slave  State  to  pass  through  with 
their  slaves  if  they  did  not  stop  to  locate.  If  they 
made  any  purchases  amounting-  to  location,  the 
slaves  were  to  be  considered  free. 

The  following  case  came  under  this  law :  Two 
brothers  from  Maryland,  by  the  name  of  Dawes, 
each  accompanied  by  his  family  and  one  slave  girl, 
were  traveling  through  Indiana  on  their  way  to  the 
State  of  Missouri,  when  the  illness  of  the  wife  of 
Elisha  Dawes,  the  elder  brother,  compelled  them  to 
stop  for  a  time  near  Winchester,  Randolph  County, 
Indiana.  During  their  stay  at  that  place,  they 
decided  to  locate  there  and  to  buy  a  tan-yard  which 
was  for  sale  at  Winchester,  at  a  great  bargain;  they 
being  tanners  by  trade.  The  terms  were  agreed 
upon  and  were  satisfactory  to  both  paties,  but  before 
the  writings  were  drawn  or  the  bargain  closed,  the 
thought  occurred  to  the  Dawes  brothers  that  if  they 
located  in  Indiana  they  would  lose  their  slaves ;  they 
could  not  hold  them  in  a  free  State.  This  would 
be  a  heavy  loss  to  them,  as  the  girls  were  valuable 
property,  the  one  belonging  to  the  elder  brother 
being  nearly  grown,  and  the  other  about  fourteen 
years  old.  They  knew  not  what  to  do,  and  con- 
sulted with  the  man  with  whom  they  were  stop- 
ping, who  was  pro-slavery  in  his  sentiments.  He 
advised  them  not  to  close  the  contract  for  the  prop- 
erty until  they  had  disposed  of  the  slave  girls,  then 
the  money  thus  obtained  would  give  them  a  good 


196 


REMINISCENCES. 


start  in  business.  In  accordance  with  his  advice, 
they  concluded  to  take  the  girls  to  Kentucky  by 
way  of  Cincinnati,  sell  them  there,  and  with  the 
money  obtained  from  their  sale,  buy  a  quantity  of 
hides  in  Cincinnati,  then  return  to  Winchester  and 
close  the  contract  for  the  property.  Their  friend 
and  adviser  agreed  to  go  with  them  and  aid  them  in 
disposing  of  their  slaves  and  purchasing  stock.  But 
notwithstanding  all  their  wise  precautions  they  made 
one  serious  mistake.  They  contracted  for  a  lot  of 
tan-bark  and  for  some  household  furniture,  which  in 
the  sight  of  the  law  amounted  to  location,  and  the 
moment  they  did  so  the  slaves  were  free.  When 
ready  to  go  to  Cincinnati,  they  fitted  up  a  light  cov- 
ered wagon,  drawn  by  two  horses,  and  taking  the 
two  slave  girls  and  their  friend,  they  started  from 
Winchester  in  the  middle  of  the  day,  and  passed 
through  Newport  between  sunset  and  dark.  The 
slaves  were  out  of  sight  behind  the  hay  in  the  back 
part  of  the  wagon,  and  were  not  noticed  by  any  one 
as  the  party  passed  hastily  through  our  village. 
They  were  hardly  out  of  sight  when  Dr.  Hiatt,  an 
abolitionist  from  the  neighborhood  of  Winchester, 
arrived  at  my  house.  He  understood  the  whole  mat- 
ter, and  knew  that  the  men  violated  the  law  of  the 
State  in  taking  the  two  girls  out  of  it  to  sell  them  as 
slaves.  When  he  learned  that  they  had  started  to 
Kentucky,  he  had  mounted  his  horse  and  followed 
them,  hoping  to  reach  Newport  before  they  did,  and 
have  them  arrested  as  kidnappers.  He  had  not  sup- 
posed that  they  would  reach  Newport  that  night,  but 
they  had  driven  rapidly,  and  he  had  not  succeeded  in 


TWO  SLAVE  GIRLS  RESCUED. 


I97 


getting  ahead  of  them.  We  at  once  called  a  meet- 
ing in  our  school-house,  and  by  ringing  the  bell 
and  sending  out  runners,  we  soon  had  most  of  the 
citizens  convened.  Esquire  Curtis  presided  at  the 
meeting.  Dr.  Hiatt  gave  the  outlines  of  the  story, 
and  as  he  had  in  writing  all  the  particulars  of  the 
purchases  which  the  men  had  made  near  Winches- 
ter, he  was  able  to  prove  that  they  had  violated 
the  law  of  the  State  and  should  be  arrested  as  kid- 
nappers. But  there  was  no  time  to  delay  ;  if  any- 
thing was  to  be  done  to  save  the  girls,  it  must  be 
done  at  once.  The  masters  had  only  eleven  miles 
to  travel  until  they  would  be  out  of  the  State.  The 
questions  to  be  immediately  considered  were :  Who 
will  file  an  affidavit  and  procure  a  writ  ?  Who  will 
pursue  the  men  to-night,  arrest  them  as  kidnappers, 
and  bring  them  before  Esquire  Curtis  for  trial? 

There  were  no  volunteers  in  the  meeting,  so  I 
suggested  the  names  of  two  or  three  persons  who 
would  be  suitable  to  go  ;  but  they  declined.  My 
name  was  then  suggested.  I  said:  "Yes,  I  ex- 
pected to  have  it  to  do  from  the  first,  but  I  wanted 
to  see  if  any  others  were  willing."  I  at  once  filed 
an  affidavit  before  Esquire  Curtis,  and  he  issued  a 
writ  and  placed  it  in  the  hands  of  John  Hunt,  who 
was  the  constable. 

It  was  now  after  night  and  quite  dark,  and  rain 
was  beginning  to  fall.  The  constable  summoned  his 
posse  before  leaving  the  school-house — ten  able- 
bodied,  resolute  men,  making,  with  himself  and  me, 
twelve  men  in  the  company.  We  had  to  go  home 
and  get  our  suppers,  saddle  our  horses  and  prepare 


198 


REMINISCENCES. 


for  traveling  in  the  rain ;  and  it  was  ten  o'clock 
when  we  were  all  mounted  and  ready  to  start.  The 
constable  and  I  led  the  way.  It  was  quite  dark,  the 
rain  was  falling  heavily  and  the  mud  in  the  road  was 
deep  ;  so  our  progress  was  necessarily  slow. 

After  riding  about  two  hours,  we  discovered  the 
white  cover  of  the  travelers'  wagon  which  was  stand- 
ing in  the  yard  of  a  farm-house,  about  a  hundred 
yards  from  the  road.  We  rode  up  the  short  lane 
that  led  to  the  house,  and  calling  out  the  man  of 
the  house  explained  our  business  to  him ;  then 
leaving  the  others  outside,  the  constable  and  I 
went  inside  and  arrested  the  two  slaveholders, 
who  were  in  bed.  They  were  naturally  much  sur- 
prised at  being  thus  disturbed  in  the  middle  of  the 
night,  and  when  they  learned  the  reason,  they  were 
very  angry  and  used  oaths  and  hard  names  quite 
freely. 

The  two  slave  girls  were  lying  on  a  pallet  on  the 
floor,  in  the  same  room.  They  knew  not  what  to 
think  of  being  thus  aroused,  but  I  spoke  to  them 
reassuringly,  and  told  them  not  to  be  alarmed. 
Elisha  Dawes  seeing  me  speak  to  them,  ordered 
them  not  to  say  a  word.  I  paid  no  attention  to 
him,  but  told  them  they  were  in  a  free  State,  and 
were  now  free  according  to  the  law  of  the  State, 
and  that  they  need  not  be  afraid  to  speak.  I  assured 
them  that  we  would  protect  them  and  see  that  they 
were  not  sold  into  slavery. 

The  constable  told  the  men  that  they  were  his 
prisoners,  and  must  go  back  with  us  to  Newport  for 
trial.     They  reluctantly  obeyed  his  orders,   leaving 


TWO  SLAVE  GIRLS  RESCUED.  Igg 

their  friend  from  Winchester  and  two  of  our  men  to 
bring  the  wagon  and  the  two  girls  next  morning. 
It  had  now  ceased  raining,  and  the  moon  had  risen 
and  gave  a  dim  light.  As  we  rode  back  to  Newport 
with  the  two  slaveholders,  one  of  them  said: 

4 '  I  would  like .  to  see  the  man  who  filed  that  affi- 
davit;  I  would  put  daylight  through  him." 

I  rode  up  by  his  side,  and  said :  "  If  it  will  afford 
thee  any  satisfaction  to  see  that  person,  look  at  me  ; 
I  am  the  man.  But  it  is  not  I  that  you  have  to  con- 
tend with;  it  is  the  State  of  Indiana.  You  have 
violated  the  law  of  the  State  by  attempting  to  take 
your  slaves  out  of  the  State  after  making  purchases 
that  amounted  to  location.  We  are  able  to  prove 
this.  The  moment  you  made  the  contract  at  Win- 
chester, the  girls  were  free,  and  now,  in  the  sight 
of  the  law,  you  are  kidnappers  carrying  off  free 
persons  to  sell  them  into  slavery.  The  lightest  pen- 
alty for  this  is  five  hundred  dollars'  fine  and  two 
years'  imprisonment  in  the  penitentiary.  You  shall 
have  a  fair  trial ;  nothing  will  be  done  unfairly.  The 
case  will  come  up  before  court,  where  you  will  have 
the  benefit  of  counsel  and  jury.  There  will  be  a 
preliminary  hearing  before  Esquire  Curtis  at  New- 
port, and  he  will  no  doubt  bind  you  over  to  appear 
in  court." 

After  hearing  these  statements,  the  slaveholders 
ceased  their  abusive  language.  They  appeared  to 
be  alarmed  at  the  serious  aspect  of  the  case,  and 
were  more  subdued  and  friendly  in  their  manners. 
When  we  reached  Newport,  I  took  them  to  my 
house  and  had  their  horses  put  in  my  stable.      Next 


200  REMINISCENCES. 

morning,  when  the  two  slave  girls  were  brought  to 
town  I  gave  them  quarters  at  my  house,  and  enter- 
tained the  whole  company  two  days  free  of  charge. 
I  treated  the  men  as  kindly  as  I  could,  and  sought 
to  make  their  position  as  prisoners  as  pleasant 
as  possible.  They  desired  to  send  to  Winchester 
for  witnesses,  having  a  brother-in-law  and  some 
others  in  their  company  whom  they  wished  to 
be  present  at  the  trial,  and  I  sent  a  messenger  to 
bring  these  persons.  I  also  sent  to  Centerville  for 
a  lawyer,  Abner  Haines,  now  Judge  Haines,  of 
Eaton,  Ohio.  It  was  on  account  of  sending  for 
these  persons  that  the  trial  was  postponed  until  the 
second  day.  Just  before  the  hour  set  for  trial,  Law- 
yer Haines  read  to  the  two  prisoners  the  law  bearmg 
on  their  case,  and  cited  several  instances  of  a  simi- 
lar kind  that  had  been  tried  in  court,  resulting  in  the 
conviction  of  the  defendants.  He  told  them  that 
the  very  moment  they  had  made  purchases  prepar- 
atory to  location  their  slaves  were  free,  and  that 
their  attempt  to  take  the  two  girls  out  of  the  State 
and  sell  them  amounted  to  kidnapping  ;  and  assured 
them  that  if  prosecuted  they  could  not  escape  con- 
viction and  the  penalty  for  that  offense. 

They  were  much  alarmed  at  this  and  wished  to 
compromise  with  me,  in  some  way,  that  I  might  not 
appear  against  them,  or  carry  the  case  into  court. 
They  offered  to  give  up  the  slave  girls  to  me  if  I 
would  not  appear  against  them.  •  I  told  them  that  I 
would  consent  to  this  on  one  condition,  and  that 
was  that  they  should  make  out  papers  of  emancipa- 
tion for  the  girls.    This  they  agreed  to  do,  and  Law- 


TWO  SLAVE  GIRLS  RESCUED. 


20 1 


yer  Haines  wrote  out  the  papers  at  once,  and  they 
were  signed  and  acknowledged  before  Esquire  Cur- 
tis. The  slave  girls  were  then  given  into  my  care, 
and  the  prisoners  discharged. 

Before  starting  back  to  Winchester,  Elisha  Dawes 
asked  me  to  let  him  take  his  girl — the  oldest  one — 
home  with  him  as  a  nurse  for  his  child.  He  prom- 
ised to  treat  her  well,  and  said  he  did  not  know  how 
his  wife,  who  had  a  young  child,  could  do  without 
her.  I  asked  him  why  he  did  not  think  of  that  be- 
fore he  started  to  sell  the  girl,  and  said  that  now  I 
could  not  trust  her  with  him.  So  the  two  girls  were 
left  at  our  house,  and  the  men  returned  to  Winches- 
ter. I  sent  the  girls  to  school,  and  had  the  care 
and  oversight  of  them  for  several  years.  The  older 
of  the  two  married  a  respectable  colored  man,  and 
is  still  living.  The  younger  went  to  Canada  of  her 
own  choice,  and  died  there  a  few  years  afterward. 

The  Dawes  brothers  located  at  Winchester,  and 
being  told  by  some  of  their  pro-slavery  friends  that 
I  had  scared  them  out  of  their  slaves,  and  being 
assured  that  the  whole  proceedings  were  illegal  and 
could  be  upset  in  law,  they  became  very  much  dis- 
satisfied. They  were  much  enraged  at  me,  and 
made  so  many  threats  against  me,  that  some  of  my 
friends  advised  me  not  to  go  to  Winchester  for  some 
time,  lest  I  should  meet  with  harm.  I  replied  that 
I  often  had  business  at  Winchester,  and  that  when 
it  called  me  there  I  should  not  stay  away  on  account 
of  the  threats  of  the  Dawes  brothers.  They  finally 
resolved  to  prosecute  me,  and  went  to  Centerville 
to   employ  some  of  our  best  lawyers,   but  did  not 


202 


REMINISCENCES. 


succeed  in  getting  any  one  to  undertake  the  case. 
A  few  weeks  after  their  return  to  Winchester,  my 
business  called  me  to  that  place,  and  the  first  person 
I  saw  after  dismounting  from  my  horse  was  Elisha 
Dawes,  who  happened  to  be  on  the  street.  I  walked 
straight  up  to  him  and  shook  hands  with  him,  and 
inquired  after  the  health  of  his  family.  He  appeared 
quite  cordial  in  his  manner.  I  often  met  him  and 
his  brother  afterward,  and  kept  up  a  friendly  ac- 
quaintance with  them  for  several  years.  At  one 
time  when  I  met  with  Elisha  Dawes,  he  told  me 
that  his  father,  who  lived  in  Maryland,  and  who  was 
anti-slavery  in  sentiment,  was  quite  rejoiced  that  the 
slave  girls  had  been  taken  away  from  them. 

ANECDOTE  OF  A  VISIT  TO  CINCINNATI. 

While  living  at  Newport  I  often  went  to  Cincin- 
nati on  business,  and  on  one  occasion  when  my  wife 
and  little  daughter  were  with  me,  a  free  mulatto 
woman  and  her  fugitive  slave  daughter  —  nearly 
white — were  put  in  my  charge.  I  took  them  back 
to  Newport  in  my  carriage,  stopping  on  the  way  at 
a  tavern  near  Hamilton.  At  supper  the  landlord 
seated  us  all  at  the  table,  except  the  mulatto  wo- 
man, who,  he  intended,  should  eat  with  the  colored 
servants.  After  the  meal  was  over,  I  told  him  that 
he  was  quite  partial,  to  admit  a  slave  to  the  public 
table  and  exclude  a  free  woman.  He  was  much 
astonished  and  could  not  believe  that  the  girl  was  a 
slave. 

"Why,"  he  said;  "she  is  white,  perfectly  white." 
"That  may  be,"  I  replied;  "but  she  is  neverthe- 


HID  IN  A  STRA  W  PILE.  203 

less  a  slave.      Color  is  no  protection  in  the  South." 
The   landlord   then   acknowledged    the    inconsist- 
ency of  his  conduct,  and  we  enjoyed  the  joke  very 
much. 

At  another  time  when  I  was  in  the  city  accom- 
panied by  my  wife  and  daughter,  Hiram  S.  Gillmore, 
a  noted  abolitionist  and  one  of  my  particular  friends, 
asked  me  if  I  knew  of  any  person  in  from  the 
country  with  a  wagon  who  would  take  a  fugitive 
slave  girl  out  to  a  place  of  safety.  He  then  gave 
me  the  outlines  of  her  story.  She  had  come  from 
Boone  County,  Kentucky,  having  run  away  because 
she  learned  that  she  was  to  be  sold  to  the  far  South. 
Knowing  that  she  would  be  pursued  and  probably 
retaken  if  she  started  northward  immediately,  she 
conceived  a  plan  like  that  adopted  by  Cassie  and  Em- 
meline  when  they  ran  away  from  Legree,  in  "Uncle 
Tom's  Cabin."  She  hid  herself  in  the  interior  of 
a  large  straw  pile  near  her  master's  barn,  having 
previously  arranged  apertures  for  air,  and  a  winding 
passage  with  concealed  entrance,  by  which  her  fel- 
low-servants who  brought  her  food  could  enter. 
Here  she  remained  six  weeks,  while  her  master  with 
a  posse  of  men  scoured  the  country  in  search  of  her. 
Like  Cassie  who  looked  from  her  hiding-place  in  the 
garret,  and  heard  the  discomfited  Legree  swearing 
at  his  ill  luck  as  he  returned  from  the  unsuccessful 
pursuit,  this  young  woman  could  hear  in  her  hiding- 
place,  in  the  straw  pile,  the  noise  of  horses'  feet  and 
the  sound  of  talking,  as  her  master  and  his  men 
returned  from  their  fruitless  search  for  her.  When 
the  hunt  was  over,  she  stole  out  and  made  her  way 


204  REMINISCENCES. 

safely  to  the  Ohio  River,  crossed  in  a  skiff  and 
reached  the  house  of  a  family  of  abolitionists  in 
Cincinnati,  where  she  was  kindly  received,  and  fur- 
nished with  comfortable  clothing. 

In  answer  to  the  inquiry  of  Hiram  S.  Gillmore,  I 
replied  that  I  was  there  in  a  carriage,  and  would 
take  her  out,  if  she  would  be  ready  when  I  called 
for  her  at  nine  o'clock  next  morning.  At  the  ap- 
pointed time  we  started.  The  young  slave  woman 
was  nearly  white,  was  well  dressed,  and  presented 
quite  a  lady-like  appearance. 

At  the  end  of  the  first  day's  travel,  we  stopped 
about  four  miles  above  Hamilton,  at  a  private  house, 
the  residence  of  one  of  my  friends — a  democrat,  by 
the  way — who  had  often  invited  me  to  call  at  his 
house,  with  my  wife,  and  pay  his  family  a  visit. 
The  gentleman's  daughter  ran  out  to  meet  us,  and  I 
said  to  her:  "Well,  Ellen,  I  have  brought  my  wife 
with  me  this  time;  now  guess  which  of  these  ladies 
she  is." 

She  looked  from  one  to  the  other,  hardly  able 
to  decide,  but,  finally,  judging  perhaps  from  the 
Quaker  bonnet  my  wife  wore,  decided  on  the  right 
one.  The  gentleman  and  his  wife  now  came  out  to 
meet  us,  and  when  I  introduced  the  young  lady 
with  us  as  a  fugitive  slave,  they  were  full  of  sur- 
prise and  curiosity,  having  never  seen  a  fugitive 
slave  before. 

I  told  them  her  story,  and  then  said  to  my  friend : 
"Will  she  be  safe  here  to-night,  Thomas?" 

"I  reckon  so,"  was  the  reply. 

"I  don't  want  any  reckon  about  it,"  I  rejoined; 


A  FUGITIVE  AT  A  QUAKER  MEETING.         20$ 

"I  shall  put  her  in  thy  care,  and  I  don't  want 
thee  to  let  anybody  capture  her."  She  was  kindly 
treated. 

Next  morning — it  being  the  Sabbath  day — we 
went  on  about  eight  miles  to  West  Elkton,  a 
Friends'  settlement,  to  attend  meeting  and  spend 
the  day.  Meeting  had  just  commenced  when  we 
arrived.  My  wife  took  the  fugitive  into  meeting 
with  her  and  seated  her  by  her  side.  This  was  the 
first  time  the  girl  had  ever  attended  a  Quaker  meet- 
ing. At  its  close  I  introduced  her  to  a  number  of 
our  friends,  as  a  run  away  slave  from  Kentucky. 
She  was  the  first  that  had  been  seen  at  that  place, 
and  a  mysterious  influence  seemed  to  invest  her  at 
once.  Men  lowered  their  voices  as  if  in  awe,  when 
they  inquired  about  her,  and  some  of  them  seemed 
alarmed,  as  if  there  was  danger  in  the  very  air  that 
a  fugitive  slave  breathed.  I  spoke  in  a  loud,  cheer- 
ful tone  and  asked:  "Why  do  you  lower  your 
voices  ?  Are  you  afraid  of  anything  ?  Have  you 
bloodhounds  among  you  ?  If  so,  you  ought  to 
drive  them  out  of  your  village."  We  stopped  at 
the  house  of  Widow  Stubbs,  a  thorough  abolitionist, 
and  soon  afterward  one  of  her  near  neighbors,  a 
man  with  whom  I  was  well  acquainted,  came  in  to 
inquire  concerning  the  girl. 

He  asked  if  she  was  safe,  whether  she  had  not 
better  be  secreted,  etc.,  all  the  time  speaking  in  a 
low  tone.  I  said :  ' '  What  is  the  matter,  Henry  ? 
What  makes  thee  speak  so  cautiously  ?  Is  there  any 
one  in  your  village  who  would  capture  a  fugitive 
slave  ?    If  there  is,  hunt  him  up  and  bring  him  here. 


206  REMINISCENCES. 

I  would  like  to  see  him  and  to  introduce  this  young 
lady  to  him.  I  think  we  could  make  an  abolitionist 
of  him.  For  my  part,  I  have  no  fears  of  any  one 
in  this  village,  and  think  thou  may  make  thyself 
quite  easy." 

In  the  course  of  the  afternoon  quite  a  number  of 
people  came  in  who  seemed  concerned  in  a  similar 
manner  for  the  safety  of  the  girl,  but  seeing  me  so 
entirely  at  ease,  their  fear  and  anxiety  passed  away. 

This  public  exposition  of  a  fugitive  slave,  at 
Friends'  meeting  and  in  the  village  seemed  to 
have  a  good  effect  in  the  place,  for  West  Elkton 
afterward  became  one  of  our  best  Underground 
Railroad  depots,  and  the  timid  man  first  alluded  to 
became  one  of  the  most  zealous  workers  on  the 
road. 

A    STRUGGLE    FOR    LIBERTY. 

Louis  Talbert  was  an  intelligent  colored  man,  who 
belonged  to  a  slaveholder  living  in  Kentucky,  a  few 
miles  back  of  the  Ohio  River,  above  Madison. 
Louis  was  not  content  with  being  a  chattel  that 
could  be  bought  and  sold,  but  kept  planning  how 
he  might  gain  his  freedom.  For  several  years  he 
had  quietly  and  shrewdly  been  gaining  all  the  in- 
formation he  could  in  regard  to  that  land  of  liberty 
he  had  heard  of  so  often,  and  at  last  concluded  to 
make  the  attempt  to  reach  it.  He  ventured  to 
divulge  his  secret  to  several  of  his  trusty  friends 
and  fellow-servants  in  the  neighborhood,  and  twelve 
of  them  agreed  to  join  him  in  the  attempt  to  gain 
freedom.  They  met  frequently,  late  at  night,  in  the 
woods  or  some  other  secluded  place  in  the  neigh- 


A  ZEALOUS  CONDUCTOR. 


207 


borhood,  to  consult  together  and  to  make  their 
plans.  The  chief  difficulty  that  they  would  have  to 
encounter  in  their  journey  was  the  Ohio  River — 
they  had  no  way  of  crossing  it,  and  knew  not  what 
to  do.  Finally,  Louis  Talbert,  who  was  the  leading 
spirit  among  them,  suggested  the  construction  of  a 
raft.  This  at  once  solved  the  problem,  and  the  time 
to  start  was  agreed  upon.  On  the  appointed  night 
the  party  made  their  way  to  a  point  on  the  river 
bank,  selected  by  Louis.  Having  some  suitable 
tools  with  them,  they  soon  prepared  two  logs  and 
pinned  them  together.  When  the  little  jraft  was 
launched  upon  the  water,  it  was  found  that  only. '■wo 
persons  could  ride  on  it  at  a  time.  Their  expecta- 
tions of  all  getting  across  that  night  were  disap- 
pointed, for  it  was  late  when  they  reached  the  river, 
and  only  six  had  been  transported  to  the  Indiana 
shore  when  daylight  warned  the  party  to  seek  con- 
cealment. They  hid  in  the  thickets,  on  each  side 
of  the  river,  during  the  day,  and  when  night  came 
the  remaining  six  were  safely  ferried  across.  But 
this  delay  operated  against  them,  and  came  near 
proving  fatal  to  their  hopes.  When  so  much  valu- 
able property  was  found  to  be  missing  in  the  neigh- 
borhood they  had  left,  it  created  great  excitement 
among  their  masters  and  other  slaveholders.  A 
large  company  started  out  to  hunt  for  the  runaways, 
and  crossed  the  river  at  various  points,  in  order,  if 
possible,  to  intercept  them  in  their  flight.  The 
second  night,  when  all  the  fugitives  were  safely  over 
the  river,  they  started  on  their  way  northward 
through    Indiana.     They  made    but    little    progress 


2c8  REMINISCENCES. 

before  day  began  to  dawn,  and  soon  had  to  seek 
places  in  the  bushes,  where  they  could  remain  in 
safety  during  the  day.  By  this  time,  some  of  the 
hunters  had  got  ahead  of  them,  and  had  given  the 
alarm,  and  offered  large  rewards  for  their  capture. 
In  the  counties  of  Indiana  bordering  the  Ohio  River, 
fugitive  slaves  were  in  as  much  danger  of  being  cap- 
tured as  on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  for  there 
were  many  persons  on  the  look-out  for  them  who 
hoped  to  get  the  rewards  offered  by  the  slaveholders 
in  such  cases. 

The  next  night  Louis  and  his  companions  left 
their  hiding-places,  but  being  pinched  with  hunger, 
they  sought  to  obtain  some  food  before  starting  on 
their  journey  northward.  They  went  to  a  house  to 
buy  some  provisions,  not  thinking  that  they  were  in 
great  danger.  But  a  large  party  of  hunters  were  in 
the  neighborhood,  and  were  soon  apprised  of  their 
presence.  The  fugitives  were  closely  pursued  by  a 
large  party  of  armed  men,  the  party  from  Kentucky 
having  been  joined  by  a  number  of  ruffians  in  the 
neighborhood,  who  were  as  eager  in  the  chase  as 
they  would  have  been  in  a  fox  or  a  deer  hunt. 
Louis  and  his  companions  ran  in  different  directions, 
and  endeavored  to  hide  in  the  woods  and  corn-fields, 
but  most  of  the  party  were  captured,  only  Louis 
and  three  others  succeeding  in  making  their  escape. 
After  traveling  several  nights,  during  which  time 
they  suffered  much  from  hunger  and  exposure,  they 
reached  my  house.  We  received  and  cared  for 
them,  and  they  remained  with  us  several  days,  rest- 
ing from  their  fatiguing  and  anxious  journey.     They 


A  ZEALOUS  CONDUCTOR.  20O 

were  then   put  on  the  old  reliable  road  leading-  to 
Canada,  and  reached  that  country  in  safety. 

Louis  remained  there  about  one  year,  then  re- 
turned to  Indiana,  and  staid  a  few  days  at  my 
house.  He  said  he  was  on  his  way  back  to  Ken- 
tucky. He  had  two  sisters  still  in  bondage,  and  was 
determined  to  make  an  effort  to  bring  them  away. 
They  belonged  to  a  man  living  about  thirty  miles 
back  from  the  river.  Louis  felt  much  anxiety  about 
them,  as  they  were  young  women  grown  and  were 
regarded  as  valuable  property  by  their  master.  He 
feared  that  they  would  be  sold  to  traders  and  taken 
to  the  far  South,  as  such  property  was  in  demand 
and  would  bring  high  prices.  I  tried  to  dissuade 
Louis  from  such  a  hazardous  undertaking.  I  told 
him  that  he  would  risk  his  own  liberty  and  might 
not  be  able  to  effect  the  rescue  of  his  sisters,  but  he 
was  determined  to  go.  He  was  well  acquainted  in 
that  neighborhood  with  both  colored  and  white  peo- 
ple, and,  relying  on  his  shrewdness  and  judgment, 
he  made  the  bold  venture.  After  crossing  the 
river  into  Kentucky,  he  moved  cautiously  in  the 
night  season  from  one  negro  quarter  to  another 
where  he  was  acquainted.  He  encouraged  several 
of  his  particular  friends  to  join  him  and  prepare  to 
make  the  journey  to  Canada.  He  assured  them 
that  he  was  well  acquainted  with  the  route  and  could 
conduct  them  safely,  and  told  them  of  the  many 
good  friends  they  would  find  on  the  road  who  would 
help  them  on  their  way  to  liberty.  The  sweet  word 
of  liberty,  and  the  hope  of  all  its  blessings  and 
privileges,  thrilled  their  hearts,  and  they  at  once 
18 


2io  REMINISCENCES. 

agreed  to  make  the  effort  to  gain  it  under  the  lead- 
ership of  Louis.  The  plans  were  all  made,  both 
men  and  women  being  in  the  party  who  were  to  at- 
tempt to  escape. 

Louis  went  several  nights  to  the  place  where  his 
sisters  were,  and  watched  about  the  house,  trying 
to  get  an  interview  with  them,  but  they  were  house- 
servants,  and  were  kept  in  at  night  so  closely  that 
it  seemed  impossible  for  him  to  make  himself  known 
to  them  and  talk  with  them  without  discovery. 

One  moonlight  night  as  he  was  watching  the 
house,  trying  to  attract  the  attention  of  his  sisters, 
their  master  saw  and  recognized  him.  The  signal 
for  pursuit  was  at  once  given  and  the  alarm  raised. 
A  neighbor  who  had  several  bloodhounds  was  sum- 
moned, and  the  dogs  were  put  on  the  trail.  By  this 
time,  however,  Louis  had  reached  the  woods,  and 
being  well  acquainted  with  the  country,  he  knew 
how  to  choose  the  paths  that  would  be  most  difficult 
for  the  pursuers.  Louis  knew  how  to  charm  the 
dogs,  and  he  received  no  harm  from  them. 

He  baffled  his  pursuers  and  made  good  his  escape, 
bringing  with  him  four  or  five  of  his  slave  friends, 
including  two  women.  Thus,  though  he  failed  to 
get  his  sisters,  his  mission  was  not  entirely  unsuc- 
cessful. He  made  his  way  to  the  Ohio  River  with 
his  company,  and  finding  a  skiff  they  crossed  in 
safety  to  the  Indiana  side.  They  then  proceeded  as 
rapidly  as  possible  to  a  station  of  the  Underground 
Railroad,  and  that  line  soon  brought  them  to  my 
house.  They  remained  with  us  a  short  time,  and 
were  then  forwarded  to  Canada. 


A  ZEALOUS  CONDUCTOR.  211 

After  seeing  his  friends  safe  in  that  country,  Louis 
returned  to  Indiana  and  attended  school  at  a  manual 
labor  institution,  in  Randolph  County,  called  the 
Union  Literary  Institute.  It  was  chartered  by  the 
State  of  Indiana  for  the  benefit  of  colored  students. 
Louis  remained  here  nearly  two  years,  making  satis- 
factory progress  in  his  studies  and  gaining  the 
esteem  of  all  who  knew  him.  During  vacation  in 
the  first  year  he  made  a  second  attempt  to  rescue 
his  sisters  from  slavery,  but  was  again  unsuccessful 
in  getting  them,  though  he  succeeded  in  bringing 
out  of  bondage  another  company  of  his  friends. 
He  still  did  not  abandon  the  hope  of  rescuing  his 
sisters. 

At  the  school  which  he  attended,  Louis  became 
acquainted  with  M.  W.,  a  young  white  man  who 
lived  in  Hamilton  County,  Indiana.  To  him  Louis 
communicated  his  resolve  to  make  another  effort  to 
get  his  sisters  out  of  slavery.  M.  W.  became  so 
much  interested  in  the  matter  that  he  agreed  to 
accompany  Louis  on  his  next  trip  into  Kentucky. 

Some  months  afterward  Louis  went  to  Westfield, 
Hamilton  County.  He  was  then  on  his  way  to 
Kentucky  to  make  another  attempt,  and  reminded 
his  friend  of  his  promise,  but  M.  W.  had  just  been 
married  and  declined  to  go.  He  directed  Louis  to 
the  house  of  L.  Pennington,  who  lived  in  the  neigh- 
borhood. This  Friend  tried  to  discourage  Louis 
from  making  the  attempt ;  telling  him  that  he  would 
risk  his  own  liberty  and  might  not  achieve  that  of 
his  sisters.  But  Louis  was  determined  to  go,  and 
made  a  confidant  of  a  young  man  by  the  name  of 


2 1 2  REMINISCENCES. 

N.  W.,  who  was  interested  in  his  case  and  who 
agreed  to  accompany  him.  They  made  all  their 
plans  and  appointed  the  time  for  starting.  They 
were  to  take  the  train  at  Indianapolis  and  go  to 
Madison,  then  cross  into  Kentucky  and  proceed 
secretly  on  their  mission.  These  arrangements  were 
made  a  week  or  two  before  the  time  fixed  for  start- 
ing, and  might  have  been  successful  had  not  N.  W., 
in  the  meantime,  unwisely  made  a  confidant  of  one 
of  his  acquaintances  at  Indianapolis,  telling  him  all 
the  particulars  of  the  case.  This  friend  in  turn  con- 
fided the  whole  matter  to  another  person  living  in 
Indianapolis,  who  knew  Louis'  master  in  Kentucky, 
and  who  immediately  wrote  to  him,  giving  all  the 
particulars,  and  telling  him  the  day  and  hour  that 
Louis  intended  to  take  the  train  at  Indianapolis  for 
Madison. 

Louis'  master,  as  soon  as  he  received  this  informa- 
tion, gathered  a  posse  of  men  and  started  to  Indian- 
apolis, arriving  there  the  night  before  Louis  was  to 
start  South.  He  obtained  a  writ  for  arresting  his 
slave  and  put  it  in  the  hands  of  an  officer,  then,  with 
the  witnesses  who  were  to  prove  his  property,  he 
waited  to  capture  Louis  as  soon  as  he  should  come 
into  the  depot. 

The  next  morning  Louis,  who  was  all  unconscious 
of  the  danger  he  was  going  into,  walked  into  the 
depot  to  get  aboard  the  train  and  found  himself  con- 
fronted by  his  master.  He  could  not  save  himself, 
either  by  resistance  or  flight,  and  soon  found  him- 
self heavily  fettered.  N.  W.,  who  was  to  accom- 
pany him,  was  a  short  distance  behind,  but  seeing 


BETRAYED  AND  CAPTURED. 


213 


the  excited  crowd  in  the  depot  and  learning  that 
Louis  had  been  captured,  he  turned  back  and  went 
immediately  home  and  told  the  news  to  Louis' 
friends. 

Louis'  master  said  to  him:  "I  would  have  paid 
any  price  to  get  hold  of  you,  and  now  that  you  are 
in  my  power,  I  will  make  an  example  of  you.  You 
have  carried  off  thirty-seven  thousand  dollars'  worth 
of  slave  property." 

Louis  had  been  a  very  successful  missionary 
among  the  slaves  in  Kentucky.  Beside  bringing  a 
number  out  of  the  house  of  bondage,  he  had  directed 
others  how  to-  get  on  the  Underground  Railroad  and 
go  right  through  to  Canada  where  they  would  be 
free.  They  had  listened  with  deep  interest  to  his 
stories  of  Canada  and  liberty,  and  frequent  stam- 
pedes of  slaves  from  that  part  of  Kentucky  was  the 
result. 

Louis'  master  took  him  back  to  Kentucky  strong- 
ly bound,  and  exhibited  him  in  fetters  in  many 
towns  and  public  places  in  that  section  of  the 
country,  in  order,  as  he  said,  to  make  an  example 
of  him,  and  to  intimidate  other  slaves  who  might 
have  thoughts  of  running  away.  But  the  master 
soon  found  that  he  had  a  troublesome  piece  of 
property  on  his  hands.  He  did  not  dare  to  turn 
Louis  loose  and  set  him  to  work,  for  he  might  stray 
off  and  take  a  good  deal  of  valuable  property  with 
him,  of  his  own  kind.  He  kept  him  bound  for 
several  weeks,  waiting  for  a  favorable  opportunity 
to  sell  him,  and  finally  disposed  of  him  to  a  South- 
ern  slave-dealer  for  the  sum  of  seven  hundred  dol- 


2I4  REMINISCENCES. 

lars.  This  was  considered  a  low  price,  but  there 
was  some  risk  in  buying  such  a  shrewd,  wily  fellow 
as  Louis,  who  had  dared  to  run  away  from  his 
master. 

Louis  was  taken  on  board  a  steamboat,  with  other 
slaves,  to  go  down  the  river  to  a  Southern  slave 
market.  He  was  kept  bound  for  several  days  on  the 
journey,  but  managed  to  gain  the  confidence  of  his 
master,  so  that  his  fetters  were  taken  off  and  he  was 
allowed  the  same  privileges  that  the  other  slaves 
had.  His  master  knew  that  he  would  not  be  likely 
to  sell  so  well  if  he  was  kept  bound,  for  the  pur- 
chasers would  think  he  was  a  dangerous  fellow,  and 
undesirable  as  a  piece  of  property. 

As  soon  as  Louis  was  turned  loose  he  began  to 
look  out  for  a  chance  to  escape.  They  were  now 
near  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio  River,  and  Louis  was 
very  anxious  to  make  his  escape  from  the  boat  be- 
fore they  entered  the  Mississippi  River,  at  Cairo. 
But  he  found  no  opportunity,  and  they  were  soon 
on  the  broad  stream  of  the  Mississippi.  The  night 
after  they  reached  this  river,  Louis  determined  on  a 
plan  of  escape.  A  small  boat  or  yawl  was  tied  to 
the  rear  end  of  the  steamboat  and  floated  in  the 
water.  It  was  kept  there  for  the  convenience  of 
landing  passengers  without  rounding  to  the  steamer, 
and  for  putting  the  mail  ashore  at  different  points 
along  the  river.  Louis  planned  to  get  into  this 
boat  under  cover  of  darkness,  and  arranged  with  the 
chamber  maid  to  cut  the  rope  that  bound  it  to  the 
steamer.  Two  other  slave  men,  to  whom  Louis  had 
confided  his  plans,  had  agreed  to  go  with  him,  but 


ONCE  MORE  A  FUGITIVE. 


215 


at  the  last  moment  their  hearts  failed  them  and  they 
concluded  to  stay.  Louis  got  into  the  boat,  and  the 
colored  chamber-maid,  faithful  to  her  promise,  cut 
the  rope,  and  he  paddled  away  in  the  darkness. 

Louis  was  now  in  the  middle  of  the  Mississippi, 
with  a  slave  State  on  each  side  of  the  river.  He 
knew  how  to  row  well,  and  soon  made  his  way  to 
the  Missouri  side.  He  pulled  up  stream  near  the 
bank  for  some  time,  but  found  that  it  was  hard 
work,  and  that  he  made  little  headway.  When  day- 
light appeared  he  tied  the  yawl  in  a  secluded  place 
on  the  shore,  and  sought  a  hiding-place,  where  he 
spent  the  day.  When  night  came,  he  felt  that  he 
must  seek  some  food,  for  he  was  now  very  hungry. 
He  concluded  to  abandon  the  yawl  and  make  his 
way  up  the  river  by  land.  After  walking  some  dis- 
tance he  came  to  a  farm,  and  discovering  several 
negro  huts  he  ventured  to  approach  one.  He  was 
kindly  received  and  furnished  with  a  supply  of  food. 
He  gained  some  information  about  the  country  be- 
tween that  place  and  Cairo,  and  pursued  his  journey. 
He  lay  by  during  the  day,  and  traveled  at  night 
until  he  reached  the  Mississippi  River,  some  dis- 
tance above  Cairo.  He  suffered  from  hunger  and  va- 
rious hardships,  but  found  some  true  friends  among 
the  slaves  near  the  river.  Here  he  rested  awhile  in 
safe  concealment,  then  was  helped  across  the  river 
into  Southern  Illinois.  In  this  section  fugitive 
slaves  found  few  friends,  for  most  of  the  settlers 
were  from  slave  States,  and  were  disposed  to  cap- 
ture all  runaways.  Through  this  country  Louis 
cautiously  made  his  way  in  the  night  season,   ven- 


2i6  REMINISCENCES. 

turing  now  and  then  to  call  at  a  house  and  beg  for 
food.  In  a  few  places  he  found  friends,  and  was 
enabled  to  rest  in  safety,  and  recruit  his  strength. 

Thus  he  slowly  made  his  way  through  Illinois  into 
Indiana,  and  arrived  at  the  house  of  Levi  Penning- 
ton, in  Hamilton  County,  just  three  months  from 
the  day  he  first  called  there.  Friend  Pennington 
was  much  surprised  to  see  him,  having  heard  of  his 
capture  at  Indianapolis,  and  of  his  being  taken  back 
to  slavery  by  his  master.  After  resting  awhile  here, 
Louis  returned  to  school  and  resumed  his  studies. 

We  learned  afterward  that  Louis'  new  master,  the 
slave-trader,  was  much  enraged  when  he  discovered 
his  loss,  and  blamed  the  captain  of  the  boat  for 
having  his  yawl  where  it  was  so  easy  of  access. 
When  they  arrived  at  Memphis,  he  sued  the  captain 
for  the  price  of  his  slave,  contending  that  the  cap- 
tain was  responsible  for  the  loss  of  his  property. 
The  trader  lost  the  suit,  and  had  the  costs  to  pay, 
then  the  captain  sued  him  for  the  detention  of  the 
boat,  and  gained  the  suit,  and  the  trader  had  to  pay 
seven  hundred  dollars.  Then  the  captain  sued  him 
for  the  value  of  the  yawl  which  his  slave  had  carried 
off,  and  got  judgment  against  him,  which  it  is  said 
cost  him  seven  hundred  dollars  more.  According 
to  this  statement,  Louis  Talbert  was  a  dear  piece  of 
property  to  the  negro-trader. 

JOHN  WHITE. 

John  White  was  the  slave  of  a  man  who  lived  in 
Kentucky,  just  opposite  Rising  Sun,  Indiana,  on 
the  Ohio   River.      He  married   a  slave    woman,    the 


JOHN  WHITE. 


217 


daughter  of  her  master,  who  lived  in  the  neighbor- 
hood, and  they  had  several  children.  He  was  very 
much  attached  to  his  family,  and  visited  them  as 
often  as  he  was  permitted  by  his  master.  Hearing 
one  day  that  his  master  intended  to  sell  him  to  the 
far  South,  and  knowing  that  he  would  thus  be  sepa- 
rat2d  from  his  family,  he  determined  to  run  away. 
Carrying  his  plan  into  execution  he  crossed  the 
river  into  Indiana,  where  he  had  some  friends — free 
colored  people — and  by  them  was  directed  to  my 
house  at  Newport.  Here  he  remained  some  weeks, 
and  my  deepest  sympathies  were  aroused  in  his 
behalf.  He  was  naturally  very  bright  and  intelli- 
gent, but  his  mind  seemed  overclouded  with  gloom 
at  the  prospect  of  leaving  his  family  in  slavery.  He 
finally  started  toward  Canada,  stopping  on  the  way 
at  Raisin  Institute,  near  Adrian,  Michigan,  a  school 
open  to  all,  irrespective  of  color,  where  he  met  that 
noted  abolitionist  and  noble-hearted  woman,  Laura 
S.  Haviland,  having  been  directed  to  her  by  me. 
He  remained  in  Canada  several  months,  but  being 
anxious  and  concerned  about  his  family,  resolved  to 
return  to  his  abolition  friends  in  the  States,  to  see 
if  something  could  not  be  done,  and  accordingly 
came  back  to  Raisin  Institute,  in  Michigan.  It  was 
then  winter  and  not  a  suitable  season  to  make  an 
attempt  to  rescue  his  wife  and  children,  so  he  re- 
mained at  the  institute  during  the  winter  and  spring, 
and  attended  school.  He  was  very  eager  to  learn, 
and  made  rapid  progress  in  his  studies. 

In  the  summer  he  returned  to  my  house,  at  New- 
port, and  consulted  with  me  regarding  the  project 
19 


2i8  REMINISCENCES. 

he  had  so  much  at  heart.  A  messenger  was  sent  to 
his  colored  friends,  at  Rising  Sun,  to  see  if  arrange- 
ments could  be  made  with  them  to  aid  his  family 
in  escaping,  but  nothing  definite  could  be  deter- 
mined upon.  Not  willing  to  give  it  up,  John  White 
remained  several  months  at  Newport — working  and 
attending  school,  and  in  the  winter  ventured  to 
go  to  Cincinnati,  hoping  to  make  arrangements  with 
the  colored  stewards  of  the  Louisville  and  Cincin- 
nati packets,  with  whom  he  was  acquainted,  but 
failed  in  this.  He  then  returned  to  Michigan,  where 
he  remained  a  year  or  two,  continuing  his  education 
at  the  Raisin  Institute,  but  never  forgetting  his 
anxiety  about  his  wife  and  children,  and  his  hope  to 
see  them  free. 

His  story  finally  so  enlisted  the  sympathies  of 
Laura  S.  Haviland  that  she  resolved  to  aid  him  in 
his  desire,  and,  with  that  purpose  in  view,  went 
down  to  Rising  Sun  and  introduced  herself  to  John's 
colored  friends,  who  were,  by  the  way,  almost  white. 

Disguising  herself,  she  went  with  one  of  the 
women  across  the  river  into  Kentucky,  ostensibly  to 
pick  blackberries.  Going  to  the  house  where  John's 
wife  lived,  the  colored  woman  introduced  Laura 
Haviland  as  her  aunt,  and  the  mistress  gave  John's 
wife  permission  to  accompany  them  in  their  search 
for  blackberries.  This  afforded  the  opportunity 
which  had  been  so  long  desired,  and  the  wife  soon 
heard  the  message  from  her  long  lost  husband,  and 
was  made  acquainted  with  the  plans  for  the  escape 
of  herself  and  her  children. 

During-  this  interview  the  arrangements  were  all 


A  SAD  RECEPTION. 


219 


made  and  the  time  fixed,  and  on  the  appointed  night 
John  crossed  the  river  from  Rising  Sun,  and  brought 
away  his  wife  and  six  children  from  their  place  of 
bondage.  This  was  the  opportunity  for  which  he 
had  worked  and  prayed  so  long,  and  success  seemed 
at  last  to  have  crowned  his  efforts.  But  alas  !  it  was 
only  a  gleam  of  light  before  a  darker  night. 

Reaching  the  river  they  entered  a  skiff,  and  at- 
tempted to  row  across  to  a  point  above  Rising  Sun, 
where  a  wagon  was  to  meet  them,  but  the  water 
was  high  and  the  current  swift  and  strong,  and  in 
spite  of  their  efforts,  they  floated  down  the  river 
some  distance  below  Rising  Sun,  and  were  unable 
to  reach  the  landing  where  the  wagon  was  waiting. 

Daylight  coming  on,  they  hid  in  the  thickets  and 
remained  there  all  day,  and  at  night  unwisely  ven- 
tured out  into  the  high  road.  There  had  been  am- 
ple opportunity  for  the  master  to  gather  a  posse  of 
men  and  start  in  pursuit,  and  the  fugitives  had  not 
proceeded  far  when  they  found  themselves  hemmed 
in  between  two  companies  of  pursuers.  The  wife 
and  children  were  recaptured,  but  John  sprang  into 
the  thickets  and  managed  to  elude  the  pursuers. 
He  could  not  protect  his  family  by  staying  with 
them ;  he  would  only  be  caught  himself,  and  he 
sought  safety  in  flight,  but  the  cries  of  his  wife  and 
children  rang  in  his  ears,  and  the  thought  of  their 
anguish  lacerated  his  heart. 

He  lay  out  in  the  woods  several  days,  and  then 
made  his  way  to  the  hut  of  a  free  colored  man, 
where  he  obtained  food,  of  which  he  was  sadly  in 
need,  being  almost  famished.      Here  he  was  found 


220  REMINISCENCES. 

and  captured  by  Wright  Ray,  a  noted  negro-hunter, 
of  Madison,  Indiana,  who  was  in  search  of  other 
fugitives  at  that  time.  He  took  John  to  Madisont 
then  across  into  Kentucky,  and  lodged  him  in  jail. 
When  questioned,  John  had  the  shrewdness  to  give 
— not  his  own  name — but  that  of  a  fugitive  with 
whom  he  became  acquainted  in  Canada.  He  said 
that  his  name  was  James  Armstrong,  that  he  was 
the  property  of  the  widow  Armstrong,  of  Augusta, 
Kentucky,  but  had  lived  several  years  in  Michigan. 
Wright  Ray  pretended  to  go  to  the  widow  Arm- 
strong, and  buy  her  slave  James  at  a  low  price  "as 
he  ran,"  and  then  told  John  that  if  he  had  any 
friends  in  Michigan  who  would  raise  the  money  in  a 
certain  time,  that  he  would  sell  him  for  three  hun- 
dred and  fifty  dollars.  At  John's  request  the  sheriff 
wrote  to  an  address  in  Michigan,  giving  this  infor- 
mation, and  the  letter  came  into  the  hands  of 
Laura  S.  Haviland.  Though  all  the  names  were 
fictitious,  she  concluded  that  the  person  referred 
to  was  John  White,  and  immediately  took  measures 
to  obtain  his  liberty.  She  came  to  our  house — we 
were  then  living  at  Cincinnati — and  told  her  story, 
intending  to  go  on  to  Madison,  Indiana,  cross  over 
into  Kentucky,  and  see  if  the  slave  in  jail  was  really 
John  White.  I  persuaded  her  to  remain,  and  sent 
instead,  my  nephew,  M.  C.  White,  giving  him 
letters  to  Judge  Stevens,  of  Madison,  and  other 
noted  abolitionists,  who  might  be  of  service  to  him 
in  his  mission.  He  went  to  Kentucky,  found  that 
the  slave  in  question  was  John  White,  and  then  en- 
tered into  negotiations   to  obtain  his  freedom.      In 


PURCHASING   A  RUNAWAY.  221 

presence  of  Judge  Stevens,  of  Madison,  he  made 
a  contract  with  Wright  Ray  to  pay  the  three  hun- 
dred and  fifty  dollars  on  the  following  conditions : 
Wright  Ray  was  to  bring  John  White  to  Madison, 
and  place  him  on  board  the  packet  bound  for  Cin- 
cinnati ;  the  money  was  to  be  deposited  with  the 
clerk  of  the  boat,  and  be  paid  over  when  John  was 
safely  delivered  to  his  friends  in  this  city. 

M  C.  White  then  returned  to  Cincinnati,  and 
made  known  the  success  of  his  mission.  I  borrowed 
the  money — as  Laura  S.  Haviland  had  not  time  to 
obtain  it  before  she  started — and  sent  him  back  to 
Madison.  The  terms  of  the  contract  were  carried 
out,  and  John  White  arrived  at  Cincinnati.  The 
boat  came  in  before  daylight,  when  the  clerk  who 
had  the  money  in  charge  was  asleep,  but  M.  C. 
White  informed  Wright  Ray  that  he  would  take 
John  up  town  and  return  at  eight  o'clock  to  pay 
over  the  money. 

As  soon  as  John  reached  my  house  he  was  con- 
cealed, as  it  was  not  thought  safe  for  him  to  be  seen 
in  the  streets,  lest  he  might  be  recognized  by  some 
one  who  had  seen  him  in  Kentucky. 

Then,  following  my  instructions,  M.  C.  White 
returned  to  the  boat  and  told  Wright  Ray  that  he 
was  ready  to  pay  over  the  money,  but  informed  him 
that  the  slave  was  not  the  person  he  (W.  R. ) 
thought  he  was,  that  he  was  a  free  man  (taking  the 
ground  that  all  men  are  free  until  they  forfeit  their 
liberty  by  crime),  and  that  if  he  received  the  money, 
he  would  be  guilty  of  kidnapping,  and  must  risk 
the  consequences.     Ray,  however,  decided  to  take 


222  REMINISCENCES. 

the  money  and  it  was  paid  over  to  him.  Lawyer 
Joliff,  and  I  obtained  a  writ  as  soon  as  possible — 
which  was  at  nine  o'clock — and  placed  it  in  the 
hands  of  an  officer  with  instructions  to  arrest 
Wright  Ray,  but  when  the  officer  went  to  the  boat 
Ray  was  not  to  be  found.  We  immediately  for- 
warded the  writ  to  Judge  Stevens,  at  Madison, 
and  Ray  was  soon  afterward  arrested  at  that  place 
and  lodged  in  jail,  where  he  remained  several 
months,  awaiting  the  opening  of  court.  The  case 
would,  without  doubt,  have  gone  against  him  had  it 
been  tried,  but  the  presence  of  John  White  as  prose- 
cuting witness  would  have  been  necessary,  and  his 
friends  feared  to  risk  his  freedom,  so  the  case  was 
allowed  to  go  by  default. 

John  returned  to  Michigan,  almost  broken-hearted. 
All  his  endeavors  to  gain  the  freedom  of  his  wife 
and  children  had  been  in  vain,  and  he  never  saw 
them  again.  They  were  shortly  afterward  sold  and 
separated,  the  master  taking  a  price  for  his  own 
daughter.  Laura  S.  Haviland  wrote  to  him  several 
times,  portraying  in  the  strongest  terms  the  sin  of 
selling  his  own  child.  Her  letters  made  a  deep  im- 
pression on  his  mind,  and  he  was  so  much  distressed 
that  he  became  almost  insane  ;  he  would  walk  the 
floor  of  nights,  hour  after  hour,  striving  to  make 
terms  with  his  guilty  conscience.  He  made  great 
efforts  to  buy  back  his  daughter  and  her  children, 
but  without  success,  and  it  was  thought  that  this 
trouble  shortened  his  days. 


ANTISLA  VERY  DISCUSSION. 


223 


CHAPTER  VII. 

DISCUSSION  OF  THE  ANTI-SLAVERY  SUBJECT ANTI- 
SLAVERY  SOCIETIES  AND  LECTURERS — OPPOSITION 
TO  THE  MOVEMENT — SEPARATION  OF  FRIENDS  OF 
INDIANA  YEARLY  MEETING — ACTION  WHICH  CAUSED 

THE     SEPARATION REUNION THE       COMMITTEE 

FROM      LONDON      YEARLY      MEETING INTERVIEWS 

WITH     THE     COMMITTEE LAST     INTERVIEW    WITH 

WILLIAM     FORSTER VISIT    TO    CANADA    IN    1 844 

MEETINGS    WITH     FUGITIVES THEIR    STORIES A 

SPECIAL   PROVIDENCE AUNT   SUSIE'S  DREAM — THE 

STORY      OF     JACKSON A     MOTHER      RESCUES      HER 

CHILDREN. 

THE  subject  of  slavery  had  been  talked  about 
and  discussed  at  Newport  and  in  other  neigh- 
borhoods of  Friends  in  our  part  of  the  State,  by 
Friends  and  others  who  felt  for  those  in  bonds  as 
bound  with  them,  for  several  years  previous  to  the 
agitation  of  the  Free  Labor  question.  Abolitionism 
at  that  time  was  very  unpopular.  Some  Friends 
advocated  colonization,  or  gradual  emancipation, 
and  many  joined  the  popular  current  of  opposi- 
tion to  abolitionism.  Some  of  us  felt  that  there 
was  need  of  more  earnest  labor  and  renewed  ex- 
ertions on  behalf  of  suffering  humanity,  even  among 


224 


i2  EMINISCENCES. 


Friends  whc  professed  to  bear  a  testimony  against 
slavery — that  an  effort  should  be  made  to  enlighten 
the  minds  of  the  people,  and  to  advance  the  cause 
of  immediate  -and  unconditional  emancipation  on 
Christian  principles.  We  felt  that  this  movement 
could  be  forwarded  by  giving  circulation  to  such 
publications  as  were  calculated  to  create  an  interest 
in  the  cause  of  the  oppressed  and  suffering  slave. 
To  promote  this  object,  a  few  of  us,  of  Newport  and 
vicinity,  held,  in  the  year  1838,  a  conference  to  con- 
sult in  regard  to  our  duty  in  this  matter.  Daniel 
Puckett,  and  other  prominent  Friends,  took  an  inter- 
est in  the  conference.  The  result  was  that  we  de- 
cided to  establish  an  anti-slavery  library  at  Newport, 
and  to  collect  all  the  books,  tracts,  and  other  pub- 
lications on  the  subject  that  we  could,  and  circulate 
them  among  the  people.  There  was  then  a  depos- 
itory of  anti-slavery  publications  open  at  Cincinnati. 
The  sum  of  twenty-five  dollars  was  subscribed,  and 
I  was  authorized  to  obtain  the  publications  that  we 
needed.  I  afterward  bought  others  with  my  own 
means,  and  kept  up  the  supply.  We  gave  away 
these  publications,  or  loaned  them  until  they  were 
worn  out.  The  effect  of  this  effort  was  manifested 
in  a  deep  and  increasing  interest  on  the  subject  of 
slavery,  in  our  neighborhood.  We  often  held  libra- 
ry meetings,  as  we  called  them.  In  that  day  of 
mobs  'and  the  ridicule  of  abolitionism,  it  would  not 
do  to  call  them  abolition  meetings,  even  though  the 
anti-slavery  sentiment  was  on  the  increase  in  In- 
diana. About  that  time  a  number  of  Friends,  who 
were  in  favor  of  immediate  and  unconditional  eman- 


ANTI-SLAVERY  DISCUSSION. 


225 


cipation,  joined  with  others  in  the  formation  of  the 
State  Anti-Slavery  Society  of  Indiana,  which  was 
organized  at  Milton,  in  Wayne  County. 

In  the  year  1840,  Arnold  Buffum,-a  member  of 
the  Society  of  Friends,  and  one  of  the  noble  band 
of  twelve  that  organized  the  American  Anti-Slavery 
Society,  in  1833,  on  the  ground  of  immediate  anc1 
unconditional  emancipation,  came  to  the  West  foi 
the  purpose  of  holding  meetings  among  the  people ; 
to  talk  about  the  wrongs  and  sufferings  of  the  slave, 
and  to  excite  an  interest  in  his  behalf.  It  was  a 
work  that  lay  near  his  heart  and  one  to  which  he 
believed  himself  called  by  his  Heavenly  Father. 
He  believed  that  he  was  required  to  plead  the  cause 
of  the  oppressed  ;  to  speak  for  the  dumb,  and  to 
show  forth  the  cruelty  of  slavery.  He  had  labored 
extensively  in  the  Eastern  States,  and  had  encoun- 
tered much  opposition  in  the  path  of  his  duty. 
Some  of  those  who  had  opposed  his  labors  in  the 
East,  endeavored  to  block  up  his  way  and  spoil  his 
influence  in  the  West,  by  writing  defamatory  letters 
to  their  friends  here.  In  these  letters  they  made 
statements  concerning  him  in  which  there  was  not  a 
particle  of  truth.  These  stories  were  circulated 
wherever  he  went,  with  a  view  to  prejudice  the 
people  against  him ;  but  his  enemies  were  foiled  in 
their  designs.  One  of  the  wicked  and  foolish  stories 
told  concerning  him  was,  that  he  was  an  amalgama- 
tionist,  and  had  a  colored  woman  for  his  wife.  But 
the  people  among  whom  he  traveled  could  soon  see 
for  themselves  that  this  was  a  falsehood.  His  ami- 
able and  excellent  wife,  who  accompanied  him  in  all 


226  REMINISCENCES. 

his  travels  for  the  purpose  of  sustaining  and  comfort- 
ing him,  and  who  was  in  full  sympathy  with  him, 
was  a  highly  esteemed  member  of  the  religious  So- 
ciety of  Friends,  and  had  no  connection  with  the 
colored  race. 

After  laboring  for  some  time  in  Ohio,  Arnold 
Buffum  made  his  way  to  our  neighborhood  and 
came  directly  to  my  house.  I  had  never  seen  him 
before,  but  had  heard  much  of  him  and  his  work 
and  the  cold  reception  that  he  had  met  with  in 
many  places.  I  gave  him  a  hearty  welcome  to  my 
house  and  our  State,  and  told  him  that  when  I  heard 
he  was  pleading  the  cause  of  the  poor  slave  in  Ohio, 
I  had  earnestly  desired  that  the  Lord  would  send 
him  to  Indiana.  We  appointed  a  meeting  for  him 
at  our  meeting-house  in  Newport,  and  there  was  a 
good  audience  of  Friends  and  others,  to  hear  him  on 
the  subject  of  slavery.  He  made  a  good  impres- 
sion, and  a  number  of  meetings  were  held  in  our 
place ;  appointments  also  were  made  in  other  neigh- 
borhoods. 

Daniel  Puckett,  a  noted  minister  among  Friends, 
accompanied  him  to  some  of  these  neighboring 
meetings,  and  Jonathan  Hough,  another  well-known 
Friend,  was  his  companion  when  he  went  to  Win- 
chester, and  other  places  in  Randolph  County. 
After  he  returned  to  Newport,  I  went  to  Center 
ville,  our  county  seat,  and  obtained  the  privilege  of 
holding  a  meeting  in  the  Court-House.  At  the  ap- 
pointed time,  I  accompanied  him  to  the  place.  We 
had  a  large  meeting,  but  there  was  some  disorder. 
The   mob   spirit  plainly  manifested    itself,  but  was 


ANTI-SLAVERY  DISCUSSION. 


227 


finally  quelled  without  any  serious  disturbance. 
Buffum  was  used  to  such  demonstrations,  and  was 
not  embarrassed  by  them  in  the  least.  He  was  the 
first  anti-slavery  lecturer  who  had  spoken  in  that 
part  of  the  State,  and  he  had  ignorance  as  well  as 
prejudice  to  contend  with.  From  Centerville' we 
went  to  Spiceland,  in  Henry  County,  where  we  had 
an  appointment,  and  held  two  meetings.  We  also 
held  two  meetings  at  Greensboro,  then  went  to 
Raysville.  These  meetings  were  well  attended,  but, 
strange  as  it  may  seem  now,  many  Friends  seemed 
shy  of  them,  appearing  to  be  afraid  to  risk  their 
reputation  by  attending  an  abolition  meeting.  They 
professed  to  be  as  much  opposed  to  slavery  as  any 
one,  but  seemed  to  be  more  opposed  to  abolition- 
ism. Different  religious  denominations  partook  of 
this  same  prejudice,  and  we  found  ourselves  opposed 
by  the  cultured  as  well  as  the  ignorant.  It  tried  a 
man's  soul  to  be  an  abolitionist  in  those  days,  when 
brickbats,  stones  and  rotten  eggs  were  some  of  the 
arguments  we  had  to  meet. 

Arnold  Buffum  did  not  attempt  to  organize  anti- 
slavery  societies.  His  mission  did  not  seem  to  be 
that  work,  but  the  endeavor  to  rouse  an  interest  in 
the  minds  of  Friends  and  others  on  behalf  of  the 
slave,  and  to  prepare  the  way  for  more  efficient 
action. 

He  labored  for  several  months  in  Wayne  and  ad- 
joining counties,  making  my  house  his  headquarters 
Flis  anti-slavery  lectures    in  the  different  neighbor- 
hoods created  an  excitement  among  the  people,  and 
set  them  to  thinking  and  talking   on    the    subject, 


228  REMINISCENCES. 

and  debating  it  among  themselves.  The  arguments 
that  Buffum  used  made  deep  impressions  on  many 
minds,  and  caused  them  to  reflect  on  a  subject  to 
which  they  had  previously  given  little  attention. 

Soon  after  Buffum's  first  tour  in  Indiana,  Louis 
Hicklin,  a  Methodist  preacher,  from  near  Madison, 
Indiana,  traveled  over  the  same  ground,  delivering 
anti-slavery  lectures,  and  organizing  anti-slavery  so- 
cieties. The  agitation  of  this  subject  was  now  fairly 
under  way.  Anti-slavery  lecturers  began  to  canvass 
the  State,  Strong  anti-slavery  societies  were  organ- 
ized in  various  places,  and  the  subject  received  more 
thoughtful  attention  than  had  before  been  bestowed 
upon  it.  A  State  Anti-Slavery  Convention  was  held 
at  Newport,  and  was  largely  attended  by  delegates 
from  various  parts  of  the  State.  Newport  was 
called  by  the  pro-slavery  party,  "the  hot-bed  of 
abolitionism."  My  house  was  generally  the  home 
of  the  lecturers  and  speakers  who  were  traveling 
through  our  neighborhood,  pleading  the  cause  of 
the  slave.  I  was  always  glad  to  entertain  them, 
and  to  do  all  I  could  in  forwarding  the  cause  we  had 
so  much  at  heart.  Charles  Burley,  Frederick  Doug- 
lass and  other  speakers  from  the  East  were  among 
those  who  stopped  at  my  house. 

But  as  the  anti-slavery  movement  gained  strength, 
the  opposition  to  it  became  more  powerful.  Poli- 
ticians and  other  prominent  men  opposed  it,  and 
their  influence  gave  encouragement  to  the  lower 
classes  who  possessed  the  mob  spirit  and  who  often 
interrupted  the  anti-slavery  meetings.  When  Fred. 
Douglass  made  his  first  lecturing  tour  through  the 


ANTI-SLAVERY  DISCUSSION.  22$ 

West,  accompanied  by  other  prominent  speakers 
from  Massachusetts,  he  had  to  contend  with  prej- 
udice expressed  in  the  most  insulting  manner. 

At  their  meeting  at  Richmond,  while  they  were 
on  the  stand  speaking,  rotten  eggs  were  thrown  at 
them,  and  at  Pendleton  they  were  pelted  with  brick- 
bats, stones  and  eggs,  until  they  were  driven  from 
the  platform.  M.  C.  White,  my  wife's  nephew, 
who  was  on  the  platform,  had  two  of  his  front  teeth 
knocked  out  by  a  brickbat,  thrown  by  one  of  the 
mob.  Such  disgraceful  disturbances  were  of  fre- 
quent occurrence  in  various  parts,  of  the  State, 
when  meetings  were  held  to  plead  the  cause  of  the 
slave.  This,  however,  only  served  to  forward  the 
anti-slavery  cause  among  quiet,  well  disposed  citi- 
zens. Daniel  Worth,  a  prominent  Wesleyan  min- 
ister, was  made  President  of  the  State  Anti-Slavery 
Society,  and  several  State  Conventions  were  held  at 
Newport,  Wayne  '  County,  and  Greensboro,  Henry 
County.  The  work  commenced  by  Arnold  Buffum, 
in  1840,  went  on  with  increasing  interest,  being  sus- 
tained by  Dr.  Bennett  and  other  prominent  speakers 
who  devoted  much  time  and  labor  in  pleading  the 
cause  of  the  oppressed,  until  the  eastern,  middle  and 
northern  counties  of  the  State  became  so  strongly 
abolitionist  in  sentiment,  that  the  number  of  the 
people  were  very  small  who  would  risk  their  repu- 
tation in  giving  aid  to  the  slave-hunters.  Public 
opinion  became  so  strongly  anti-slavery  in  our 
neighborhood,  that  I  often  kept  fugitives  at  my 
house  openly,  while  preparing  them  for  their  jour- 


230  REMINISCENCES. 

ney  to  the  North,  without  any  fear  of  being  mo- 
lested. 

But,  notwithstanding  this  large  increase  of  anti- 
slavery  sentiment,  the  pro-slavery  party  still  held 
the  reins  of  government,  in  both  Church  and  State, 
and  there  was  a  strong  opposition  to  the  abolition 
movement.  The  doctrine  of  immediate  and  uncon- 
ditional emancipation  was  unpopular.  Some  promi- 
nent members  of  the  Society  of  Friends  opposed  it. 
and  favored  colonization  or  gradual  emancipation. 

This  difference  of  opinion  subsequently  led  to  a 
separation  in  Indiana  Yearly  Meeting  of  Friends, 
which  occurred  in  1843,  and  was  a  sore  trial  to 
many  of  us.  The  causes  of  this  painful  separation 
are  fully  set  forth  in  the  history  of  the  separation  of 
Friends  of  Indiana  Yearly  Meeting,  compiled  by 
Walter  Edgerton.  The  two  Yearly  Meetings  con- 
tinued their  separate  organizations  for  thirteen  years, 
but  a  reunion  was  finally  effected,  to  the  rejoicing 
of  many  hearts  on  both  sides. 

We  were  proscribed  for  simply  adhering  to  what 
we  believed  to  be  our  Christian  duty,  as  consistent 
members  of  the  Society  of  Friends,  in  regard  to  the 
anti-slavery  movement ;  in  uniting  with  others  in 
anti-slavery  societies,  opening  our  meeting-houses 
for  anti-slavery  meetings,  to  plead  the  cause  of  the 
oppressed,  and  laboring  for  the  spread  of  anti- 
slavery  truth  in  every  way  we  could,  consistent  with 
our  profession  as  Christians.  We  asked  only  liberty 
of  conscience — freedom  to  act  according  to  one's 
conscientious  convictions.  We  did  not  wish  to 
interfere  with  the   conscience  or  liberty  of  others. 


DIVISION  AMONG  THE  FRIENDS. 


231 


but  strictly  to  live  up  to  that  part  of  our  Discipline 
which  bore  a  testimony  against  slavery.  We  had 
no  new  doctrine  to  preach ;  we  advocated  immediate 
and  unconditional  emancipation  as  we  had  done  all 
our  lives.  This  we  understood  to  be  the  doctrine 
and  testimony  of  the  Society  of  Friends  for  genera- 
tions past.  But  abolitionism  was  unpopular;  an 
odium  was  attached  to  the  very  name  of  abolitionist. 
It  tried  men's  souls  in  those  days  to  meet  the  cur- 
rent of  opposition. 

Strange  as  it  may  seem  to  the  rising  generation 
who  read  the  part  of  Friend's  Discipline  relating  to 
slavery,  and  who  would  naturally  suppose  that  they 
would  give  their  support  to  every  movement  oppos- 
ing slavery,  there  was  a  spirit  of  opposition  to  aboli- 
tionism attributable  to  various  causes,  which  had 
almost  imperceptibly  crept  in  among  Friends,  and 
which  manifested  itself  in  the  Yearly  Meeting.  A 
few  leading  members  were  colonizationists,  some 
were  gradualists,  and  many  were  led  to  believe  that 
there  was  some  disgrace  about  abolitionism — they 
could  hardly  tell  what — and  they  fell  in  with  the  cur- 
rent of  opposition.  Charles  Osborne,  that  faithful 
servant  of  the  Lord,  who  preached  no  new  doctrine, 
had  experienced  no  change,  but  followed  the  same 
course  and  advocated  the  same  anti-slavery  doctrine 
that  he  had  for  forty  years.  He,  with  many  others 
of  our  prominent  and  faithful  ministers,  Danie] 
Puckett,  Thomas  Frazier,  Abel  Roberts,  Isam 
Puckett,  Martha  Wooton,  etc.,  were  proscribed  and 
considered  disqualified  for  service  in  the  church, 
because  they  could    not    conscientiously  adhere    to 


232 


REMINISCENCES. 


the  advice  of  the  Yearly  Meeting.  We  were  ad- 
vised not  to  unite  in  abolition  societies,  nor  to  open 
our  meeting-houses  for  abolition  meetings. 

This  took  place  at  the  Yearly  Meeting  in  the  fall 
of  1842.  These  advices  were  sent  down  to  Quar- 
terly and  Monthly  Meetings,  with  a  committee  to  see 
that  they  were  carried  out.  Thus  we  had  no  alter- 
native ;  we  must  separate,  or  be  disowned  for  oppos- 
ing the  advice  of  the  body,  as  they  called  it.  In 
the  winter  of  1843  we  called  a  convention  at  New- 
port, Indiana,  which  was  largely  attended  by  mem- 
bers of  the  various  Quarterly  Meetings  who  felt 
aggrieved  with  the  action  of  the  Yearly  Meeting. 

We  spent  some  time  in  prayerful  deliberation  and 
the  result  was  the  reorganization  of  Indiana  Yearly 
Meeting  and  the  establishment  of  the  Yearly  Meet- 
ing of  Anti-Slavery  Friends.  No  change  in  the  Dis- 
cipline was  thought  necessary.  Five  Quarterly 
Meetings  and  twelve  Monthly  Meetings  were  organ- 
ized and  established;  these  constituted  the  New 
Yearly  Meeting.  As  soon  as  these  meetings  were 
organized  the  opposite  party  seemed  to  take  alarm, 
and  ceased  to  prosecute  the  proscriptive  measures 
which  had  caused  the  separation. 

By  this  loosening  of  the  cord  they  no  doubt  saved 
many  of  their  members,  who  sympathized  with  us, 
but  who  on  account  of  the  change  in  policy  were 
not  driven  to  the  necessity  of  separating  from  the 
body.  Thus  a  large  number  of  Friends  in  the  limits 
of  Indiana  Yearly  Meeting  retained  unity  with  us 
and  brotherly  feeling  toward  us,  and  many  of  the 
members    of    other    Yearly    Meetings    sympathized 


DIVISION  AMONG  THE  FRIENDS. 


233 


with  us.  We  had  many  able  ministers,  both  men 
and  women,  with  us,  and  we  experienced  many 
precious  meetings,  where  the  overshadowing  wing 
of  Divine  Goodness  was  sensibly  felt  to  hover  over 
us  and  bless  our  assembly.  The  trials  and  suffer- 
ings through  which  we  had  passed  together  made 
us  near  and  dear  to  each  other.  This  feeling 
remains  with  those  still  living,  to  the  present  day, 
and  is  renewed  whenever  we  meet.  Several  of  our 
most  prominent  ministers  of  the  present  day  were 
connected  with  anti-slavery  Friends ;  many  of  the 
older  ones  have  gone  to  their  reward. 

As  time  rolled  on,  and  the  anti-slavery  sentiment 
increased,  and  the  odium  attached  to  abolitionism 
lessened,  many  of  the  younger  members  of  the  old 
Yearly  Meeting  came  forward  nobly  and  joined  us 
on  the  anti-slavery  platform,  and  many  of  the  older 
ones  acknowledged  that  the  Yearly  Meeting  did 
wrong  in  pursuing  the  course  that  brought  the  sep- 
aration, and  manifested  the  most  friendly  feeling 
toward  us.  The  Yearly  Meeting  made  a  change  in 
the  Discipline  in  regard  to  acknowledgments  from 
those  who  had  once  been  members ;  thus  leaving  the 
door  open  for  a  reunion.  Many  of  the  older  ones 
on  both  sides  had  passed  away.  .  There  seemed 
now  to  be  nothing  to  keep  us  longer  apart,  so  we 
dissolved  our  separate  organizations,  and  in  most 
or  all  of  the  Monthy  Meetings,  where  anti-slavery 
Friends  lived,  a  proposition  was  made  to  the 
Monthly  Meeting  in  writing,  to  unite  in  a  body 
without  making  any  acknowledgment.  This  prop- 
osition was  accepted  in  most  cases,  at  that  meeting, 
20 


234  REMINISCENCES. 

without  making  an  appointment.  Thus  a  happy 
reunion  was  effected. 

In  the  year  1845,  London  Yearly  Meeting  issued 
an  address  to  the  anti-slavery  Friends  who  had  sep- 
arated from  Indiana  Yearly  Meeting,  and  appointed 
a  committee  to  accompany  it  and  to  endeavor 
to  heal  the  breach.  This  commmittee  was  com- 
posed of  four  prominent  and  influential  Friends — 
William  Forster,  George  Stacy,  Josiah  Forster  and 
John  Allen.  They  arrived  in  this  country  in  time 
to  attend  the  Yearly  Meeting  at  Richmond  in  the 
tenth  month  of  that  year. 

The  Yearly  Meeting  of  Anti-Slavery  Friends  was 
in  session  at  the  same  time  at  Newport,  ten  miles 
distant.  We  supposed  that  the  committee  would  at- 
tend our  meeting  also,  but  in  this  we  were  mistaken. 
The  old  Yearly  Meeting  appointed  a  committee  to 
give  such  information  as  they  desired.  The  day  after 
that  Yearly  Meeting  closed,  the  English  Friends 
paid  a  short  social  visit  to  Charles  Osborne,  who 
was  stopping  at  my  house.  Several  other  Friends 
were  present.  During  this  short  interview  some 
intimation  of  their  intended  course  was  given,  in- 
fluenced perhaps  by  the  counsel  of  the  advisory 
committee  of  the  old  Yearly  Meeting.  They  re- 
turned the  same  evening  to  Richmond,  which  was 
their  headquarters.  They  concluded  to  visit  the 
distant  meetings  or  outposts  of  anti-slavery  Friends, 
before  visiting  the  larger  body  at  Newport,  and 
other  meetings  in  that  vicinity.  After  they  left 
Newport  several  of  the  leading  anti-slavery  Friends 
thought  it  necessary  to  confer  together  a  little  on 


DIVISION  AMONG  THE  FRIENDS. 


235 


the  circumstances  of  their  conclusions,  believing 
that  the  course  of  action  the  committee  had  decided 
upon  would  not  heal  the  breach  or  effect  the  object 
of  their  mission  to  this  country.  This  conference 
resulted  in  our  addressing  a  letter  to  the  committee, 
in  brotherly  love,  suggesting  a  different  course. 
This  letter  was  signed  by  fourteen  prominent 
Friends  —  Charles  Osborne,  Daniel  Puckett  and 
others — and  Benjamin  Stanton,  Henry  H.  Way  and 
I  were  nominated  to  carry  it  to  them  at  Richmond 
before  they  started  West,  and  to  have  an  interview 
with  them.  We  were  kindly  received  by  the  com- 
mittee, and  had  a  free  and  open  conversation  with 
these  noble  Christian  men  on  the  subject  of  their 
mission.  We  fully  believed  that  the  course  they 
were  about  to  pursue  would  not  bring  the  differing 
parties  together  as  they  desired,  and  as  we  also 
greatly  desired. 

We  thought  that  if  the  leading  influential  mem- 
bers of  both  parties  could  be  brought  together,  and 
the  causes  of  the  differences  that  produced  the  sep- 
aration investigated,  and  ,  clearly  set  forth  to  the 
committee,  they  might  be  able  to  judge  clearly  and 
intelligently,  and  to  advise  in  the  matter.  But  they 
thought  that  their  minute  of  appointment  from 
London  Yearly  Meeting  would  not  justify  them  in 
taking  that  course,  as  the  address  of  that  meeting 
was  to  anti-slavery  Friends,  advising  them  to  cease 
holding  their  separate  meetings  and  to  return  to  the 
body  from  which  they  had  separated.  London 
Yearly  Meeting  did  not  understand  all  the  causes 
of  the  separation,  but  took  it  for  granted  that  the 


236  REMINISCENCES. 

Society  of  Friends  was  everywhere  an  anti-slavery 
body,  and  bore  a  testimony  against  slavery  both  in 
Europe  and  America.  They  did  not  understand  the 
different  sentiments  among  us  in  .this  country  in 
regard  to  anti-slavery  action — that  the  spirit  of  col- 
onization and  gradual  emancipation  was  deeply 
seated  in  the  minds  of  many  Friends  here,  notwith- 
standing that,  in  their  General  Epistle,  London 
Yearly  Meeting  had  denounced  colonization  as  an 
odions  plan  of  expatriation.  They  were  not  aware 
that  the  great  body  of  the  Society  of  Friends  in 
America  had,  with  nearly  all  other  religious  socie- 
ties, thrown  the  weight  of  their  influence  against 
the  few  true  abolitionists  who  advocated  immediate 
and  unconditional  emancipation. 

Friends  in  America,  as  a  body,  had  fallen  into  the 
popular  current  and  denounced  abolitionism,  though 
there  were  in  all  the  Yearly  Meetings  noble  excep- 
tions, persons  who  had  to  suffer  on  account  of  their 
testimonies,  and  who  stood  firm  in  the  face  of  oppo- 
sition and  battled  for  the  right. 

These  members  of  the  minority  sympathized  with 
us  who  had  dared  to  stand  firm  in  the  cause  of  the 
oppressed  and  suffering  slave,  and  to  the  testimony 
of  the  Society  of  Friends  against  slavery.  We  often 
received  letters  of  cheer  and  encouragement  from 
members  of  other  Yearly  Meetings.  Charles  Os- 
borne, who  was  widely  known  and  loved  as  a  faith- 
f  al  minister  of  the  gospel,  and  who  had  traveled  and 
labored  much  in  the  ministry,  was  among  the  num- 
ber proscribed  and  pronounced  disqualified  for  labor 
in  the  church. 


DIVISION  AMONG  THE  FRIENDS. 


237 


Friends  in  England  had  no  such  trials  to  pass 
through ;  abolitionism  was  popular  there,  and  they 
were  united  in  their  sentiments  on  the  anti-slavery 
subject.  They  united  with  others  in  anti-slavery 
societies,  and  opened  their  meeting-houses  for  anti- 
slavery  meetings.  In  this  country  our  meeting- 
houses were  refused  for  such  purposes,  when  we 
wished  to  assemble  to  plead  the  cause  of  the  slave 
and  to  try  to  enlighten  and  awaken  public  sentiment 
on  the  subject  of  slavery.  We  apprehended  that 
the  English  Committee  were  not  fully  apprised  of 
all  these  circumstances,  which  led  to  our  separation, 
hence  our  letter  to  them  and  our  interview  with 
them.  All  these  matters  were  carefully  laid  before 
them,  and  received  a  kind  and  respectful  hearing, 
but  they  could  not  feel  it  right  to  change  their  pro- 
gramme. 

They  had  decided  to  visit  all  the  different  neigh- 
borhoods of  anti-slavery  Friends  belonging  to  our 
Yearly  Meeting,  call  the  Friends  together  at  their 
meeting-places,  and  after  reading  to  them  the  ad- 
dress of  London  Yearly  Meeting,  advise  them  to 
discontinue  their  separate  organizations,  and  return 
to  the  body.  This  was  as  far  as  they  thought  they 
were  justified  by  their  appointment  to  go  ;  they  felt 
that  they  could  not  act  as  umpires  or  mediators  be- 
tween the  two  parties.  We  assured  them  that  such 
a  course  of  action  could  not  effect  a  reunion.  We 
said  that  anti-slavery  Friends  had  counted  the  cost 
and  suffered  much  before  they  separated ;  that  our 
meetings  had  been  much  blessed,  and  that  we  had 
abundant    evidence    that    our   assemblies   had   been 


238 


REMINISCENCES. 


owned  by  the  great  Head  of  the  Church.  We  had 
been  forced  to  take  the  step  we  did  by  the  act  of 
Indiana  Yearly  Meeting,  and  if  we  enjoyed  religious 
society  at  all  there  was  no  alternative  for  us  but  to 
continue  our  meetings.  Until  a  different  spirit  was 
manifested  by  the  body  we  had  separated  from,  we 
could  not  relinquish  or  discontinue  our  organiza- 
tions ;  we  believed  that  the  cause  we  had  so  much 
at  heart  would  suffer  by  such  a  course.  We  were 
fully  convinced  that  their  labors  in  the  direction 
they  had  decided  upon  would  not  effect  the  object 
desired.  This  seemed  to  make  a  deep  impression 
on  the  mind  of  dear  old  William  Forster ;  indeed, 
all  of  them  seemed  full  of  love  and  kind  feeling  to- 
ward us.  They  talked  freely  with  us  on  the  matter, 
expressing  their  earnest  desire  that  the  unity  of  the 
body  might  be  restored.  We  desired  the  same 
thing,  but  we  were  not  disposed  to  cry  Peace, 
peace,  when  there  was  no  peace.  Those  days 
were  trying  and  proving  seasons  to  many  of  us. 
We  parted  from  the  committee  in  love  and  kind 
feeling,  leaving  them  to  ponder  over  our  sugges- 
tions. But  they  pursued  the  course  planned  out, 
visiting  the  various  neighborhoods  of  anti-slavery 
Friends  on  the  outskirts  of  our  Yearly  Meeting, 
calling  the  people  together  at  their  different  meet- 
ing-places, reading  the  address  to  them,  and  advis- 
ing them  to  discontinue  their  separate  organizations. 
The  result  was  what  we  had  anticipated ;  anti- 
slavery  Friends  were  not  prepared  to  accept  their 
advice  or  to  adhere  to  their  counsels.  I  wish  to 
speak   of    these    dear   Friends   from    England   with 


DIVISION  AMONG  THE  FRIENDS. 


239 


much  love,  and  to  hold  in  kind  remembrance  their 
many  good  works,  and  their  devotedness  to  the 
cause  of.  Christ.  But  I  think  they  erred  in  judg- 
ment— as  it  is  possible  for  good  and  wise  men  to  do 
— and  I  believe  they  were  fully  sensible  of  it  before 
they  left  this  country.  Our  separate  organization 
was  kept  up,  and  it  was  nearly  eleven  years  after 
their  visit  that  a  satisfactory  reunion  was  effected. 

Their  meeting  with  anti-slavery  Friends  at  New- 
port was  held  about  three  days  before  they  started 
home.  When  they  arrived  in  town  in  the  morning, 
a  short  time  before  the  appointed  hour  of  their 
meeting,  they  took  quarters  at  the  house  of  William 
Hobbs,  a  prominent  member  of  the  old  Yearly 
Meeting.  At  the  close  of  the  meeting,  I  invited 
them  to  our  house  to  dine,  but  they  declined,  hav- 
ing promised  to  return  to  William  Hobbs'.  I  told 
them  I  wanted  them  to  pay  me  a  visit  before  they 
left  town,  having  learned  that  they  had  to  return  to 
Richmond  that  evening.  I  said  I  had  something  to 
show  them,  which  I  thought  would  interest  them, 
and  which  they  would  be  likely  to  remember  after 
they  returned  to  their  own  country. 

William  Forster  said:  "We  will  go  home  with 
thee  now,"  as  it  was  on  their  way  to  their  stopping 
place.  He  took  me  by  one  arm,  George  Stacy  by 
the  other,  and  the  other  two  Friends  followed  us. 
When  we  arrived  at  our  house,  I  seated  them  in  the 
parlor,  excused  myself  for  a  moment,  and  went  into 
a  back  room  where  there  were  fourteen  fugitive 
slaves,  who  had  arrived  the  night  before.  An  old 
white-haired  grandmother  was  there,  with  several  of 


240  REMINISCENCES. 

her  children  and  grandchildren ;  one  of  her  daugh- 
ters had  a  child  three  months  old.  I  invited  them 
all  to  follow,  me  into  the  parlor  to  see  the  four  En- 
glish Friends,  telling  them  the  gentlemen  lived 
on  the  other  side  of  the  ocean  where  there  was  no 
slavery,  and  were  true  friends  to  the  slave.  This 
seemed  to  remove  all_  fear  from  them,  and  they  fol- 
lowed me  into  the  parlor.  I  had  them  to  stand  in  a 
semicircle,  and  introduced  them  to  the  English 
Friends  as  fugitive  slaves  fleeing  from  the  land  of 
whips  and  chains,  and  seeking  safety  in  the  Queen's 
dominions.  The  Friends  all  rose  and  shook  hands 
with  them.  Taking  the  child  in  my  arms,  I  said : 
"See  this  innocent  babe,  which  was  born  a  slave, " 
and  handed  it  to  George  Stacy,  who  stood  near  me. 
He  took  it  in  his  arms  and  fondled  it,  for  it  was  a 
pleasant  looking  child.  All  the  Friends  seemed 
deeply  interested,  and  asked  the  fugitives  many 
questions.  The  old  woman  seemed  to  be  quite  in- 
telligent, and  answered  their  questions  readily. 

William  Forster  said:  "It  is  a  long  road  to  Can- 
ada ;  do  you  think  you  will  ever  reach  that  coun- 
try?" He  did  not  know  the  facilities  of  the  Under- 
ground Railroad. 

The  old  negress  replied:  "De  Lord  has  been  with 
us  dis  far,  an'  I  trust  He  will  go  with  us  to  de  end 
of  de  journey." 

William  Forster  said:   "Thou  art  old  and  feeble." 

"Yes,  massa, "  she  replied,  "but  I'se  been  pray- 
in'  de  good  Lord  a  great  while  to  let  me  breathe 
one  mouthful  of  free  air  before  I  died,  and  bress  his 
great  name,    He  opened  de  way  so  dat  we  got  off 


DIVISION  AMONG  THE  FRIENDS. 


241 


safe  and  He  has  guided  us  to  dis  good  man's  house, 
and  he  and  his  good  wife  has  give  us  clothes  to 
make  us  warm,  and  when  we  rest  a  little  so  we  can 
stand  more  night  travel,  he  says  he  will  send  us  on. 
May  de  Lord  bress  him !  You  see,  gent'men,  dat 
de  Lord  is  good  to  us  and  helps  us." 

Many  more  questions  were  asked  by  the  Friends, 
and  answered  by  the  old  woman  and  others  of  the 
party.  The  Friends  seemed  so  interested  that  they 
hardly  knew  how  to  close  the  interview.  When  the 
fugitives  retired,  I  turned  to  George  Stacy,  and 
said: 

"For  pleading  the  cause  of  innocent  babes  like 
the  one  thou  held  in  thy  arms,  and  sheltering  the 
fugitives,  such  as  you  have  seen,  we  have  been 
proscribed.  Now,  my  dear  friends,  if  you  fully 
understood  the  difference  of  sentiment  that  exists, 
and  the  course  pursued  by  some  of  the  leading 
members  of  Indiana  Yearly  Meeting,  which  led  to 
our  separation,  you  could  not  advise  the  discontin- 
uance of  our  organization,  while  they  persist  in 
their  course  toward  us.  Your  efforts  have  strength- 
ened the  opposition  to  our  labors." 

I  then  alluded  to  the  course  pursued  by  the  com- 
mittee of  the  old  Yearly  Meeting,  when  they  visited 
the  Quarterly  and  Monthly  Meetings  to  enforce  the 
epistle  of  advice  issued  by  the  Yearly  Meeting. 
My  remarks  seemed  to  make  a  deep  impression  on 
their  minds.  William  Forster  said :  "It  must  have 
been  very  trying,  indeed,"  to  which  the  others  as- 
sented. Their  time  had  now  expired  and  we  must 
21 


242 


REMINISCENCES. 


separate,    but,  before  starting,  William  Forster  said 
to  his  companions : 

"We  must  not  leave  this  country  without  having 
a  more  deliberate  opportunity  with  Levi  Coffin ;  I 
do  not  feel  satisfied."  After  consulting  together  a 
few  moments,  they  asked  me  if  I  would  be  willing 
to  meet  them  at  Richmond.  I  said  that  I  would, 
and  told  them  to  appoint  the  time  and  place  most 
convenient  to  themselves,  and  I  would  endeavor  to 
meet  them  promptly.  They  had  an  appointment 
for  the  next  day  at  Dover,  which  would  close  their 
labors  in  that  part  of  the  country,  and  suggested 
that  I  meet  them  the  day  following,  at  nine 
o'clock  in  the  morning.  The  place  appointed  was 
the  house  of  my  cousin,  Elijah  Coffin,  in  Rich- 
mond, where  they  made  their  headquarters.  I 
suggested  having  another  Friend  to  accompany  me, 
but  they  seemed  to  prefer  an  interview  with  me 
alone.  I  met  them  at  the  hour  appointed,  having 
a  deep  sense  of  my  incompetency  to  engage  in 
debate  with  four  well-educated  and  well-informed 
English  gentlemen.  William  Forster  was  a  prom- 
inent and  widely  known  minister,  George  Stacy  was 
clerk  of  London  Yearly  Meeting,  and  Josiah  Fors- 
ter and  John  Allen  were  highly  esteemed  elders. 
How  could  I,  a  lay-member  of  a  proscribed  body 
of  abolitionists,  venture  to  differ  from  or  call  into 
question  the  acts  of  these  wise  Christian  fathers 
in  the  church?  These  feelings  and  thoughts  passed 
through  my  mind  as  I  proceeded  to  Richmond,  and 
I  prayed  earnestly  that  I  might  be  guided  and 
rightly  directed   in  everything   I  uttered — that  self 


THE  ENGLISH  DELEGATION. 


243 


might  be  entirely  subdued  and  nothing  but  the 
cause  of  Christ  and  his  poor  have  any  place  in  my 
mind.  I  was  cordially  greeted  by  the  committee 
and  conducted  to  a  room  which  had  been  prepared 
for  the  meeting,  where  we  would  not  be  interrupted. 

All  diffidence  or  embarrassment  had  passed  away ; 
I  felt  calm  and  quiet  in  my  mind,  and  much  open- 
ness and  freedom  seemed  to  be  felt  by  us  all.  Will- 
iam Forster  opened  the  conversation  by  saying  that 
when  they  were  at  my  house  their  time  was  so 
limited  that  I  did  not  have  the  opportunity  of  ex- 
pressing all  that  I  wished  to  say  on  the  subject  of 
our  trials  and  in  regard  to  their  labors  among  us, 
and  that  he  felt  it  was  right  to  give  me  a  further 
opportunity,  and  hoped  that  we  might  be  brought 
nearer  together  in  sympathy.  I  then  commenced 
where  our  conversation  at  my  house  had  ended,  and 
gave  them,  in  detail,  the  beginning  and  continuance 
of  our  difficulties  on  the  anti-slavery  subject,  show- 
ing how  the  opposition  spirit  gained  the  ascendency 
and  proscribed  Charles  Osborne  and  other  promi- 
nent Friends. 

I  spoke  more  fully  of  the  measures  adopted  by 
the  Yearly  Meeting,  which  caused  many  of  us  to 
pass  through  deep  trials  and  sufferings,  and  finally 
brought  about  the  separation,  and  said  that  I  be- 
lieved the  matter  was  not  fully  understood  by  Lon- 
don Yearly  .Meeting,  that  if  it  had  been,  they  would 
not  have  issued  that  address  advising  us  to  discon- 
tinue our  separate  organization.  Yearly  Meetings 
are  not  infallible,  I  continued,  and  individuals  are 
not  infallible,  and  you,  my  dear  friends,  may  have 


244 


REMINISCENCES. 


erred  in  judgment  from  lack  of  a  full  understanding 
of  this  difficulty,  for  you  are  only  men. 

George  Stacy,  who  sat  near  me,  patted  me  affec- 
tionately on  the  knee,  and  said:  "We  know  that, 
Levi;  we  are  very  poor  creatures  of  ourselves." 

William  Forster  said:  "I  hope  thou  wilt  award 
honesty  to  our  purpose." 

I  said:  " Certainly  I  will.  I  love  you  as  Chris- 
tian brothers  and  have  no  doubt  of  the  honesty  of 
your  purpose,  but  your  labors  will  not  have  the 
desired  effect.  Our  organization  will  not  be  discon- 
tinued until  a  different  spirit  is  manifested  by  the 
opposing  party,  and  Indiana  Yearly  Meeting  opens 
the  way  for  a  reunion."  The  committee  asked 
many  questions,  which  I  endeavored  to  answer  care- 
fully. They  seemed  to  be  deeply  impressed  and 
often  said  in  the  course  of  my  statements,  "How 
painful  and  trying  that  must  have  been."  They 
appeared  very  humble  and  manifested  much  love 
and  kindness  in  their  manner  toward  me.  I  felt 
perfect  freedom  during  the  interview,  notwithstand- 
ing the  misgivings  I  had  felt  beforehand.  After 
spending  two  hours  together  we  parted,  with  many 
expressions  of  love  and  kind  feeling.  After  their 
return  home,  I  received  several  communications 
from  them  which  expressed  the  same  brotherly  feel- 
ings. Eight  years  afterward  London  Yearly  Meet- 
ing issued  an  address  to  the  President  of  the  United 
States  and  the  governors  of  the  various  States  in 
America,  on  the  subject  of  slavery. 

William  Forster,  that  noble  anti-slavery  Christian 
minister,  volunteered  to  carry  the  address  and  visit 


THE  ENGLISH  DELEGATION. 


245 


all  the  governors  and  heads  of  departments  in  our 
Government.  Josiah  Forster,  his  brother,  and  two 
other  Friends,  John  Candler  and  William  Holmes, 
were  appointed  to  accompany  him  in  this  undertak- 
ing. I  was  then  living  in  Cincinnati.  I  heard  of 
their  arrival  in  America,  but  had  no  knowledge  of 
their  having  reached  this  city  until  I  went  to 
Friend's  Meeting  one  First  day,  and  saw  William 
Forster  sitting  at  the  head  of  the  meeting,  with  his 
brother  Josiah  by  his  side.  I  was  rejoiced  to  see 
these  dear  friends  again. 

William  Forster  was  favored  to  preach  the  gospel 
with  great  power  and  unction  that  day.  As  soon  as 
the  meeting  closed  he  made  his  way  to  me  and 
grasped  my  hand,  having  previously  recognized  me. 
He  told  me  that  they  had  arrived  in  the  city  the 
evening  before  and  had  taken  quarters  at  Abraham 
Taylor's,  and  invited  me  to  go  with  them  and  dine. 
I  excused  myself,  as  we  had  company  to  dine  with 
us  that  day,  and  invited  them  to  visit  us,  which 
they  promised  to  do.  We  then  had  charge  of  the 
Colored  Orphan  Asylum.  In  the  afternoon  they 
made  us  a  visit  and  spent  a  few  hours  very  pleas- 
antly. They  had  the  orphan  children  collected 
together,  and  spoke  in  an  interesting  manner,  im- 
parting much  wholesome  counsel  to  them.  Learn- 
ing that  the  asylum  was  a  benevolent  institution, 
dependent,  on  contributions  for  support,  they  gave 
some  money  to  be  applied  as  we  saw  fit.  We  had 
taken  charge  of  the  asylum  a  short  time,  to  try  to 
build  it  up  and  get  it  in  a  good  condition.  When 
the  English  Friends  were  ready  to  start  away,  Will- 


246 


REMINISCENCES. 


iam  Forster  declined  to  get  into  the  carriage,  say- 
ing that  he  would  walk  with  me  a  short  distance,  as 
he  wished  to  have  some  conversation  with  me  before 
we  parted.  We  walked  together  slowly  for  several 
squares.  He  said  he  had  often  thought  of  me  since 
we  parted  at  Richmond,  eight  years  before,  and 
expressed  the  kind  feelings  he  still  had  for  me. 

I  expressed  the  same  for  him,  and  went  on  to 
say  that  the  breach  was  not  yet  healed  in  Indiana 
Yearly  Meeting,  but  a  very  different  feeling  was 
now  manifested  toward  us.  Many  of  our  opposers 
showed  a  kind  and  loving  spirit ;  several  of  the 
prominent  members  of  the  old  Yearly  Meeting 
had  acknowledged  to  me  that  the  Yearly  Meeting 
did  wrong  in  taking  the  course  that  brought  about 
the  separation.  I  believed  the  way  was  opening 
for  a  reunion ;  many  of  the  younger  members 
of  the  old  Yearly  Meeting  were  now  boldly  advo- 
cating the  cause  we  had  espoused ;  the  proscriptive 
measures  were  no  longer  prosecuted ;  and  a  change 
had  been  made  in  their  Discipline,  which  opened  a 
door  for  us  to  reunite  with  them.  William  Forster 
seemed  much  rejoiced  on  hearing  these  statements. 
I  told  him  that  a  change  of  public  sentiment  was 
rapidly  taking  place  in  the  North,  both  in  Church 
and  State,  and  that  abolitionism  had  lost  much  of 
the  odium  formerly  attached  to  it.  This  also  seemed 
to  rejoice  his  heart,  and  he  said  he  earnestly  hoped 
that  a  happy  reunion  would  soon  be  effected  in  In- 
diana Yearly  Meeting.  He  expressed  much  satis- 
faction and  comfort  in  our  interview,  and  said  that 
it  was  probably  the  last  time  we  would  meet  in  this 


THE  ENGLISH  DEPUTATION. 


247 


world,  but  that  he  hoped  we  would  meet  in.  the 
realms  of  never-ending  peace  and  joy.  We  parted 
with  much  love  for  each  other. 

The  next  day  the  party  visited  the  governor  of 
Kentucky,  then  went  by  way  of  Indianapolis  to  Illi- 
nois, Wisconsin,  and  Missouri,  and  continued  their 
tour  through  the  Southern  States,  visiting  the  gov- 
ernor of  each  State.  They  had  a  kind  reception  and 
respectful  hearing  in  every  instance.  This  arduous 
work  and  extensive  travel  proved  too  much  for  the 
strength  of  William  Forster.  He  was  taken  sick, 
and  died  in  East  Tennessee,  before  their  mission 
was  completed.  '  A  full  account  of  his  peaceful  and 
happy  close  is  given  in  the  "Memoirs  of  William 
Forster,"  edited  by  Benjamin  Seebohm.  He  was 
buried  in  Friends'  burying-ground,  at  Friendsville, 
Blount  County,  East  Tennessee. 

The  remaining  members  of  the  delegation  finished 
the  work  of  their  mission,  and  returned  to  England 
in  the  spring  of  1854.  When  I  heard  of  the  death 
of  this  dear  old  Friend  and  faithful  servant  of  the 
Lord,  it  was  a  great  comfort  and  satisfaction  to  me 
to  remember  our  last  interview  in  Cincinnati. 

FIRST   VISIT    TO    CANADA. 

In  the  fall  of  1844,  William  Beard,  of  Union 
County,  Indiana,  a  minister  of  the  religious  Society 
of  Friends,  felt  a  concern  to  visit,  in  gospel  love,  the 
fugitive  slaves  who  had  escaped  from  Southern 
bondage  and  settled  in  Canada.  A  number  of  them 
had  stopped  at  his  house  in  their  flight,  and  had 
been  forwarded  by  him  to  my  house,  a  distance  of 


248  REMINISCENCES. 

thirty  miles.  He  felt  that  I  was  the  person  who 
should  accompany  him  on  this  mission,  and  came  to 
see  me  to  present  the  subject.  I  heartily  united 
with  him,  having  felt  a  similar  desire.  We  then  laid 
the  concern  before  our  different  Monthly  Meetings, 
where  it  was  cordially  united  with,  and  a  certificate 
of  unity  and  concurrence  was  given  us.  Thus  pro- 
vided with  the  proper  credentials,  and  with  the  love 
of  God  in  our  hearts,  we  set  out  on  our  mission  to 
the  poor  fugitives,  intending  also  to  visit  the  mis- 
sionary stations  among  the  Indians  in  Canada. 

We  started  on  horseback  on  the  sixteenth  day  of 
the  ninth  month — September.  On  our  way  we  vis- 
ited several  colored  settlements  in  Ohio  and  Michi- 
gan, and  held  meetings  with  the  people. 

We  reached  Detroit  on  the  twenty-fifth  of  the 
ninth  month,  about  noon,  and  in  company  with  Dr. 
Porter,  a  noted  abolitionist  of  that  city,  spent  the 
afternoon  visiting  the  colored  schools  and  various 
families  of  fugitives,  many  of  whom  remembered 
us,  having  stopped  at  our  houses  on  their  way  from 
slavery  to  freedom.  In  the  evening  we  attended  a 
good  meeting  among  the  colored  people,  and  visited 
Aunt  Rachel,  whose  story  of  escape  and  suffering  is 
given  elsewhere.  She  had  come  over  from  Canada 
and  settled  in  Detroit.  She  was  married,  and  had  a 
kind  husband.  I  had  not  seen  her  since  she  left  my 
house,  eight  years  before. 

On  the  twenty-sixth  we  passed  over  to  Windsor, 
on  the  Canada  side.  Here,  and  at  Sandwich,  we 
visited  a  number  of  colored  families,  many  of  whom 
recognized  me  at  once,  having  been  at  my  house  in 


VISIT  TO  CANADA.  249 

the  days  of  their  distress  when  fleeing  from  a  land 
of  whips  and  chains. 

The  Queen's  Court  was  in  session  at  Sandwich 
while  we  were  there,  and  a  white  man  was  on  trial 
for  having,  under  the  inducement  of  a  bribe,  de- 
coyed a  fugitive  across  the  river  into  the  hands  of 
his  master.  We  went  into  court  and  listened  for  a 
time  with  much  interest  to  the  lawyers  pleading. 
We  heard  Colonel  Prince  reaffirm  the  proud  boast 
of  England,  that  the  moment  a  fugitive  set  his  foot 
on  British  soil  his  shackles  fell  off  and  he  was  free. 
We  afterward  learned  that  a  heavy  penalty  of  fine 
and  imprisonment  was  placed  on  the  culprit. 

From  Sandwich  we  made  our  way  down  the  Can- 
ada side  of  the  Detroit  River  to  Amherstburg,  gen- 
erally called  Fort  Maiden,  near  the  head  of  Lake 
Erie.  In  this  old  military  town,  and  in  the  vicinity,  a 
great  many  fugitives  had  located.  The  best  tavern,  or 
house  of  public  entertainment,  in  the  town,  was  kept 
by  William  Hamilton,  a  colored  man.  While  at  this 
place  we  made  our  headquarters  at  Isaac  J.  Rice's 
missionary  buildings,  where  he  had  a  large  school 
for  colored  children.  He  had  labored  here  among 
the  colored  people,  mostly  fugitives,  for  six  years. 
He  was  a  devoted  self-denying  worker,  had  received 
very  little  pecuniary  help,  and  had  suffered  many 
privations.  He  was  well  situated  in  Ohio,  as  pastor- 
of  a  Presbyterian  church,  and  had  fine  prospects 
before  him,  but  believed  that  the  Lord  called  him 
to  this  field  of  missionary  labor  among  the  fugitive 
slaves  who  came  here  by  hundreds  and  by  thou- 
sands,  poor,   destitute  and  ignorant,   suffering  from 


250 


REMINISCENCES. 


all  the  evil  influences  of  slavery.  We  entered  into 
deep  sympathy  with  him  in  his  labors,  realizing  the 
great  need  there  was  here  for  just  such  an  institu- 
tion as  he  had  established.  He  had  sheltered  at  this 
missionary  home  many  hundreds  of  fugitives  till 
other  homes  for  them  could  be  found.  This  was 
the  great  landing  point,  the  principal  terminus  of 
the  Underground  Railroad  of  the  West. 

We  held  meetings  among  the  fugitives  here  and 
in  the  various  settlements  in  the  neighborhood. 
Isaac  J.  Rice  accompanied  us  on  these  visits,  and 
down  the  lake  to  Colchester  and  Gosfield.  Here  we 
had  several  meetings  and  visited  many  families, 
hearing  thrilling  stories  of  their  narrow  escapes, 
their  great  sufferings  and  the  remarkable  providences 
thafr  attended  their  efforts  to  gain  freedom.  They 
told  how  they  had  prayed  to  the  Lord,  asking  him 
to  be  with  them  and  protect  them  in  their  flight 
from  their  tyrannical  masters,  and  how  he  had  never 
forsaken  them  in  their  time  of  need,  but  had  ful- 
filled his  promise  to  go  with  them.  They  frequently 
spoke  as  if  they  had  held  personal  conversations 
with  the  Lord,  and  their  simple  and  untutored  lan- 
guage was  full  of  expression  of  praise  and  thanks- 
giving. I  was  often  led  to  believe  that  these  poor 
ignorant  and  degraded  sons  and  daughters  of  Africa, 
who  were  not  able  to  read  the  words  of  the  precious 
Savior,  were  blessed  with  a  clearer,  plainer  manifest- 
ation of  the  Holy  Spirit  than  many  of  us  who  have 
had  better  opportunites  of  cultivation.  My  heart 
was  often  touched  and  my  eyes  filled  with  tears  on 
hearing  their  simple  stories,  or  listening  to  their  fer- 


VISIT  TO  CANADA.  2$  I 

vent  earnest  prayers  in  the  services  of  family  devo- 
tion, which  we  held  from  house  to  house.  Holding 
meetings  in  families  and  in  public  constituted  our 
work  among  them.  We  visited  all  the  principal  set- 
tlements of  fugitives  in  Canada  West,  as  well  as  the 
various  missionary  stations  among  the  tribes  of 
Indians  there,  and  had  an  interesting  and  satisfac- 
tory season  among  them.  We  spent  nearly  two 
months  in  this  way,  traveling  from  place  to  place  on 
horseback,  as  there  were  no  railroads  in  that  section 
then. 

Leaving  Gosfield  County  we  made  our  way  to 
Chatham  and  Sydenham,  visiting  the  various  neigh- 
borhoods of  colored  people.  We  spent  several  days 
at  the  settlement  near  Down's  Mills,  and  visited  the 
institution  under  the  care  of  Hiram  Wilson,  caWed 
the  British  and  American  Manual  Labor  Institute 
for  Colored  Children.  Friends  in  England  had  fur- 
nished the  money  to  purchase  the  land  and  aid  in 
establishing  the  institution ;  Friends  of  New  York 
Yearly  Meeting  also  contributed  to  aid  this  work. 
The  school  was  then  in  a  prosperous  condition. 

From  this  place  we  proceeded  up  the  river 
Thames  to  London,  visiting  the  different  settlements 
of  colored  people  on  our  way,  and  then  went  to  the 
Wilberforce  Colony.  This  was  the  only  settlement 
we  visited  in  our  travels  where  we  did  not  find  fugi- 
tives who  had  been  sheltered  under  my  roof  and  fed 
at  my  table  during  their  flight  from  bondage. 

At  the  close  of  our  religious  meetings  I  generally 
addressed  the  colored  people  on  the  subject  of  edu- 
cation.    I   urged  the  parents  to  send  their  children 


252  REMINISCENCES. 

to  school,  and  to  attend  Sabbath-schools  and  night- 
schools  themselves  whenever  opportunity  offered  ; 
to  learn  at  least  to  read  the  Bible.  We  had  visited 
most  of  their  schools,  and  I  contrasted  their  present 
situation  and  advantages  with  their  former  state  of 
servitude,  where  they  were  not  allowed  to  learn  to 
read.  I  sometimes  mentioned  that  I  had  had  the 
privilege  of  aiding  some  of  them  in  the  time  of 
their  distress,  of  sheltering  them  under  my  roof  and 
feeding  them  at  my  table  when  they  were  fleeing 
from  the  hardships  and  cruelties  of  slavery  and  seek- 
ing safety  and  freedom  in  the  Queen's  dominions. 
Whenever  I  touched  that  subject  it  brought  out 
shouts  of  "Bless  the  Lord  !  I  know  you.  If  it 
hadn't  been  for  you  I  wouldn't  be  here  ;"  and  at 
the  t  close  of  the  meeting  the  people  would  come 
round  us  to  shake  hands  in  such  crowds  that  it  was 
impossible  for  all  to  get  hold  of  our  hands.  Some 
would  cling  to  our  garments  as  if  they  thought 
they  would  impart  some  virtue.  I  often  met  fugi- 
tives who  had  been  at  my  house  ten  or  fifteen 
years  before,  so  long  ago  that  I  had  forgotten 
them,  and  could  recall  no  recollection  of  them 
until  they  mentioned  some  circumstance  that 
brought  them  to  mind.  Some  of  them  were  well 
situated,  owned  good  farms,  and  were  perhaps  worth 
more  than  their  former  masters.  Land  had  been 
easily  obtained  and  many  had  availed  themselves  of 
this  advantage  to  secure  comfortable  homesteads. 
Government  land  had  been  divided  up  into  fifty- 
acre  lots,  which  they  could  buy  for  two  dollars  an 
acre,  and  have  ten  years  in  which  to  pay  for  it,  and 


VISIT  TO  CANADA. 


253 


if  it  was  not  paid  for  at  the  end  of  that  time  they 
did  not  lose  all  the  labor  they  had  bestowed  on  it, 
but  received  a  clear  title  to  the  land  as  soon  as 
they  paid  for  it. 

We  found  many  of  the  fugitives  more  comfortably 
situated  than  we  expected,  but  there  was  much  des- 
titution and  suffering-  among  those  who  had  recently 
come  in.  Many  fugitives  arrived  weary  and  foot- 
sore, with  their  clothing  in  rags,  having  been  torn 
by  briers  and  bitten  by  dogs  on  their  way,  and  when 
the  precious  boon  of  freedom  was  obtained,  they 
found  themselves  possessed  of  little  else,  in  a 
country  unknown  to  them  and  a  climate  much 
colder  than  that  to  which  they  were  accustomed. 

We  noted  the  cases  and  localities  of  destitution, 
and  after  our  return  home  took  measures  to  collect 
and  forward  several  large  boxes  of  clothing  and  bed- 
ding to  be  distributed  by  reliable  agents  to  the  most 
needy.  Numbers  arrived  every  week  on  the  differ- 
ent lines  of  the  Underground  Railroad,  destitute  of 
every  comfort  and  almost  of  clothing ;  so  we  found 
that  end  of  our  road  required  Christian  care  and 
benevolence  as  well  as  this.  We  were  gratified  to 
learn  that  the  colored  people  of  Canada  had  organ- 
ized benevolent  associations  among  themselves,  for 
the  purpose  of  assisting  the  newly  arrived  fugitives 
as  far  as  they  could. 

William  Beard  and  I  afterward  made  short  tours 
to  Canada  at  different  times  to  look  after  the  welfare 
of  the  fugitives.  At  the  time  of  our  visit,  in  1844, 
there  was  said  to  be  about  forty  thousand  fugitives 
in  Canada  who  had  escaped  from  Southern  bondage. 


254 


REMINISCENCES. 


While  mingling  with  the  fugitives  in  Canada  we 
heard  many  interesting  stories  of  individual  adven- 
tures and  trials,  a  few  of  which  will  be  given. 

The  first  may  be  appropriately  called  : 

A  SPECIAL  PROVIDENCE. 

There  lived  in  Mississippi,  a  black  woman  who 
was  poor,  ignorant,  and  a  slave,  but  rich  in  the 
knowledge  of  the  truth  as  it  is  in  Jesus,  and  strong 
in  unwavering  faith.  Working  in  the  field  under 
the  driver's  lash,  or  alone  in  her  little  hut,  she  never 
ceased  praying  to  God,  asking  him  to  help  her  to 
escape,  and  assist  and  protect  her  on  the  long  jour- 
ney to  the  North.  She  had  heard  there  was  a  place 
called  Canada,  far  to  the  northward,  where  all  were 
free,  and  learned  that,  in  order  to  reach  it,  she  must 
go  a  long  way  up  the  Mississippi  River,  then  cross 
over  and  steer  her  course  by  the  north  star.  Finally, 
her  prayers  seemed  to  be  answered,  and  she  had 
perfect  faith  that  she  would  be  preserved  through 
all  the  dangers  that  would  menace  her  if  she  ran 
away. 

One  night,  when  all  around  were  wrapped  in  sleep, 
she  put  a  small  supply  of  food  and  some  clothing 
together,  in  a  little  bundle,  and,  stealing  away  from 
the  negro  quarters,  left  the  plantation  and  plunged 
into  the  forest,  which  was  there  a  labyrinth  of 
swamps  and  cane-brakes.  She  made  her  way 
through  this  slowly,  for  several  days,  often  hearing 
the  bloodhounds  baying  on  her  track,  or  perhaps  in 
search  of  other  fugitives.  Slaves  often  fled  to  these 
swamps  and  took   refuge  among  the  thickets,   pre- 


A  REMARKABLE  PROVIDENCE. 


255 


ferring  the  companionship  of  the  deadly  moccasin 
snake  and  the  alligator,  and  the  risk  of  death  from 
starvation  or  exposure  to  the  cruel  treatment  of 
their  masters,  and  the  keen  cut  of  the  overseer's 
lash. 

This  slave  woman  managed  to  evade  the  dogs  by- 
wading  in  pools  and  streams  of  water,  where  she 
knew  they  would  lose  the  scent  and  be  thrown  off 
her  trail.  One  time,  however,  she  heard  the  deep 
baying  of  the  bloodhounds  coming  toward  her, 
when  she  was  some  distance  from  any  water.  There 
was  no  way  of  escape  and  she  knew  they  would 
soon  come  up  with  her,  and  perhaps  tear  her  to 
pieces  before  the  pursuers  could  reach  them.  In 
this  dire  extremity,  she  fell  on  her  knees  and  asked 
God  to  preserve  her — to  give  her  some  sign  of  his 
protecting  power ;  then,  with  all  fear  gone,  she  rose 
to  her  feet  and  calmly  watched  the  dogs  approach. 
As  they  came  near,  she  took  from  her  pocket  a 
handful  of  crumbs — the  remainder  of  the  food  she 
had  brought — and  held  them  out  toward  the  hounds. 
They  came  up  to  her,  but  instead  of  seizing  and 
mangling  her,  they  gamboled  about  her,  licked  the 
crumbs  from  her  hands,  then  ran  off  through  the 
forest. 

This  remarkable* preservation  she  felt  was  the 
sign  she  had  asked  of  God,  and,  falling  on  her  knees 
once  more,  she  dedicated  herself  wholly  to  him, 
vowing  that  if  she  reached  Canada,  the  rest  of  her 
life  should  be  devoted  solely  and  entirely  to  his  ser- 
vice. She  had  a  long  journey  after  that,  lasting  for 
several  months,  and  encountered  many  dangers,  but 


256 


REMINISCENCES. 


was  preserved  safe  through  them  all.  She  traveled 
at  night  and  hid  in  the  thickets  during  the  day, 
living  mostly  on  fruit  and  green  corn,  but  venturing 
now  and  then  to  call, at  negro  huts  and  beg  for  a 
little  of  the  scanty  food  which  they  afforded.  When 
she  came  to  rivers  and  streams  of  water  too  deep 
for  wading,  she  made  rafts  of  logs  or  poles,  tied 
together  with  grape-vines  or  hickory  withs,  and 
poled  or  paddled  herself  across  as  best  she  could. 
Reaching  Illinois,  she  met  with  kind  people  who 
aided  her  on  to  Detroit,  Michigan.  Here  also  she 
found  friends  and  was  ferried  across  to  Canada.  A 
colored  minister  who  witnessed  her  arrival  says  that, 
on  landing,  she  fell  on  her  knees  and  kissed  the  shore, 
and  thanked  the  Lord  for  his  wonderful  mercy  in 
preserving  her  through  so  many  dangers  and  bring- 
ing her  at  last  to  the  land  of  freedom.  She  then 
arose  and  jumped  up  and  down  for  half  an  hour, 
shouting  praises  to  God  and  seeming  almost  delir- 
ious in  her  great  joy.  We  were  informed  that  she 
was  a  devoted  Christian  worker,  and  was  earnestly 
endeavoring  to  fulfill  her  vows  and  promises  to  the 
Lord. 

aunt  susy's  dream. 

The  following  story  was  related  to  us  at  Amherst- 
burg,  by  a  negro  woman.  She  had  been  a  slave  in 
South  Carolina,  and  though  she  had  longed  all  her 
Life  to  be  free,  no  opportunity  for  escape  had  pre- 
sented itself.  At  last,  when  she  was  approaching 
middle  age  and  was  the  mother  of  several  children, 
she  was  taken  to  one  of  the  Northern  States,  by  her 
master  and   mistress,    who   went    there    on    a   visit. 


A  UNT  S USIE'S  DREAM.  257 

She  ran  away  from  them,  and  by  the  aid  of  kind 
people  on  the  way  reached  Canada  in  safety.  She 
rejoiced  to  think  she  was  free,  and  would  have  been 
perfectly  content  in  her  new  home  had  not  the 
thought  of  her  two  children  in  bondage  troubled  her. 
Their  images  were  constantly  before  her  during  her 
waking  hours,  and  in  dreams  she  sought  them  in 
their  Southern  home. 

One  night  she  dreamed  that  she  was  gifted  with 
the  power  of  flight,  and  soared  over  the  long  dis- 
tance that  separated  her  from  the  objects  of  her 
love.  She  alighted  near  her  children  and  was  en- 
tranced in  the  joy  of  a  happy  meeting,  when  their 
master  approached  and  tried  to  take  them  from  her. 
She  placed  one  on  each  of  her  wings,  and,  rising 
high  in  the  air,  flew  back  to  Canada.  Her  heart 
was  so  full  of  joy  at  this  fulfillment  of  her  dearest 
hopes  that  she  shouted  aloud.  With  the  shouting 
she  awoke,  and  realized  that  she  was  still  bereaved, 
but  gathered  comfort  from  her  dream,  regarding  it  as 
an  omen  that  her  children  would  be  restored  to  her. 
The  following  lines  were  written  by  an  English  lady, 
to  whom  I  related  this  incident,  in  the  year  1864, 
when  on  a  mission  to  England  in  behalf  of  the 
Freedmen : 

A  mother  was  sleeping, 

Yet  silently  weeping, 
And  sorrow  stole  over  her  heart  like  a  wave ; 

For  while  liberty  blest  her 

The  feeling  oppressed  her 
That  her  children  were  still  in  the  land  of  the  slave. 
22 


258  REMINISCENCES. 

A  mysterious  power, 

Had  seized  her  that  hour, 
And  her  once  timid  heart  had  grown  fearless  and  brave ; 

And  regardless  of  dangers. 

Of  bloodhounds  and  rangers, 
Undaunted  she  flies  to  the  land  of  the  slave. 

Far,  far  to  the  southward, 

Her  flight  is  still  onward, 
From  Canada's  shore,  by  Ontario's  wave; 

To  the  warm  plains  outspreading, 

Where  the  planter  is  treading, 
That  land  which  is  known  as  the  land  of  the  slave. 

How  her  pulses  are  swelling  ! 

In  her  old  cottage  dwelling, 
She  beholds  the  two  girls  she  has  come  there  to  save ; 

And,  embracing,  doth  tell  them, 
r  That  no  one  shall  sell  them, 

She'll  bear  them  away  from  the  land  of  the  slave. 

The  children  caress  her, 

And  smiling  address  her — 
"Dear  mother!  you  come  to  snatch  us  from  the  grave! 

For  our  master  has  told  us 

This  day  he  has  sold  us, 
To  the  lonesome  rice  swamps  of  the  land  of  the  slave." 

Then  gently  that  mother 

Lifted 'one  and  the  other 
Upon  those  soft  pinions,  so  mighty  to  save ; 

Her  children  upraising, 

While  the  master  stood  gazing, 
She  bears  far  away  from  the  land  of  the  slave ! 

The  mother  was  sleeping, 

At  an  end  was  her  weeping, 
And  loud  was  the  shout  of  rejoicing  she  gave; 

But  alas!   on  awaking, 

The  vision  forsaking, 
Her  children  were  still  in  the  land  of  the  slave. 


THE  STORY  OF  JACKSON.  2$g 

Oh!  ye  English  mothers, 

Ye  sisters  and  brothers, 
Who  love  the  free  children  whom  Providence  gave ; 

Now,  without  stint  or  measure, 

Give  for  those,  from  your  treasure, 
Whose  children  are  still  in  the  land  of  the  slave. 


THE   STORY    OF   JACKSON 

We  heard  from  his  own  lips,  while  visiting-  at  his 
house  in  Canada.  He  had  formerly  been  the  prop- 
erty of  a  man  living  in  Kentucky,  who  found  him  to 
be  a  trusty  servant,  and  frequently  sent  him  on  busi- 
ness errands  some  distance  away.  Jackson  was 
married  to  a  woman  who  was  the  property  of 
another  man,  but  his  master  hired  her  time,  and  the 
husband  and  wife  were  permitted  to  live  together. 
They  had  one  child  at  the  time  the  story  begins. 

One  day  Jackson  was  sent  away  to  a  distant  mar- 
ket with  his  master's  team,  and  while  he  was  gone 
his  wife  and  child  were  sold  by  their  master  to  a 
Southern  trader,  who  removed  them  to  a  place 
about  thirty  miles  distant,  where  the  gang  of  slaves 
was  gathered,  preparatory  to  starting  South  the 
next  day.  The  wife,  torn  so  suddenly  from  her 
home,  was  frantic  with  distress,  and  prayed  to  God 
to  trouble  her  husband's  heart  that  he  might  know 
something  was  wrong,  and  come  to  her  rescue.  Her 
prayer  was  answered,  for  her  husband  had  a  strong 
presentiment  on  the  day  mentioned  that  all  was  not 
well  at  home,  and  not  being  able  to  account  for  it, 
hastened  his  return  and  learned  the  facts.  Taking 
two  of  his  master's  horses  that  night,  he  started  in 
pursuit ;  rode    all    night   and   just   before  daybreak 


26o  REMINISCENCES. 

reached  the  place  where  his  wife  was.  She  had 
slept  none,  but  had  prayed  through  all  the  hours  of 
darkness,  and  so  confident  was  she  that  her  prayer 
would  be  answered  that  as  she  lay  in  the  cabin  with 
the  rest  of  the  gang  of  slaves,  she  kept  her  head 
turned  in  the  direction  whence  her  husband  would 
come,  and  listened  intently  for  the  sound  of  his 
horses'  feet.  When  she  did  hear  him,  she  took  her 
child  in  her  arms,  slipped  out  quietly  in  the  dark, 
and  joined  him.  There  was  no  time  for  explanation 
or  rejoicing  then  ;  they  were  still  in  the  midst  of 
danger  and  must  fly  to  a  place  of  safety  before  they 
uttered  the  feelings  of  their  full  hearts.  Mounting 
the  horses,  and  riding  at  full  speed,  they  made  some 
distance  before  the  growing  light  of  coming  day 
warned  them  to  seek  a  hiding-place.  They  con- 
cealed themselves  in  the  woods  all  that  day,  and 
pursued  their  journey  northward  during  the  night. 
Finally,  they  reached  the  banks  of  the  Ohio  River, 
and  leaving  the  horses,  they  crossed  to  the  other 
side,  where  they  found  friends  who  directed  them 
on  their  way.  In  the  northern  part  of  Ohio,  they 
stopped  in  a  quiet  settlement,  where  the  people 
were  abolitionists.  Here  they  had  a  good  situation 
offered  them,  and  thinking  they  would  be  safe  from 
pursuit  in  this  secluded  neighborhood,  they  accept- 
ed the  offer  and  went  to  work. 

Here  they  remained  several  years,  very  happy  in 
their  humble  home,  and  here  two  more  children 
were  born  to  them.  By  their  industrious  habits 
and  good  conduct  they  gained  the  esteem  of  those 
around  them,  and  seemed  secure  in  the  protection 


A  NARROW  ESCAPE.  26l 

of  so  many  friends.  The  law,  however,  still  re- 
garded them  as  slaves,  and  they  learned  in  time 
that  they  were  not  safe,  even  on  the  soil  of  free 
Ohio. 

An  agent,  sent  out  from  Kentucky  in  search  of 
other  fugitives,  came  into  this  neighborhood,  and 
recognizing  Jackson,  lost  no  time  in  conveying  the 
news  to  his  master.  As  soon  as  he  received  the 
intelligence,  the  master  gathered  a  posse  of  men 
and  came  in  pursuit.  They  pounced  upon  the  un- 
suspecting family  and  were  dragging  them  back  to 
bondage,  when  Jackson's  friends  learned  what  had 
happened  and  came  to  the  rescue.  Hastening  to 
the  county  seat,  they  obtained  a  writ,  and  pursuing 
the  party  arrested  the  master  for  kidnapping,  and 
brought  them  all  back  to  the  Court-House  for  trial. 
Shrewd  lawyers  were  employed,  who  picked  a  flaw 
in  the  writ  which  the  master  had  obtained,  and  the 
slaves  were  released.  The  master  hastened  to  re- 
new his  writ,  intending  now  to  gain  full  legal  pos- 
session of  his  property.  But  Jackson's  friends  were 
wide  awake,  and  did  not  risk  another  arrest.  They 
hurried  the  fugitives  from  the  Court-House  by  a  back 
way,  through  an  alley,  to  a  place  where  a  wagon 
and  two  swift  horses — procured  for  the  occasion — ■ 
were  in  waiting.  They  were  quickly  stowed  in  the 
wagon,  then  the  driver  took  the  reins,  and  off  they 
went  at  full  speed.  The  master  and  his  posse  pur- 
sued them,  but  in  vain.  Jackson  and  his  family 
were  conveyed  to  the  lake  that  night,  and  put  on 
board  a  steamer.  They  crossed  safely  to  Canada, 
and  made  their  home  in  Gosfield  County. 


262  REMINISCENCES. 

At  the  time  he  related  this  story,  Jackson  was 
living  on  land  of  his  own,  in  a  house  erected  by  the 
industry  of  himself  and  family,  and  surrounded  by 
peace  and  prosperity.  He  and  his  wife  often  related 
to  their  children  the  story  of  their  early  hardship 
and  suffering,  and  when  they  contrasted  their  pres- 
ent with  their  former  lot  their  hearts  overflowed 
with  gratitude  to  God  for  his  protecting  and  guiding 
care. 

A  MOTHER  RESCUES  HER  CHILDREN. 

While  at  Fort  Maiden,  on  Lake  Erie,  we  heard 
of  a  brave  woman  named  Armstrong,  who  had 
recently  gone  back  to  Kentucky  and  rescued  five  of 
her  children  from  slavery.  We  were  anxious  to  see 
her  and  hear  the  story  from  her  own  lips,  and  ac- 
cordingly visited  her  .at  her  home  in  Colchester, 
about  ten  miles  below  Maiden.  She  was  a  portly, 
fine-looking  woman,  and  we  were  much  impressed 
with  the  noble  expression  of  her  countenance.  She 
told  us  that  about  two  years  before  she  and  her 
husband,  with  their  youngest  child,  a  babe  a  few 
months  old,  made  their  escape  from  Kentucky. 
Their  home  in  that  State  was  about  ten  miles  from 
the  Ohio  River,  at  a  point  opposite  Ripley,  the 
home  of  that  worthy  divine  and  noted  abolitionist, 
John  Rankin.  After  crossing  the  river,  they  found 
friends  who   helped  them   on  their  way  to  Canada. 

They  gained  freedom  for  themselves,  but  they 
were  not  happy ;  they  had  left  seven  children  in 
slavery.  The  mother  wept  and  prayed  over  their 
fate,  and  planned  continually  how  they  might  be 
rescued.     She  felt  that  she  must  make  some  attempt 


CHILDREN  RESCUED.  26$ 

to  bring  them  away,  but  her  husband  thought  of  the 
risk  and  danger  attending  such  an  effort  on  her  part, 
and  tried  to  dissuade  her  from  going.  She  said:  "I 
inquired  of  the  Lord  concerning  the  matter.  I 
prayed  most  all  night,  and  the  Lord  seemed  to  say, 
'Go.' 

"Next  morning  I  told  my  husband  I  was  going, 
that  the  Lord  would  go  with  me  and  help  me.  I 
had  all  my  plans  laid;  I  dressed  in  men's' clothes, 
and  started.  I  went  to  our  friends  in  Ohio,  and  had 
all  the  arrangements  made  for  a  skiff  to  come  over 
to  the  Kentucky  side.  I  took  by-ways  and  through 
fields  to  old  master's  farm,  and  got  there  in  the  early 
part  of  the  night.  I  hid  myself  near  the  spring, 
and  watched  for  my  children,  for  I  knew  some  of 
them  would  come  to  get  water.  I  had  not  been 
there  long  before  my  eldest  daughter  came.  I  called 
her  name  in  a  low  voice,  and  when  she  started  up 
and  looked  round,  I  told  her  not  to  be  afraid,  that  I 
was  her  mother.  I  soon  convinced  her,  and  her 
alarm  passed  away.  I  then  told  her  my  plans,  and 
she  said  she  could  bring  the  rest  of  the  children  to 
me  when  master  and  mistress  got  to  sleep.  The 
night  was  very  dark,  and  that  favored  our  plans.  She 
brought  all  the  children  to  me  but  two ;  they  were 
sleeping  in  the  room  with  old  master  and  mistress, 
who  had  gone  to  bed,  and  she  could  not  get  them 
out  without  raising  the  alarm.  I  started  with  the 
five,  and  hastened  back  to  the  river  as  fast  as  we 
could  go  in  the  dark.  We  found  the  skiff  waiting 
fr*r  u<?  and  soon  crossed.  On  the  other  side,  a 
wagon  was  ready  to  take  us  in,  and  the  man  with  it 


264 


REMINISCENCES. 


drove  us  a  few  miles  to  a  depot  of  the  Underground 
Railroad.  Here  we  were  secreted  during  the  follow- 
ing day,  and  next  night  were  forwarded  on  to 
another  station,  and  so  on  from  station  to  station 
till  we  reached  Sandusky,  where  we  were  put  on 
board  the  Mayflower — called  the  Abolition  Boat. 
We  landed  safely  at  Fort  Maiden  two  weeks  ago, 
and  are  out  of  old  massa's  reach  now.  The  Lord 
did  help  me,  and  blessed  be  his  holy  name!" 

She  said  she  had  made  arrangements  with  her 
friends  in  Ohio,  living  near  the  river,  to  try  to  get 
her  two  other  children  and  send  them  to  her,  and 
she  had  faith  that  they  would  succeed. 


THE  FREE  LABOR  QUESTION.  26$ 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

FREE  LABOR — TESTIMONY  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN  AND 
OTHERS — MY  CONVICTIONS — FREE-LABOR  SOCIETIES 
OF  NEW  YORK  AND  PHILADELPHIA — OUR  ORGANI- 
ZATION IN  THE  WEST — REMOVAL    TO    CINCINNATI — 

FREE-LABOR     BUSINESS SOUTHERN      COTTON     PRO- 

DUCED    BY    FREE    LABOR — INCIDENTS    OF    A  SOUTH- 
ERN TRIP INTERVIEWS  WITH  SLAVEHOLDERS. 

FOR  several  years  my  mind  had  been  deeply 
impressed  with  the  inconsistency  of  abolition- 
ists partaking  indiscriminately  of  the  unpaid  toil 
of  the  slave.  I  thought  that  to  be  consistent  in 
bearing  testimony  against  slavery,  we  should  dis- 
courage unpaid  labor  and  encourage  paid  labor  as 
far  as  practicable.  I  knew,  however,  that  it  would 
be  very  difficult  to  abstain  entirely  from  the  prod- 
ucts of  slave  labor.  I  was  then  engaged  in  mer- 
cantile business — retailing  dry-goods  and  groceries,  a 
forge  portion  of  which  was  produced  by  slave  labor, 
and  I  knew  of  no  facilities  for  obtaining  free-labor 
goods.  I  had  heard  Charles  Osborne,  a  worthy 
minister  of  the  Society  of  Friends,  express  his  sen- 
timents on  the  subject,  and  they  made  a  deep  im- 
pression on  my  mind.  Charles  Osborne  had  long 
been- a  consistent  and  thorough  abolitionist,  and  was 
23 


266  REMINISCENCES. 

the  editor  of  the  first  anti-slavery  paper  published  in 
America — so  far  as  I  have  any  knowledge — which 
advocated  immediate  and  unconditional  emancipa- 
tion. The  paper  was  called  the  Philanthropist,  and 
was  published  at  Mount  Pleasant,  Ohio,  in  1816. 
The  statement  that  this  was  the  first  paper  favoring 
immediate  and  unconditional  emancipation  may  be 
called  in  question  by  some,  as  the  Genius  of  Univer- 
sal Emancipation,  published  by  Benjamin  Lundy,  in 
East  Tennessee,  has  long  had  the  credit  of  being 
the  first.  But  I  know  that  the  statement  I  make  is 
correct.  Benjamin  Lundy  was  a  journeyman  printer 
under  Charles  Osborne,  in  Mount  Rleasant,  and  went 
from  that  office  to  East  Tennessee.  He  was  accom- 
panied by  Charles  Osborne's  son  Isaiah,  who  aided 
him  in  printing  the  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipa- 
tion. The  Philanthropist  was  also  the  first  paper 
ever  published  in  the  United  States,  which  promul- 
gated the  doctrine  of  the  impropriety  of  using  the 
products  of  slavery. 

In  a  printed  address  to  the  Society  of  Friends, 
written  many  years  after  his  removal  to  the  State  of 
Indiana,  Charles  Osborne  makes  the  following  re- 
marks:  "On  whom  has  the  mantle  of  Woolman 
fallen?  We  have  approved  and  admired  his  course 
on  the  subject  of  slavery  for  more  than  half  a  cen- 
tury, but  with  a  few  exceptions  we  have  halted  and 
stumbled  at  the  most  essential  part  of  his  Christian 
testimony:  that  of  abstaining  from  the  gains  of 
oppression."  This  subject  was  discussed  by  promi- 
nent abolitionists  of  Ohio  and  Indiana,  and  a  paper 
called   the   Free  Labor  Advocate  was   established  at 


THE  FREE  LABOR  QUESTION.  267 

Newport,  Indiana.  It  was  edited  by  Benjamin  Stan- 
ton, and  the  subject  of  free  labor  was  ably  advocated 
in  its  columns. 

About  the  year  1844  I  became  so  strongly  im- 
pressed with  the  horrors  of  slavery,  and  its  results, 
which  were  ever  before  me,  that  I  was  led  to  reflect 
more  deeply  on  the  subject  than  I  had  done  before, 
and  to  view  it  in  all  its  practical  bearings.  I  read 
the  testimony  of  John  Woolman  and  other  writers, 
and  became  convinced  that  it  was  wrong  to  use  the 
product  of  slave  labor.  I  felt  that  it  was  inconsistent 
to  condemn  slaveholders  for  withholding  from  their 
fellow-men  their  just,  natural  and  God-given  rights, 
and  then,  by  purchasing  the  fruits  of  the  labor  of 
their  slaves,  give  them  the  strongest  motive  for  con- 
tinuing their  wickedness  and  oppression.  Knowing 
so  well  the  sad  realities  of  life  on  the  Southern  plan- 
tations, I  felt  that  in  purchasing  and  using  cloth 
made  from  cotton,  grown  by  slaves,  I  made  use  of  a 
product  which  had  been  planted  by  an  oppressed 
laborer,  fanned  by  sighs,  watered  with  tears,  and 
perhaps  dressed  with  the  blood  of  the  victim.  The 
words  of  John  Woolman  found  an  echo  in  my  heart: 
"Seed  sown  with  the  tears  of  a  confined,  oppressed 
people — harvests  cut  down  by  an  overborne,  discon- 
tented reaper,  make  bread  less  sweet  to  the  taste  of 
an  honest  man,  than  that  which  is  the  produce  or 
just  reward  of  such  voluntary  action  as  is  a  proper 
part  of  the  business  of  human  creatures." 

The  free  States  furnished  a  good  market  for  the 
products  of  the  South,  and  made  slave  labor  valu- 
able  to   the   master.      If  it  had   not    been   so,    then 


268  REMINISCENCES. 

John  Randolph's  prophecy  would  have  been  fulfilled 
■ — the  slave  would  not  have  run  away  from  his  mas- 
ter, but  the  master  from  his  slaves,  for  they  would 
have  been  a  burden  and  expense  to  him.  The 
object  of  the  slaveholder  was  to  make  money  by 
selling  the  cotton,  sugar,  etc.,  produced  by  his 
slaves,  and  without  a  market  for  these  he  would 
have  been  deprived  of  the  great  motive  for  holding 
the  negroes  in  bondage.  Northern  consumers,  by 
their  demand  for  articles  thus  produced,  stimulated 
the  system  by  which  they  were  produced,  and  fur- 
nished the  strongest  incentive  for  its  continuance. 

I  felt  by  purchasing  the  products  of  slave  labor,  I 
was  lending  my  individual  encouragement  to  the 
system  by  which,  in  order  to  get  their  labor  without 
wages,  the  slaves  were  robbed  of  everything  else. 
In  the  language  of  Charles  Stuart:  "  Their  bodies 
are  stolen,  their  liberty,  their  right  to  their  wives 
and  children,  their  right  to  cultivate  their  minds  and 
to  worship  God  as  they  please,  their  reputation, 
hope,  all  virtuous  motives,  are  taken  away  by  a 
legalized  system  of  most  merciless  and  consummate 
iniquity.  Such  is  the  expense  at  which  articles  pro- 
duced by  slave  labor  are  attained.  They  are  always 
heavy  with  the  groans  and  often  met  with  the  blood 
Df  the  guiltless  and  suffering  poor."  "If  our  moral 
sense  would  revolt  at  holding  a  slave  ourselves  and 
using  his  unpaid  labor,  it  should  also  revolt  at  using 
his  unpaid  toil  when  held  by  another." 

With  these  strong  convictions,  I  determined,  as  a 
matter  of  conscience,  to  abstain  so  far  as  I  could 
from  the  products  of  slavery,  and  in  my  business  to 


THE  FREE  LABOR  QUESTION.  26g 

buy  and  sell,  so  far  as  possible,  only  the  products 
of  free  labor.  I  had  learned  that  there  had  been 
associations  formed  at  Philadephia  and  New  York, 
which  were  manufacturing  goods  of  free-labor  cot- 
ton, and  that  they  had  obtained  free-labor  groceries 
from  the  British  West  Indies,  and  other  countries, 
where  slavery  did  not  exist.  I  decided  to  go  to 
Philadelphia  and  New  York,  and  ascertain  how  the 
business  of  these  associations  was  managed  — 
whether  it  was  a  mere  speculation  to  make  money 
or  was  conducted  on  conscientious  principles,  and 
whether  the  goods  purchased  were  really  the  prod- 
ucts of  free-labor.  When  I  arrived  at  Philadelphia 
and  made  inquiries,  I  found  that  the  business  was 
conducted  by  such  men  as  Enoch  Lewis,  Abraham 
L.  Pennock,  Samuel  Rhodes,  George  W.  Taylor, 
James  Mott,  James  Miller  McKim,  Charles  Wise, 
etc.  These  were  all  prominent  abolitionists,  and 
well  known  as  conscientious  men  of  high  reputa- 
tions; many  of  them  were  leading  members  of 
the  religious  Society  of  Friends.  They  had  erected 
a  cotton  factory,  which  was  conducted  by  George 
W.  Taylor.  I  found  that  instead  of  making  money 
at  it,  they  were  carrying  on  the  business  at  a  heavy 
sacrifice,  being  actuated  solely  by  conscientious 
principles.  The  cotton  they  were  manufacturing 
was  obtained  from  Friends'  settlements  in  North 
Carolina.  I  was  personally  acquainted  with  their 
agents  in  that  State  who  obtained  it  for  them,  and 
knew  them  to  be  reliable  men.  After  becoming 
fully  satisfied  that  there  was  no  deception,  that  from 
the   field  to  the  factory  the  cotton  could  be  relied 


270  REMINISCENCES. 

upon  as  the  product  of  free  labor,  I  purchased  as 
good  an  assortment  of  cotton  goods  as  I  could  ob- 
tain. The  assortment  was  not  extensive;  in  prints 
particularly  it  was.  quite  limited.  The  goods  were 
mostly  staple  articles  that  afforded  little  profit. 

I  next  went  to  New  York,  and  found  the  business 
there  conducted  by  such  men  as  Robert  Lindley 
Murray,  Lindley  M.  Hoag,  and  other  equally  reli- 
able and  conscientious  men.  They  dealt  mostly 
in  free-labor  groceries,  West-India  sugar,  molasses, 
coffee,  etc.,  and  had  arrangements  for  obtaining 
free-labor  rice,  indigo,  and  other  articles.  They  also 
kept  Laguira,  Mocha,  and  other  coffee,  the  product 
of  free  labor.  Here  I  purchased  my  groceries, 
though  at  a  higher  price  than  I  had  been  accustomed 
to  pay  for  slave  products.  The  assortment  of  free- 
labor  goods  obtainable  was  so  limited  and  the  prices 
of  so  many  articles  higher,  that  I  knew  my  profits 
would  be  curtailed,  and  I  would  lose  many  of  my 
customers.  In  addition  to  the  heavy  pecuniary 
sacrifice  I  would  sustain,  I  expected  to  meet  with 
opposition  and  ridicule,  though  I  knew  that  the  free- 
labor  subject  had  taken  deep  hold  of  the  minds  of 
many  abolitionists  in  my  own  and  other  neighbor- 
hoods, and  that  many  who  desired  to  bear  a  faithful 
testimony  against  slavery  wished  to  get  a  supply  of 
the  products  of  free  labor. 

Cotton  yarn  was  then  much  used  among  the 
farmers  in  the  West  in  making  jeans,  linseys,  etc., 
for  their  own  wear.  This  article  I  could  not  obtain 
from  the  Philadelphia  cotton  mills,  as  they  only  made 
warp  for  their  own  manufactures.      To  obviate  this 


THE  FREE  LABOR  QUESTION.  27 1 

difficulty,  I  purchased  a  bale  of  their  free-labor  cot- 
ton and  shipped  it  to  Indiana,  and  prevailed  on  a 
Friend,  who  owned  a  small  cotton  mill  near  Rich- 
mond, to  clear  his  machinery  of  other  cotton,  and 
make  this  bale  into  warp  for  me.  I  obtained,  after- 
ward, a  larger  supply  of  cotton,  and  visited  the  cot- 
ton mills  at  Dayton  and  Hamilton,  hoping  to  get  it 
manufactured  separately.  I  at  first  met  with  diffi- 
culties, for  the  proprietors  were  not  willing  to  clear 
out  their  machinery,  but  the  foreman  of  one  of  the 
mills  at  Hamilton  was  an  abolitionist,  who  felt  an 
interest  in  promoting  the  cause,  and  he  agreed  to 
do  the  work  for  me,  though  it  entailed  additional 
labor. 

Beside  the  many  obstacles  I  had  to  encounter  in 
obeying  the  dictates  of  my  conscience  on  this  sub- 
ject, I  had  to  contend  with  innumerable  discourage- 
ments, and  to  endure  much  ridicule.  I  had  to  meet 
the  arguments  of  the  pro-slavery  party,  but  I  also 
had  the  support  of  many  warm  friends,  who  har- 
monized with  me  and  encouraged  me  in  the  work, 
and  who  were  willing,  at  any  sacrifice,  to  abstain 
from  the  use  of  slave-labor  products.  In  my  own 
neighborhood  such  prominent  men  of  our  society  as 
Daniel  Puckett,  Benjamin  Thomas,  Samuel  Charles, 
Jonathan  Hough,  Dr.  Henry  H  Way,  Benjamin 
Stanton,  and  many  others,  were  warm  advocates  of 
free  labor,  and  in  other  neighborhoods  I  had  many 
true  friends,  such  as  William  Beard,  Jacob  Grave, 
Daniel  Worth,  and  others. 

My  custom  was  confined  measurably  to  abolition- 
ists,  and  the  supply  of  free-labor  goods  that  could 


272  REMINISCENCES. 

be  obtained  was  inadequate  to  meet  the  demand. 
Better  facilities  for  supplying  the  demand  were 
much  needed.  The  free-labor  subject  had  been 
agitated  in  various  communities  of  anti-slavery  peo- 
ple, and  by  this  time  the  principles  involved  in  it 
had  become  widely  known  and  had  been  adopted 
by  many  in  various  parts  of  the  Western  States. 
In  Ohio  and  Indiana  conventions  were  held  for  the 
purpose  of  devising  some  plan  whereby  free-labor 
goods  could  be  supplied  to  all  who  desired  to  use 
them. 

In  Ohio,  such  men  as  Thomas  Morris,  Samuel 
Lewis,  Dr.  William  H.  Brisbane,  Dr.  G.  Bailey, 
and  John  Joliff,  had  taken  an  interest  in  the  subject. 
Several  plans  were  suggested,  but  as  no  suitable 
person  could  be  found  to  carry  them  out  they  were 
abandoned. 

In  the  autumn  of  1846,  a  union  convention  of 
those  interested  in  the  subject  of  free  labor  was 
held  in  Friends'  Meeting-House  at  Salem,  Union 
County,  Indiana.  It  was  largely  attended  by 
prominent  men  of  Ohio  and  Indiana.  From  Cincin- 
nati came  Dr.  Brisbane,  John  Joliff,  Edward  Har- 
wood,  Thomas  Franklin,  and  others. 

The  convention  held  two  days  and  during  that 
time  the  subject  was  ably  discussed.  A  resolution 
was  passed  to  raise  a  fund  of  thee  thousand  dollars 
to  be  loaned  for  five  years,  without  interest,  to  some 
suitable  person  for  the  purpose  of  enabling  him  to 
open  a  wholesale  depository  of  free-labor  goods  at 
Cincinnati.  A  committee  was  appointed  to  select 
the  person,  and  to  report  his  name  to  the  conven- 


THE  FREE  LABOR  QUESTION.  273 

tion  the  next  day.  The  committee  made  choice  of 
me  and  reported  my  name  to  the  meeting.  The 
resolution  appointing  me  to  the  position  was  carried 
by  acclamation,  but  I  could  not  give  my  consent  to 
accept  the  position.  I  thought  it  would  prove  too 
great  a  sacrifice  to  me  to  "pull  up  stakes"  and 
move  to  Cincinnati.  I  had  lived  in  Newport  twenty 
years,  and  was  much  attached  to  my  house  and  to 
my  friends  and  acquaintances  there.  A  few  years 
before  I  had  built  a  dwelling-house,  taking  much 
pains  to  make  it  comfortable  and  convenient  in  all 
its  appointments,  with  the  expectation  of  occupying 
it  as  long  as  I  lived.  Neither  I  nor  my  wife  thought 
that  we  would  like  city  life,  so  notwithstanding  the 
deep  interest  I  felt  in  the  concern,  I  declined  to 
accept  the  position. 

The  committee  was  continued  for  the  purpose  of 
finding  some  suitable  person  who  would  undertake 
to  carry  out  the  proposed  plan,  and  individuals  of 
different  neighborhoods  were  appointed  to  raise  the 
fund  of  three  thousand  dollars,  by  soliciting  sub- 
scriptions from  those  who  were  interested  in  the 
subject.  But  the  committee  did  not  succeed  in 
finding  a  suitable  person  to  undertake  the  business, 
and  again  applied  to  me  and  urged  me  strongly  to 
go  to  Cincinnati  and  open  the  desired  depository. 

During  the  winter  I  received  many  letters  from 
different  parts  of  the  country  soliciting  me  to  engage 
in  the  proposed  business.  .  I  was  thought  to  be  the 
most  suitable  person  to  engage  in  such  an  undertak- 
ing as  I  had  already  had  several  years'  experience  in 
dealing  in  free-labor  goods  at  Newport.       I  finally 


274 


REMINISCENCES. 


consented  to  go  to  Cincinnati  for  five  years,  and  try 
the  experiment.  I  sold  out  my  business  at  New- 
port, rented  my  house  and  moved  to  Cincinnati  the 
twenty-second  day  of  April,  1847,  having  previously 
rented  a  store  and  dwelling-house  in  the  city. 

We  fully  expected  to  return  to  our  home  in  New- 
port at  the  expiration  of  five  years,  or  sooner,  hop- 
ing that  some  suitable  person  would  be  found  to 
take  the  business  off  my  hands  and  continue  it.  I 
went  to  Philadelphia  and  New  York  that  spring  and 
purchased  as  good  an  assortment  of  free-labor  cot- 
ton goods  and  groceries  as  could  be  obtained.  The 
demand  for  such  articles  was  increasing,  and  the 
Philadelphia  Association  had  enlarged  their  business 
and  were  furnishing  a  better  supply  of  cotton  goods. 
Beside  selling  their  own  manufactures,  they  were 
obtaining  from  England  a  finer  quality  of  cotton 
goods  than  their  own  mills  furnished.  The  English 
goods  were  manufactured  at  Manchester  under  the 
auspices  of  a  free-labor  association,  and  could  be 
relied  upon  as  being  the  product  of  free  labor. 

I  opened  the  store  in  Cincinnati  and  sent  out 
printed  circulars,  which  were  widely  circulated  by 
friends  of  the  enterprise.  Orders  from  various  parts 
of  the  West  soon  began  to  come  in — far  exceeding 
my  meager  assortment  of  cotton  goods.  I  had  not 
been  able  to  obtain  a  sufficient  supply  of  brown 
muslins,  sheeting,  cotton  yarn,  carpet  warp,  etc. 
This  difficulty  I  knew  might  be  remedied  if  I  could 
obtain  a  supply  of  cotton,  for  there  were  several 
cotton  mills  in  this  vicinity  that  manufactured  yarn, 
wicking,  twine,    batting,   etc.      Having  been  reared 


THE  FREE  LABOR  QUESTION.  27$ 

in  the  South  and  having  acquaintances  in  nearly  all 
the  cotton-growing  States,  I  knew  that  there  were 
many  settlements  there  of  the  poorer  class  of  farm- 
ers who  owned  no  slaves  and  hired  none,  part  of 
them  doing  this  from  principle,  part  of  them  because 
they  were  too  poor  to  do  otherwise.  These  small 
farmers  generally  raised  from  one  to  ten  bales  of 
cotton  for  market ;  a  few  raised  larger  quantities.  I 
learned  through  correspondence  that  a  good  supply 
of  free-labor  cotton  could  be  obtained  from  this  class 
of  people,  and  resolved  to  avail  myself  of  the  oppor- 
tunity thu5?  afforded.  The  previous  winter,  Nathan 
Thomas,  a  worthy  member  of  the  Society  of  Friends, 
who  lived  near  Newport,  Indiana,  had  gone  with  his 
wife  to  spend  the  winter  with  some  of  her  relatives 
living  near  Holly  Springs,  Mississippi.  Pleasant 
Diggs,  the  uncle  of  Nathan  Thomas'  wife,  With 
whom  they  spent  most  of  the  time,  had  been  reared 
in  a  neighborhood  of  Friends  and  was  opposed  to 
slavery.  .  He  owned  no  slaves  and  hired  none,  and 
the  cotton  which  he  raised  was  the  product  of  free 
labor.  Knowing  Nathan  Thomas  to  be  interested 
in  the  free-labor  cause,  I  requested  him  to  ascertain 
if  cotton  could  be  obtained  in  that  part  of  the  State, 
which  could  be  relied  upon  to  be  clear  of  slave 
labor.  He  wrote  me  that  a  large  quantity  was 
raised  by  free  labor,  but  that  it  had  all  been  ginned 
and  baled  by  slave  labor,  as  none  of  the  farmers  in 
that  neighborhood  owned  a  cotton  gin.  He  added 
that  he  knew  of  other  neighborhoods,  in  that 
county,  where  free-labor  cotton  was  raised. 

I  corresponded  with  Samuel  Rhodes,  of  Philadel- 


276 


REMINISCENCES. 


phia,  concerning  the  information  I  had  received 
from  Nathan  Thomas,  and  informed  him  that  Will- 
iam McCray,  who  lived  near  Holly  Springs,  Missis- 
sippi, a  son-in-law  of  Pleasant  Diggs,  made  about 
thirty  bales  of  cotton  annually,  cultivated  entirely 
by  free  labor,  and  that  he  was  willing  to  put  up  a 
gin  and  gin  his  own  and  his  neighbors'  cotton  by 
free  labor,  if  we  would  furnish  him  the  gin  and 
allow  him  to  pay  for  it  in  cotton. 

I  suggested  that  the  Philadelphia  Association 
should  join  me  in  this  enterprise,  for  I  believed  they 
could  obtain  a  larger  supply  and  a  better  quality  of 
cotton  than  they  got  from  North  Carolina,  and  per- 
haps at  less  cost.  The  subject  was  brought  before 
the  board,  and  an  agreement  was  at  once  made.  I 
was  authorized  to  purchase  a  cotton  gin  and 
ship  it  to  William  McCray,  of  Mississippi.  I  at 
once  applied  to  James  Pierce,  of  Cincinnati,  who 
manufactured  cotton  gins  for  the  South,  and  pur- 
chased an  excellent  thirty-saw  gin  for  $300,  and 
shipped  it  immediately  that  it  might  be  put  up  at 
once,  and  be  ready  for  use  in  the  fall. 

The  Philadelphia  Association  authorized  me  to 
employ  Nathan  Thomas  as  our  agent  to  go  South, 
next  winter,  to  see  that  all  the  arrangements  made 
with  the  cotton  planters  were  strictly  carried  out. 
The  second  winter  that  Nathan  Thomas  spent  in  the 
South,  he  was  authorized  by  the  Philadelphia  Free- 
Labor  Association  to  travel  through  the  different 
Southwestern  States,  and  hunt  out  the  settlements 
of  small  farmers  and  ascertain  what  quantity  of  free- 
labor    cotton     could    be     obtained.        He    traveled 


THE  FREE-LABOR  QUESTION.  277 

through  parts  of  Mississippi,  Tennessee,  Louisiana, 
Texas  and  Arkansas,  and  gave  the  information  he 
obtained  in  a  series  of  letters,  which  were  afterward 
published  by  the  managers  of  the  Free-Labor  Asso- 
ciation of  Ohio  Yearly  Meeting. 

The  gin  I  shipped  to  William  McCray  proved  to 
be  an  excellent  one,  and  was  known  in  that  part  of 
the  country  as  the  '/Abolition  Gin."  Arrangements 
were  made  to  purchase  all  the  free-labor  cotton  in 
reach  of  that  gin,  and  other  arrangements  were 
made  by  which  it  could  be  hauled  to  Memphis — the 
nearest  shipping  point  free  of  slave  labor.  At 
Memphis  it  was  to  be  delivered  to  a  commission 
merchant,  formerly  of  Philadelphia,  who  employed 
no  slave  labor,  and  who  was  recommended  by  Sam- 
uel Rhodes,  and  others,  as  a  reliable  man.  This 
merchant  .shipped  the  cotton  up  the  river  by  boats 
that  employed  no  slaves.  By  these  means  large 
quantities  of  free  cotton  were  sent  from  the  South, 
and  we  obtained  a  full  supply.  The  Philadelphia 
Association  was  enabled  to  ship  cotton  to  the  Man- 
chester mills  in  England  in  exchange  for  a  finer  class 
of  goods  than  they  were  making,  and  I  was  supplied 
with  all  the  cotton  I  could  purchase,  for  manufac- 
turing at  Cincinnati.  I  had  made  arrangements 
with  Gould,  Pearce  &  Co  ,  of  Cincinnati,  to  spin 
cotton  yarn,  carpet  warp,  twine  and  candle  wicking, 
and  with  Stearns  &  Foster  to  make  batting  and  wad- 
ding from  the  cotton  which  I  furnished.  Afterward, 
I  induced  Gould,  Pearce  &  Co.  to  put  up  looms  and 
make  brown  muslin  for  me,  in  addition  to  the  other 
articles. 


278 


REMINISCENCES. 


When  these  arrangements  were  completed  and 
the  work  in  operation,  I  furnished  the  Philadelphia 
and  New  York  Associations  with  heavy  brown  mus- 
lins, cotton  yarn,  carpet  warp,  twine,  wicking,  bat- 
ting and  wadding  in  exchange  for  their  goods,  for 
several  years.  I  was  authorized  by  the  Philadelphia 
Association  to  employ  Nathan  Thomas  to  spend  the 
third  winter  in  the  South  to  superintend  the  cotton 
business — to  see  that  all  the  arrangements  were 
carried  out,  and  to  engage  the  next  year's  crop  of 
cotton  in  various  localities.  In  engaging  cotton, 
Nathan  Thomas  always  promised  to  give  the  market 
price  and  no  more,  thus  affording  no  advantage  to 
the  producer  which  would  prove  a  motive  for  decep- 
tion. Suitable  persons  were  appointed  agents  in 
the  different  neighborhoods  to  receive  the  cotton 
and  pay  for  it,  and  the  producers  were  thus  saved 
the  trouble  and  expense  of  hauling  it  to  a  distant 
market.  We  also  had  arrangements  for  shipping 
from  Hamburg  and  Eastport,  on  the  Tennessee 
River. 

The  next  year  I  traveled  over  part  of  the  same 
ground,  visiting  free-labor  neighborhoods  in  Hardin 
and  McNairy  Counties,  Tennessee,  and  Tishomingo 
County,  Mississippi.  I  found  quite  a  number  of 
settlers  from  Guilford  County,  North  Carolina,  and 
being  acquainted  with  some  of  their  relatives  in  that 
locality,  I  was  kindly  received  and  made  welcome 
among  them.  I  talked  freely  on  the  subject  of 
slavery,  explaining  Friends'  principles  and  testi- 
mony in  regard  to  slavery  and  war,  and  dealing  in 
or  unnecessarily  using  intoxicating  liquors.      Strong 


THE  FREE-LABOR  QUESTION.  279 

drink  seemed  to  be  much  in  use  in  that  part  of  the 
country.  I  also  explained  the  feelings  and  views 
of  many  Friends  and  other  conscientious  people  in 
the  North  in  regard  to  the  use  of  the  unpaid  toil  of 
the  slave.  I  talked  freely  with  many  slaveholders 
on  these  subjects,  and  was  kindly  treated  by  them. 
Many  of  them  understood  something  of  the  prin- 
ciples of  Quakers  regarding  slavery,  and  discovering 
from  my  dress  and  language  that  I  was  a  Quaker, 
they  seemed  disposed  to  talk  freely  and  asked  many 
questions. 

I  explained  our  principles  to  them  as  well  as  I 
could,  and  said  that  we  bore  a  testimony  against 
slavery  in  our  Discipline,  and  that  no  person  could 
be  a  member  of  our  society  who  owned  a  slave.  I 
told  them  that  I  was  a  Southern  man,  having  been 
born  and  brought  up  in  North  Carolina,  in  the  midst 
of  slavery,  and  was  well  acquainted  with  the  system. 
I  was  and  always  had  been  opposed  to  slavery,  but 
it  was  no  part  of  my  business,  in  the  South,  to  inter- 
fere with  their  laws  or  their  slaves.  I  was  attending 
to  my  own  affairs,  and  did  not  intend  to  busy  my- 
self with  other  matters. 

I  had  shipped  to  Eastport,  Mississippi,  and  Ham- 
burg, Tennessee — the  points  from  which  our  cotton 
was  shipped  North — a  quantity  of  flour,  cheese  and 
other  produce.  The  boat  on  board  which  I  had 
shipped  these  articles  was  one  of  the  best  on  the 
Tennessee  River,  and  as  it  was  a  popular  boat  for 
travelers,  we  took  on  a  number  of  passengers  at  dif- 
ferent points.  They  were  all  Southerners,  from  va- 
rious places  in  Tennessee,  Mississippi  and  Alabama, 


28o  REMINISCENCES. 

and  most  of  them  were  merchants  who  had  been  to 
Louisville  to  replenish  their  stock  of  goods.  The 
majority  of  them  were  slaveholders,  but  they  ap- 
peared to  be  a  very  civil  and  gentlemanly  set  of 
men.  Several  of  them  seemed  disposed  to  make  my 
acquaintance  and  to  find  out  who  and  what  I  was, 
whence  I  came  and  whither  I  was  going.  I  was 
aware  that  Northern  men  were  watched  with  jealous 
eyes  in  the  South. 

I  made  myself  sociable  with  the  passengers,  and 
when  they  learned  that  I  was  from  Cincinnati,  and 
had  a  large  cargo  of  produce  on  board  which  I  was 
shipping  to  Eastport  and  other  points  to  sell  or 
exchange  for  cotton,  and  that  I  was  brought  up  in 
the  South,  and  had  many  relatives  and  acquaint- 
ances there,  their  jealous  suspicions  seemed  to  be 
entirely  removed  and  they  treated  me  with  much 
respect.  Different  ones  politely  invited  me  to  drink 
with  them,  according  to  the  fashion  prevalent  in  the 
South,  but  I  declined,  saying  that  I  was  a  temper- 
ance man  and  used  no  liquor,  except  as  medicine. 

In  the  course  of  our  journey  I  talked  freely  on  the 
subject  of  slavery,  speaking  of  its  evil  influences 
and  my  conscientious  convictions  in  regard  to  it. 
On  one  occasion  I  got  into  a  warm  debate  with  one 
of  the  passengers  by  the  name  of  Bell.  He  was  a 
merchant  of  Farmington,  Mississippi,  and  a  member 
of  the  Legislature  of  that  State. 

I  had  given  him  and  several  others  my  business 
card,  which  bore  my  name  and  the  words,  "Commis- 
sion merchant  and  dealer  in  free-labor  cotton  goods 
and   groceries."      He  asked   me   what    "Free-labor 


THE  FREE-LABOR  QUESTION.  28l 

cotton  goods"  meant.  I  told  him  it  meant  just 
what  it  said — goods  produced  by  free  labor,  and 
went  on  to  say  that  I  dealt  exclusively  in  such 
goods,  and  was  then  on  my  way  South  to  collect 
free-labor  cotton. 

He  became  excited  and  angry,  and  began  to  ask 
questions.  I  explained  to  him  calmly  the  whole 
free-labor  subject,  speaking  of  the  class  of  men  in 
the  free  States  who  were  interested  in  it,  and  my 
own  consc;f  ntious  convictions  that  induced  me  to 
engage  in  the  work.  I  told  him  that  many  of  our 
best  dti-.ens,  both  East  and  West,  who  believed 
that  siavsi-y  was  wrong  and  who  felt  for  those  in 
bonds  -is  bound  with  them,  had  come  to  the  conclu- 
sion r>.at.  they  could  not  consistently  partake  of  the 
unpaid  labor  of  the  slave,  and  that  this  feeling  was 
largely  on  the  increase.  This  brought  up  the  whole 
subject  of  slavery.  Bell  advocated  it  excitedly,  and 
said  that  he  would  not  live  in  a.  free  State,  that  the 
blacks  were  made  to  serve  and  the  whites  to  govern, 
etc.,  and  went  on  to  give  the  usual  pro-slavery  argu- 
ments. 

Most  of  the  passengers  had  gathered  round  us 
by  this  time  to  hear  the  debate.  I  spoke  of  the 
evils  of  slavery,  of  its  horrors  and  cruelties,  many 
of  which  I  had  witnessed  myself  while  living  in  the 
South — the  separation  of  husbands  and  wives,  par- 
ents and  children,  etc.  I  dwelt  largely  upon  the 
deleterious  effects  of  slavery  on  the  white  popu- 
lation of  the  South,  the  disregard  of  marriage 
bonds,  the  license  which  slavery  afforded,  etc.  I 
referred  to  several  instances  which  had  come  under 
24 


282  REMINISCENCES. 

my  notice  in  North  Carolina,  where  men  of  high 
political  and  social  standing  had  lived  with  their 
slave  women  and  reared  families  of  mulatto  children. 
I  said  that  I  had  always  been  opposed  to  amalgama- 
tion, which  was  the  direct  result  of  slavery.  I  re- 
ferred to  the  slaves  of  mixed  blood  whom  we  saw 
in  every  part  of  the  South,  and  spoke  of  the  com- 
mon practice  of  fathers  selling  their  own  children.  I 
then  gave  him  an  instance  which  came  under  my 
personal  observation.  A  planter  of  Mississippi, 
named  William  Thompson,  had  come  to  Cincinnati 
a  few  years  before,  bringing  with  him  fourteen  of  his 
slaves,  all  his  own  children  and  grandchildren,  and 
the  slave  woman  with  whom  he  had  lived,  the 
mother  of  his  children.  He  had  sold  one  of  his 
cotton  farms,  and  wished  to  buy  land  in  a  free  State 
and  settle  his  children  where  they  would  be  safe 
after  his  death.  He  was  referred  to  me  for  advice 
regarding  a  suitable  place  to  locate,  and  I  directed 
him  to  a  colored  settlement  in  Darke  County,  Ohio, 
where  land  could  be  bought  at  a  reasonable  price, 
and  where  his  children  could  have  the  benefit  of  a 
good  school.  He  went  to  that  locality,  bought  a 
farm  and  saw  his  people  comfortably  settled. 

He  then  returned  to  Mississippi,  and  the  next 
year  sold  his  other  farm  and  brought  another  com- 
pany of  slaves  to  Ohio,  among  whom  was  a  middle- 
aged  colored  woman,  with  five  or  six  yellow  chil- 
dren, whom  he  acknowledged  to  be  his  own.  He 
bought  land  for  this  party,  and  lived  among  them. 
Thompson  claimed  to  be  a  member  of  the  Baptist 


VISIT  TO  THE  SOUTH.  283 

Church.  This,  I  said,  is  the  state  of  morals  which 
slavery  produces. 

I  then  referred  Bell  to  another  instance  in  his  own 
State.  Major  William  Phillips,  a  wealthy  cotton 
planter,  who  lived  near  Yazoo  City,  Mississippi,  was 
a  gentleman  of  high  social  standing,  and  was  for 
some  years  a  member  of  the  legislature.  His  white 
children  were  grown  and  settled  in  homes  of  their 
own  when  he  lost  his  wife.  He  married  a  second 
wife,  lived  with  her  a  few  years,  then  separated  from 
her,  giving  her  a  farm  and  a  few  negroes.  He  then 
took  one  of  his  own  slaves,  a  young  mulatto  woman, 
and  kept  her  as  his  wife.  He  had  several  children 
by  her,  and  concluding  that  he  wanted  them  to  be 
free,  he  sold  his  plantation  and  one  hundred  and 
thirty  of  his  slaves,  and  brought  his  slave  woman 
and  her  children  to  Cincinnati.  He  purchased  a 
valuable  piece  of  property  on  Broadway,  where  he 
now  lives,  professing  to  keep  the  mulatto  woman  as 
a  hired  servant.  His  children  attend  school,  which 
they  would  not  be  allowed  to  do  in  your  State.  I 
have  been  told  that  two  of  his  sons,  who  live  in  the 
South,  have  followed  their  father's  example  and 
keep  slave  women  for  wives. 

By  this  time  my  friend  Bell  had  become  quite 
calm,  and  did  not  attempt  to  contradict  my  state- 
ments. An  old  gentleman  from  Alabama,  a  slave- 
holder, who  sat  near  by,  spoke  several  times  during 
the  debate,  confirming  my  statements  in  regard  to 
the  evils  of  slavery.  The  company  that  had  gath- 
ered round  seemed  to  listen  to  the  conversation 
with  interest.      I  endeavored  to  speak  with  moflera- 


284 


REMINISCENCES. 


tion,  maintaining  at  the  same  time  my  independence 
and  my  right  as  an  American  citizen  to  express  my 
conscientious  convictions. 

The  gentleman  from  Alabama  said  that  he  be- 
lieved slavery  was  a  curse  to  the  South,  and  that  he 
would  be  willing  to  give  up  his  slaves  at  any  time  if 
they  could  be  properly  provided  for. 

After  this  discussion,  Bell  became  very  sociable, 
and  finding  that  I  expected  to  travel  in  his  county, 
he  invited  me  to  call  and  see  him,  offering  me  the 
hospitality  of  his  home.  I.  told  him  that  if  I  should 
be  in  his  neighborhood  I  would  accept  his  invita- 
tion. 

At  Hamburg,  Tennessee,  I  stored  a  part  of  my 
produce  with  William  Campbell,  a  merchant,  and 
went  on  to  Eastport,  thirty  miles  farther,  where  I 
discharged  the  rest  of  my  freight.  The  next  day  I 
returned  to  Hamburg,  and  stopped  at  a  tavern  in 
that  village.  On  the  Sabbath  I  inquired  if  there 
was  any  church  in  the  place,  and  was  directed  to  a 
Methodist  church,  in  the  edge  of  the  town,  where 
there  was  to  be  preaching  that  day.  I  found  the 
meeting-house  to  be  a  log  cabin,  with  nothing  to  fill 
the  cracks  between  the  logs.  The  congregation 
consisted  of  eight  or  ten  white  people,  half  a  dozen 
negroes,  and  several  dogs.  The  men  all  chewed 
tobacco  and  spit  on  the  floor,  the  women  dipped 
snuff,  and  the  dogs  quarreled  and  fought  with  each 
other.  The  sermon  was  good,  but  no  one  seemed 
impressed  by  it  except  an  old  negro  woman,  who 
sobbed  aloud  and  rocked  herself  to  and  fro.  After 
meeting,  the  minister  invited  me  to  go  home  with 


VISIT  TO  THE  SOUTH.  285 

him  and  spend  the  night.  He  lived  four  miles  on 
the  road  I  had  to  travel  the  next  day,  so  I  accepted 
his  kind  invitation.  I  inquired  of  the  landlord  where 
I  could  procure  a  horse  to  use  a  week  or  two,  and 
he  said  I  could  have  one  of  his.  I  asked  him  if  he 
was  not  afraid  to  trust  a  stranger,  and  he  replied: 
"I  am  not  afraid  to  trust  a  Quaker."  I  thanked 
him  for  his  kind  offer,  but  thought  he  might  be  de- 
ceived by  wolves  in  sheep's  clothing. 

I  went  home  with  the  preacher,  and  spent  the 
night  at  his  house  very  pleasantly.  He  owned  no 
slaves,  and  said  that  he  had  always  been  opposed  to 
slavery,  although  he  had  been  reared  in  the  South. 
Some  of  his  neighbors  were  slaveholders,  and  that 
night  when  we  were  talking  on  the  subject  of 
slavery,  he  lowered  his  voice,  and  spoke  in  a  sub- 
dued tone.  I  asked  him  why  he  did  so,  and  he 
replied: 

"You  are  a  stranger  here,  and  we  do  not  know 
who  may  be  eavesdropping  and  listening  to  our 
conversation."  The  night  was  dark  and  rainy,  and 
a  person  might  have  listened  under  the  window 
without  being   discovered. 

I  told  my  friend  that  I  would  not  live  in  a  country 
where  I  could  not  talk  freely  and  speak  above  my 
breath  in  my  own  house.  The  next  day  the  preacher 
kindly  accompanied  me  to  a  neighborhood  of  non- 
slaveholders,  where  Nathan  Thomas  had  engaged 
free-labor  cotton.  We  went  to  Lemuel  Lancer's, 
who  owned  a  cotton  gin  worked  by  free  labor,  and 
who  acted  as  agent  for  us  in  purchasing  cotton  from 
those   of  his    neighbors   who    owned    no  slaves.      I 


286  REMINISCENCES. 

spent  a  few  days  pleasantly  at  this  place,  then 
visited  other  neighborhoods  of  free-labor  farmers  in 
Hardin  and  McNairy  counties,  Tennessee.  I  then 
went  into  Tishomingo  County,  Mississippi,  and  find- 
ing myself  in  Farmington,  I  called  on  my  friend 
Bell,  at  his  store.  He  received  me  cordially,  and 
invited  me  to  spend  some  time  with  him,  but  as  I 
wished  to  reach  another  neighborhood  that  after- 
noon I  declined  his  invitation. 

He  introduced  me  to  several  merchants  of  the 
place,  and  as  it  seemed  to  be  a  leisure  hour,  we 
seated  ourselves  in  the  shade  near  Bell's  store  and 
entered  into  conversation.  One  old  gentleman 
named  Jones  asked  me  many  questions  about  the 
Quakers,  saying  he  had  read  some  of  their  writings 
and  thought  he  should  like  to  live  among  them. 
Bell  had  introduced  me  as  a  merchant  from  Cincin- 
nati, and  the  conversation  turned  on  that  place  and 
business  matters  there.  He  said  he  thought  pro- 
visions and  goods  might  be  bought  on  better  terms 
in  Cincinnati  than  in  Louisville,  where  their  mer- 
chants usually  went  to  buy  their  stock.  One  of  the 
merchants  said  the  reason  he  did  not  go  to  Cincin- 
nati to  buy  goods  was  because  he  understood  there 
were  so  many  free  negroes  there  that  a  gentleman 
could  not  walk  the  street  without  being  insulted  by 
them.  I  told  him  that  I  had  lived  there  several 
years  and  had  never  been  insulted  by  a  colored 
person ;  as  a  general  thing  the  colored  people  were 
very  civil. 

Another  man  said  that  he  understood  we  were 
amalgamated    in     Cincinnati,    mixed     up     with    the 


VISIT  TO  THE  SOUTH. 


287 


negroes — that  white  men  had  colored  wives,  etc.  1 
replied  that  we  had  a  great  many  people  of  mixed 
blood  in  Cincinnati,  but  that  they  all  came  from  the 
South.  This  caused  a  laugh,  and  I  went  on  to  say, 
I  knew  of  no  case  of  amalgamation  occurring  in 
Ohio,  but  I  knew  many  instances  of  white  men 
bringing  their  yellow  children  from  the  South  to  our 
State  to  be  set  free,  and  I  knew  of  two  or  three 
cases  of  white  men  having  colored  wives.  About  a 
year  ago  two  good-looking  young  white  men  from 
this  State  came  to  Cincinnati,  bringing  with  them 
mulatto  women,  whom  they  claimed  as  wives.  They 
wished  to  purchase  land  and  settle  in  Ohio,  and 
having  been  referred  to  me  for  advice  respecting  a 
suitable  locality,  they  called  on  me.  I  went  with 
them  to  the  place  where  they  were  stopping — the 
Dumas  House,  a  hotel  for  colored  people,  kept  by  a 
colored  man — to  see  their  families.  One  of  the 
women  had  three  children  ;  the  other  was  younger 
and  was  finely  dressed  and  decked  with  jewelry.  I 
asked  the  husband  of  the  latter  if  this  was  his  wife? 
He  answered  in  the  affirmative.  I  then  turned  to 
the  other  man  and  asked  him  if  the  elder  woman 
was  his  wife,  and  if  those  three  children  were  his? 
He  answered,  "Yes."  I  then  asked  the  men  if  they 
were  legally  married  to  these  women  ?  They  said 
they  were  not ;  that  the  women  were  slaves,  and 
according  to  law  in  Mississippi  the  marriage  of  slaves 
was  not  legal.  Well,  I  said,  it  is  not  legal  for  you 
to  live  this  way  in  Ohio.  The  law  of  our  State  will 
not  permit  it.  If  you  intend  to  keep  these  women 
as  your  wives,    you  must   be  legally  married.       A 


288  REMINISCENCES, 

few  days  afterward  the  men  obtained  license  and 
were  legally  married  to  the  colored  women.  Such 
cases  as  these,  I  continued,  are  all  that  I  know  of  in 
Cincinnati.  We  of  the  North  are  opposed  to  amal- 
gamation. 

One  of  the  merchants  present  said  that  he  had 
heard  that  if  fugitive  slaves  reach  Ohio,  the  aboli- 
tionists would  harbor  them  and  help  them  on  their 
way  to  Canada.  Well,  I  replied,  we  have  all  sorts 
of  people  in  Ohio.  I  heard  a  story  about  a  runa- 
way slave  a  short  time  before  I  left  home.  It  was 
told  to  me  by  a  Presbyterian  minister,  who  ought 
to  be  truthful.  He  said  that  the  fugitive  slave 
escaped  from  his  master  and  made  his  way  through 
Ohio  on  his  way  to  Canada.  He  generally  traveled 
at  night  and  lay  concealed  during  the  day,  but  when 
near  the  northern  boundary  of  the  State,  he  con- 
cluded that  it  would  be  safe  to  travel  in  the  day, 
not  knowing  that  his  master  was  on  his  trail  and 
close  behind  him.  That  day  his  master  had  heard 
several  times  that  his  slave  was  a  short  distance 
ahead,  traveling  on  the  main  road.  The  fugitive 
stopped  at  a  house  near  the  road  to  beg  for  some- 
thing to  eat,  as  he  was  very  hungry.  It  happened 
that  the  people  were  good  folks,  who  thought  it 
right  to  feed  the  hungry,  and  they  invited  him  in. 
The  lady  of  the  house  began  to  prepare  some  food, 
and  her  husband  went  out  to  chop  some  stove-wood. 
While  he  was  at  the  wood-pile,  which  was  near  the 
road,  the  slave's  master  rode  up  and  inquired  if  he 
had  seen  a  negro  pass  along  the  road  that  day. 

The  man  quit  chopping  and  asked  :    ' '  What  kind 


VISIT  TO  THE  SOUTH.  289 

of  a  looking  fellow  is  the  negro  you  are  after?  Is 
he  black  or  brown  or  of  mixed  blood,  and  where 
was  he  from?"  When  the  master  had  given  a  full 
description  of  his  slave  and  answered  the  other 
inquiries,  the  man  said:  "Yes,  I  saw  just  such  a 
negro  pass  along  here  to-day." 

The  master  brightened  up  and  said :  "That  is  my 
slave.  What  time  of  day  was  it  when  he  passed  ? 
How  long  ago  did  you  see  him  ?" 

"  It  has  not  been  more  than  an  hour;  he  can't  be 
far  ahead." 

"Did  you  speak  to  him?  " 
.    "Yes,  I  talked  with  him  for  some  time." 

"What  did  he  tell  you?" 

"  Well — he  told  me  a  good  deal  about  himself." 

"Now,  sir,"  said  the  master,  "I  wish  you  would 
tell  me  all  you  know  about  him.  He  is  my  prop- 
erty and  I  intend  to  capture  him  at  any  cost,  I  will 
pay  you  fifty  dollars  if  you  will  aid  me  to  get  hold 
of  him  " 

The  man  deliberated  for  some  time,  then  said : 
"I  don't  know  that  that  would  be  just  right,  but  I'll 
tell  what  I  will  do.  I'll  go  and  counsel  with  Deacon 
Jones,  who  lives  at  that  next  house,  about  a  hun- 
dred yards  off,  and  if  he  says  it  is  right  I'll  tell  you 
all  I  know  about  your  slave." 

He  then  dropped  his  ax,  and  started  to  see  Dea- 
con Jones.  The  master  rode  by  his  side,  and  stop- 
ped at  the  deacon's  gate,  while  his  companion  went 
into  the  house.  The  man  staid  so  long  counseling 
with  the  deacon  that  the  master  grew  impatient, 
25 


2go  REMINISCENCES. 

and  when,  at  last,  the  man  came  out  he  asked  him, 
hurriedly:  "What  did  the  deacon  say?" 

The  man,  however,  was  in  no  haste.  He  scratched 
his  head  and  hesitated  awhile,  then  replied  : 

"He  said  he  did  not  think  it  would  be  any  harm 
to  tell  you  all  I  know  about  your  slave." 

The  master  asked,  more  impatiently  than  before, 
"Well,  what  do  you  know  about  him.  Can  you  tell 
me  where  he  is  now?" 

The  man  replied:  "  I  don't  know  exactly  where 
he  is  now,  but  when  you  were  talking  to  me  at  the 
wood-pile  he  was  in  my  house." 

They  returned  together  to  the  house,  the  master 
in  no  very  good  humor.  The  man  asked  his  wife 
about  the  negro,  and  she  replied:  "He  has  been 
gone  more  than  half  an  hour.  When  he  saw  his 
master  ride  up,  he  slipped  out  of  the  back-door,  and 
hid  in  the  bushes,  and  when  you  were  at  Deacon 
Jones',  I  saw  him  running  like  a  turkey  right  toward 
Canada.      You  can't  catch  that  fellow!" 

The  merchants  all  laughed  at  this  story,  and  said 
it  was  a  Yankee  trick.  They  asked  me  no  more 
questions  about  runaway  slaves.  I  had  a  free  and 
open  conversation  with  them  regarding  my  business 
in  that  part  of  the  country.  I  informed  them  that 
I  could  not  deal  in  slave-labor  cotton,  on  conscien- 
tious principles,  and  gave  them  a  clear  understand- 
ing of  the  free-labor  business,  and  of  the  class  of 
people  in  the  North  who  were  engaged  in  it. 

The  old  man  Jones  said  he  knew  that  the  Quakers 
were  a  quiet  and  peaceable  people  who  were  op- 
posed to  slavery,  and  that  they  had  a  right  to  live 


VISIT  TO  THE  SOUTH.  2gi 

according  to  their  conscientious  convictions.  He 
concluded,  by  saying:  "I  think  that  Mr.  Coffin  is 
about  right,  and  that  slavery  is  a  curse  to  our  coun- 
try." 

I  received  several  warm  invitations  to  stop  over 
night,  but  I  declined  them  and  continued  my  jour- 
ney. I  was  thankful  that  I  had  met  with  so  good 
an  opportunity  to  advocate  anti-slavery  principles 
among  the  slaveholders. 

I  visited  in  various  neighborhoods  the  planters 
who  produced  free-labor  cotton,  and  those  who 
owned  gins  worked  by  free  labor.  I  found  all  the 
arrangements  made  by  Nathan  Thomas  working 
well.  On  account  of  drought,  the  cotton  produced 
that  year  was  considered  but  half  a  crop,  but  I 
found  in  Tishomingo  County,  Mississippi,  one  hun- 
dred and  twelve  bales  of  free-labor  cotton,  in  Mc- 
Nairy  County,  Tennessee,  six  hundred  and  sixty-six 
bales,  and  in  Hardin  County,  two  hundred  and 
sixty-three  bales.  All  this  had  been  ginned  by  free 
labor,  and  was  ready  for  shipment  north  on  the 
Tennessee  River.  From  Marshall  County,  Missis- 
sippi, several  hundred  bales  were  shipped  by  way 
of  Memphis  to  Philadelphia.  After  spending  nearly 
two  weeks  traveling  and  visiting  in  these  neighbor- 
hoods, and  talking  freely  everywhere  on  the  subject 
of  slavery,  I  returned  to  Hamburg.  After  finish- 
ing my  business  there  and  at  Eastport,  I  returned 
home,  feeling  thankful  that  I  had  found  such  an 
open  field  for  spreading  anti-slavery  principles  in 
the  South.  I  believe  that  our  traveling  through  the 
cotton-growing  States  and  buying  free-labor  cotton, 


292  REMINISCENCES. 

encouraging  paid  labor  and  discouraging  unpaid 
labor,  were  the  means  of  preaching  abolitionism  in 
the  slave  States,  and  was  really  pleading  the  cause 
of  the  poor  slave. 

Notwithstanding  the  facilities  we  had  for  procur- 
ing large  quantities  of  free  cotton  and  the  arrange- 
ments I  had|  made  for  manufacturing  staple  articles 
in  Cincinnati,  I  found  it  to  be  a  losing  business. 
On  account  of  the  additional  expense  of  procuring 
free-labor  cotton  and  the  difficulty  of  obtaining  and 
keeping  an  assortment  of  dry-goods  and  groceries, 
it  soon  became  evident  after  I  opened  the  store  in 
Cincinnati  that  the  enterprise  would  not  sustain 
itself  unless  it  could  be  conducted  on  a  much  larger 
scale  than  my  means  allowed. 

Only  about  half  the  sum  proposed  to  be  raised  to 
aid  me  in  the  work  was  ever  raised.  It  was  much 
easier  to  pass  resolutions  in  conventions  than  to 
carry  them  into  effect.  I  invested  all  my  available 
means  in  the  free-labor  business  and  had  to  use  bor- 
rowed capital  besides.  To  help  sustain  me  in  the 
work,  I  connected  with  it  a  commission  produce 
business,  which  entailed  much  additional  labor. 

By  this  time  the  demand  for  free-labor  goods  in 
the  West  had  largely  increased.  I  received  orders 
from  nearly  all  the  free  States  west  of  the  moun- 
tains, from  Canada,  and  from  two  of  the  slave  States, 
Kentucky  and  West  Virginia.  My  supply  was  not 
equal  to  the  demand,  and  I  could  not  fill  the  orders 
for  a  large  assortment.  The  Philadelphia  Asso- 
ciation had  but  one  mill  for  manufacturing  cotton, 
and  their  prints  were  coarse  in  quality.      Often,  for 


FREE  LABOR  PROJECTS.  293 

want  of  goods,  they  could  fill  my  orders  only  in 
part. 

The  New  York  Association  often  lacked  a  full 
supply  of  groceries  so  that  I  was  unable  to  obtain 
enough  to  fill  all  my  orders.  I  sold  usually  in 
wholesale  quantities,  and  though  I  did  a  large  busi- 
ness for  several  years,  it  was  at  a  constant  pecuniary 
sacrifice,  so  far  as  free-labor  goods  were  concerned. 

It  required  a  much  larger  capital  than  I  was  using 
to  make  it  a  self-sustaining  business.  In  order 
to  supply  the  increasing  demand  for  free-labor 
goods,  it  was  necessary  to  enlarge  our  manufactur- 
ing busines ;  that  required  a  large  capital,  and  men 
of  large  capital  could  not  be  induced  to  invest  in 
the  business.  Few  of  that  class  were  in  sympathy 
with  the  free-labor  movement. 

I  felt  anxious  for  some  capitalist  to  take  charge 
of  the  business,  and  release  me  from  it — I  wanted  to 
return  to  my  comfortable  home  in  Indiana — but 
many  of  my  friends  seemed  to  think  that  if  I  let  go 
of  the  helm  the  ship  would  stop.  They  encouraged 
me  to  hold  on,  and  suggested  the  organization  of  a 
joint-stock  company.  It  was  accordingly  advertised 
that  a  convention  would  be  held  at  Salem,  Union 
County,  Indiana,  on  the  nineteenth  of  November, 
1850,  for  the  purpose  of  forming  a  Free-Labor 
Association.  The  convention  was  largely  attended, 
and  a  deep  interest  was  manifested  in  the  subject 
under  consideration.  In  conformity  with  the  reso- 
lutions passed,  a  committee  was  appointed  to  take 
steps  to  form  a  joint-stock  company,  with  sufficient 
capital  to  enlarge  our  manufacturing  business.    The 


2p4  REMINISCENCES. 

company  was  organized  under  the  act  of  the  Gen- 
eral Assembly  of  the  State  of  Ohio  relative  to  incor- 
porations for  manufacturing  and  other  purposes.  A 
charter  was  obtained,  and  a  board  of  trustees,  con- 
sisting of  William  H.  Brisbane,  Samuel  Lewis, 
John  Joliffe,  Thomas  Freeman,  Richard  Gaines, 
Thomas  Franklin  and  myself,  were  appointed.  Will- 
iam H.  Brisbane  was  elected  president,  Thomas 
Franklin  was  secretary,  and  I  was  chosen  to  be 
treasurer.  The  title  of  the  company  was,  "West- 
ern Free  Produce  Manufacturing  Company."  Books 
were  opened  and  an  appeal  was  issued  to  the  friends 
of  the  cause  to  come  forward  and  take  stock  in  the 
company.  In  order  to  get  as  many  as  possible 
interested  in  the  work,  the  stock  was  divided  into 
small  shares.  According  to  our  constitution  and 
charter,  the  company  could  not  go  into  operation 
until  a  specified  sum  was  subscribed  and  paid  in. 
A  number  of  the  friends  of  free  labor  responded  to 
the  call,  but  their  subscriptions  did  not  reach  the 
sum  required ;  so  the  enterprise  proved  to  be  a 
failure,  and  had  to  be  abandoned.  The  fugitive 
slave  law  was  enacted  that  year,  and  the  anti-slavery 
cause  seemed  shrouded  in  gloom,  but  in  the  midst 
of  these  discouragements  we  were  encouraged  by 
the  intelligence  of  the  spread  of  the  free-labor  cause 
in  England.  A  little  periodical  entitled  "  The  Slave 
— His  Wrongs  and  Their  Remedy"  was  started  there 
about  the  first  of  that  year,  for  the  purpose  of  advo- 
cating free-labor  principles.  From  the  first  number 
we  gained  the  information  that  twenty- six  free-labor 
associations  had  been  established,  and  that  notwith- 


FREE  LABOR  PROJECTS.  2g$ 

standing  the  issue  from  the  press,  at  Newcastle,  of 
more  than  one  hundred  thousand  tracts  and  papers 
on  free-labor  subjects,  within  the  three  months  past, 
it  was  difficult  to  meet  the  demand  for  information 
on  this  important  branch  of  the  anti-slavery  enter- 
prise. The  free-labor  warehouse,  at  Manchester, 
had  more  than  equaled  the  expectations  of  the 
proprietor,  and  efforts  were  being  made  to  supply 
him  with  additional  capital  for  extending  operations, 
and  also  to  open  a  warehouse  in  London. 

The  associations  in  England  had  depended,  to 
some  extent,  on  cotton  furnished  by  the  free-labor 
associations  in  America,  but  the  cultivation  of  free- 
labor  cotton  in  other  countries  was  becoming  more 
extensive.  Great  Britian  had  received  more  cotton 
from  the  East  Indies  the  previous  year  than  ever 
before — it  amounted  to  two-thirds  more  than  the 
import  of  the  preceding  year — and  the  cultivation 
of  cotton  had  been  commenced  on  the  west  coast 
of  Africa.  Experiments  on  the  island  of  Jamaica 
the  previous  year  had  proved  the  soil  and  climate  to 
be  admirably  adapted  for  its  cultivation,  the  cotton 
produced  being  pronounced  clean  and  of  good  staple 
and  color. 

These  accounts  from  England  were  encouraging 
to  the  friends  of  the  free-labor  cause  in  this  country ; 
we  hoped  to  be  able  soon  to  procure  a  better  assort- 
ment of  free-labor  goods.  I  was  also  encouraged  to 
continue  my  efforts  in  this  cause  by  receiving  from 
the  East  an  able  and  interesting  report — printed 
in  pamphlet  form — giving  an  account  of  what  had 
been  done  there  in  the  interests  of  free  labor.      It 


296 


REMINISCENCES. 


was  called  "The  Report  of  the  Board  of  Managers 
of  the  Free-Labor  Association  of  Friends,  of  New 
York  Yearly  Meeting-,  adopted  at  the  annual  neet- 
ing  of  the  Association,  held  Fifth  month  27th, 
185 1,"  and  was  signed  by  direction  and  on  behalf  of 
the  board  of  managers,  by  Benjamin  Tatham,  secre- 
tary. A  list  of  the  names  of  the  members  of  the 
association  was  given.  The  number  was  eighty- 
three,  which  comprised  many  of  the  most  promi- 
nent members  of  New  York  Yearly  Meeting,  by 
which  it  appeared  that  the  Yearly  Meeting  was  alive 
to  the -free-labor  subject.  This  contrasted  strongly 
with  the  apathy  manifested  by  many  Friends  of 
Indiana  Yearly  Meeting.  The  report  showed  that 
the  New  York  Association  had  been  actively  at 
work,  and  had  recently  furnished  the  mill  at  Man- 
chester, England,  with  fifty  bales  of  free  cotton. 
Friends  of  the  free-labor  cause  in  the  West  seemed 
anxious  for  me  to  continue  the  business  at  Cincin- 
nati, and  some  additional  means  were  furnished  that 
enabled  me  to  continue  the  manufacture  of  free 
cotton  and  to  obtain  a  better  supply  of  free-labor 
goods.  By  close  financiering  and  strict  economy  I 
kept  up  the  business  at  Cincinnati  for  ten  years, 
then  sold  out,  and  retired  from  mercantile  life  with 
very  limited  means. 


MANAGING  A  NEW  DEPOT. 


297 


CHAPTER  IX. 

UNDERGROUND      RAILROAD      WORK      IN      CINCINNATI A 

REMINISCENCE THE      FUGITIVE      COOK     GIRL A 

COMPANY  OF  TWENTY-EIGHT  FUGITIVES  —  AUNT 
BETSEY JACK  AND  LUCY ASSESSMENTS  ON  UN- 
DERGROUND RAILROAD  STOCK  —  A  PRO- SLAVERY 
MAN    SILENCED — THE   STORY    OF   JANE. 

WHEN  we  moved  to  Cincinnati  in  the  spring 
of  1847,  my  wife  and  I  thought  that  per- 
haps our  work  in  Underground  Railroad  matters 
was  done,  as  Ave  had  been  in  active  service  more 
than  twenty  years. 

We  hoped  to  find  in  Cincinnati  enough  active 
workers  to  relieve  us  from  further  service,  but  we 
soon  found  that  we  would  have  more  to  do  than 
ever.  When  in  the  city  on  business,  I  had  mingled 
with  the  abolitionists  and  been  present  at  their 
meetings,  but  some  of  them  had  died,  and  others 
had  moved  away,  and  when  I  came  to  the  city  to 
live,  I  found  that  the  fugitives  generally  took  refuge 
among  the  colored  people,  and  that  they  were  often 
captured  and  taken  back  to  slavery. 

Most  of  the  colored  people  were  not  shrewd  man- 
agers in  such  matters,  and  many  white  people,  who 
were   at   heart  friendly  to   the    fugitives,    were    too 


2g$  REMINISCENCES. 

timid  to  take  hold  of  the  work  themselves.  They 
were  ready  to  contribute  to  the  expense  of  getting 
the  fugitives  away  to  places  of  safety,  but  were  not 
willing  to  risk  the  penalty  of  the  law  or  the  stigma 
on  their  reputation,  which  would  be  incurred  if  they 
harbored  fugitives  and  were  known  to  aid  them. 

Abolitionists  were  very  unpopular  characters  at 
that  time,  both  in  religious  and  political  associ- 
ations, and  many  who  favored  the  principles  of 
abolitionism  lacked  the  moral  courage  to  face  pub- 
lic opinion,  when  to  do  so  would  be  to  sustain  an 
injury  in  their  business  and  to  lower  their  reputation 
in  public  esteem.  But  there  were  a  few  noble  ex- 
ceptions— brave  and  conscientious  workers — who 
risked  every  thing  in  the  cause  they  believed  to  be 
right.  I  had  already  risked  every  thing  in  the 
work — life,  property  and  reputation — and  did  not 
feel  bound  to  respect  human  laws  that  came  in 
direct  contact  with  the  law  of  God. 

I  was  personally  acquainted  with  all  the  active 
and  reliable  workers  on  the  Underground  Railroad 
in  the  city,  both  colored  and  white.  There  were  a 
few  wise  and  careful  managers  among  the  colored 
people,  but  it  was  not  safe  to  trust  all  of  them  with 
the  affairs  of  our  work.  Most  of  them  were  too 
careless,  and  a  few  were  unworthy — they  could  be 
bribed  by  the  slave-hunters  to  betray  the  hiding- 
places  of  the  fugitives.  We  soon  found  it  to  be  the 
best  policy  to  confine  our  affairs  to  a  few  persons, 
and  to  let  the  whereabouts  of  the  slaves  be  known 
to  as  few  people  as  possible. 

When   slave-hunters    were    prowling   around    the 


MANAGING  A  NEW  DEPOT. 


299 


city  we  found  it  necessary  to  use  every  precaution. 
We  were  soon  fully  initiated  into  the  management 
of  Underground  Railroad  matters  in  Cincinnati, 
and  did  not  lack  for  work.  Our  willingness  to  aid 
the  slaves  was  soon  known,  and  hardly  a  fugitive 
came  to  the  city  without  applying  to  us  for  assist- 
ance. There  seemed  to  be  a  continual  increase  of 
runaways,  and  such  was  the  vigilance  of  the  pur- 
suers that  I  was  obliged  to  devote  a  large  share  of 
time  from  my  business  to  making  arrangements  for 
their  concealment  and  safe  conveyance  of  the  fugi- 
tives. They  sometimes  came  to  our  door  frightened 
and  panting  and  in  a  destitute  condition,  having  fled 
in  such  haste  and  fear  that  they  had  no  time  to 
bring  any  clothing  except  what  they  had  on,  and 
that  was  often  very  scant.  The  expense  of  pro- 
viding suitable  clothing  for  them  when  it  was  neces- 
sary for  them  to  go  on  immediately,  or  of  feeding 
them  when  they  were  obliged  to  be  concealed  for 
days  or  weeks,  was  very  heavy.  Added  to  this  was 
the  cost  of  hiring  teams  when  a  party  of  fugitives 
had  to  be  conveyed  out  of  the  city  by  night  to  some 
Underground  Railroad  depot,  from  twenty  to  thirty 
miles  distant.  The  price  for  a  two-horse  team  on 
such  occasions  was  generally  ten  dollars,  and  some- 
times two  or  three  teams  were  required.  We  gen- 
erally hired  these  teams  from  a  certain  German 
livery  stable,  sending  some  irresponsible  though 
honest  colored  man  to  procure  them,  and  always 
sending  the  money  to  pay  for  them  in  advance.  The 
people  of  the  livery  stable  seemed  to  understand  what 
the  teams  were  wanted  for,  and  asked  no  questions. 


300 


REMINISCENCES. 


It  was  necessary  to  use  every  precaution,  and  I 
thought  it  wise  to  act,  as  the  monkey  did,  take  the 
cat's  paw  to  draw  the  chestnut  from  the  fire,  and  not 
burn  my  own  fingers.  I  generally  gave  the  money 
to  a  second  person  to  hand  to  the  colored  man.  We 
had  several  trusty  colored  men — who  owned  no 
property  and  who  could  lose  nothing  in  a  prosecu- 
tion— who  understood  Underground  Railroad  mat- 
ters, and  we  generally  got  them  to  act  as  drivers, 
but  in  some  instances  white  men  volunteered  to 
drive,  generally  young  and  able-bodied.  Sometimes 
the  depot  to  which  the  fugitives  were  consigned  was 
not  reached  until  several  hours  after  daylight,  and 
it  required  a  person  of  pluck  and  nerve  to  conduct 
them  to  their  stopping-place.  If  the  party  of 
fugitives  were  large  they  were  soon  scattered  among 
the  abolitionists  in  the  neighborhood,  and  remained 
in  safe  concealment  until  the  next  night. 

While  the  fugitives  were  resting  and  sleeping, 
their  friends  provided  suitable  wagons  and  drivers 
for  the  next  night's  travel  to  another  depot,  perhaps 
twenty-five  or  thirty  miles  distant.  After  our 
drivers  had  breakfasted,  fed  their  horses  and  rested 
a  few  hours,  they  would  return  home. 

Learning  that  the  runaway  slaves  often  arrived 
almost  destitute  of  clothing,  a  number  of  the  be- 
nevolent ladies  of  the  city — Mrs.  Sarah  H.  Ernst, 
Miss  Sarah  O.  Ernst,  Mrs.  Henry  Miller,  Mrs.  Dr. 
Aydelott,  Mrs.  Julia  Harwood,  Mrs.  Amanda  E. 
Foster,  Mrs.  Elizabeth  Coleman,  Mrs.  Mary  Mann, 
Mrs.  Mary  M.  Guild,  Miss  K.  Emery,  and  others, 
organized  an  Anti-Slavery  Sewing   Society,   to  pro 


SCENES  AT  RAILROAD  DEPOT. 


3d 


vide  suitable  clothing  for  the  fugitives.  After  we 
came  to  the  city,  they  met  at  our  house  every  week 
for  a  number  of  years,  and  wrought  much  practical 
good  by  their  labors. 

Our  house  was  large  and  well  adapted  for  secret- 
ing fugitives.  Very  often  slaves  would  lie  concealed 
in  upper  chambers  for  weeks  without  the  boarders 
or  frequent  visitors  at  the  house  knowing  anything 
about  it.  My  wife  had  a  quiet  unconcerned  way 
of  going  about  her  work  as  if  nothing  unusual  was 
on  hand,  which  was  calculated  to  lull  every  sus- 
picion of  those  who  might  be  watching,  and  who 
would  have  been  at  once  aroused  by  any  sign  of 
secrecy  or  mystery.  Even  the  intimate  friends  of 
the  family  did  not  know  when  there  were  slaves 
hidden  in  the  house,  unless  they  were  directly 
informed.  When  my  wife  took  food  to  the  fugitives 
she  generally  concealed  it  in  a  basket,  and  put  some 
freshly  ironed  garment  on  the  top  to  make  it  look 
like  a  basketful  of  clean  clothes.  Fugitives  were 
not  often  allowed  to  eat  in  the  kitchen,  from  fear 
of  detection;  notwithstanding  the  following  little 
reminiscence  which  appeared  in  print  about  a  year 
ago.  It  was  given  as  a  typical  circumstance  of 
our  experience. 

"Scene. — Before  the  war;  a  house  in  Cincinnati. 
Two  negroes  newly  arrived,  and  evidently  planta- 
tion hands,  eating  heartily  in  the  kitchen.  Two 
planters  and  the  marshal  of  Cincinnati,  coming 
hastily  up  the  street.  A  lady  (Aunt  Katy)  enters 
the  parlor  hurriedly  and  addressing  a  broad  brim- 
med Quaker,    speaks :    '  Levi,   make  thee  haste.      I 


302  REMINISCENCES. 

see  strange  men  coming  with  that  pestilent  mar- 
shal.'    Levi  goes  out  and  meets  them  at  the  gate. 

"Marshal — 'Good-morning,  Friend  Coffin.  We 
are  seeking  for  two  runaways.' 

"Coffin — -'Two  escaped  slaves  thee  would  recap- 
ture ? ' 

"Marshal  and  both  owners — 'Yes,  yes.  Can 
you  tell  us  where  they  are  ? ' 

"Coffin — 'Was  one  boy  very  black  and  rather 
heavy  set;  the  other  yellow  and  but  slightly  built?' 

"Both  owners — 'Yes,  yes!  You  describe  them 
exactly. ' 

"Coffin — -'I  saw  two  such  boys,  not  half  an  hour 
since,  pass  this  gate ;  they  inquired  where  the  Cin- 
cinnati, Hamilton  and  Dayton  depot  was,  and  if  you 
haste  you  may  reach  the  depot  before  the  train 
leaves. ' 

' '  Away  go  the  marshal  and  the  slave-owners, 
while  Coffin  re-enters  the  house  and  addressing  his 
wife,  says: 

"'Mark,  Katie,  I  did  but  say  the  boys  passed 
the  gate,  but  said  not  whether  they  went  in  or  out. 
Go,  hurry  them  with  their  meal,  while  I  hitch  up 
the  old  bay  horse  to  drive  the  poor  souls  a  station  or 
two  beyond  the  city,  where  they  can  embark  with 
safety.'" 

THE  FUGITIVE  COOK  GIRL. 

At  one  time,  a  slave  girl  who  ran  away  from  Cov- 
ington, came  to  our  house,  and  my  wife  let  her 
assist  the  cook  in  the  kitchen,  until  a  suitable  oppor- 
tunity for  her  escape  to  Canada  should  arrive.  She 
did  not  ask  what  her  name  was  or  make  any  inquiries 


SCENES  AT  RAILROAD  DEPOT.  303 

about  the  master  or  mistress  she  had  left,  for  it  was 
the  policy  in  our  family  to  make  no  inquiries  of 
slaves,  in  some  intances,  that  we  might  be  burdened 
with  no  information  if  the  slave-hunters  should  ask 
questions  of  them.  One  morning  when  the  girl 
mentioned  was  eating  her  breakfast  in  the  kitchen, 
a  man  came  into  the  parlor  and  inquired  of  a  young 
man,  one  of  the  boarders  who  was  sitting  there, 
reading,  if  he  knew  of  a  runaway  slave  in  that 
family.  The  young  man  said  that  we  often  hired 
colored  servants,  and  called  "Aunt  Katy "  in  to 
speak  to  the  man. 

He  made  known  his  errand  to  her  by  saying : 
"One  of  my  neighbors  has  lost  his  cook  girl,  and 
we  think  she  is  here  or  in  this  neighborhood." 

My  wife  replied  :  "  I  do  not  know  anything  about 
your  cook  girl,  but  will  inquire  of  my  servant ;  per- 
haps she  will  know." 

She  then  called  in  our  cook  and  made  the  inquiry 
in  hearing  of  the  man,  receiving  an  answer  in  the 
negative.  Our  daughter  was  in  the  kitchen,  and 
heard  the  inquiry,  and  hastened  the  slave  girl  up  a 
back  stairway,  leading  out  of  the  kitchen. 

If  the  man  had  stepped  into  the  kitchen,  at  first, 
he  might  have  seen  the  object  of  his  search  sitting 
at  the  table  eating.  He  withdrew  from  the  house, 
and  walked  up  and  down  the  sidewalk  in  front  of  it, 
till  noon.  Henrietta,  the  cook,  resolved  to  aid  her 
fugitive  fellow-servant  to  escape  from  quarters  so 
closely  guarded,  and  taking  her  up  stairs,  dressed 
her  in  a  new  black  silk  which  she  had  just  bought 
and  made  up,  and  put  on  her  head  a  fashionable  bon- 


304  REMINISCENCES. 

net,  which  was  provided  with  a  vail.  Then  attiring 
herself  for  the  street,  the  two  went  boldly  out  of  the 
front  door,  just  as  the  man  had  turned  his  back  and 
was  walking  toward  the  next  square.  They  followed 
behind  him,  at  the  distance  of  half  a  square,  until 
they  reached  a  side  street,  then,  turning  off,  they 
made  their  way  across  the  canal  to  a  settlement  of 
colored  people,  where  the  fugitive  remained  for  two 
weeks.  At  the  end  of  that  time  she  returned  to 
our  house,  and  we  took  her  and  several  other  fugi- 
tives with  us  when  we  went  to  Canada  on  a  visit  a 
short  time  afterward. 

My  wife  said  :  "I  did  not  know  whether  she  was 
a  cook  girl,  chambermaid,  nurse  girl  or  field  hand, 
for  I  had  never  inquired,  and  I  did  not  think  it 
necessary  to  ask  her  when  her  pursuer  was  standing 
in  the  next  room,  ready  to  take  her  back  to 
slavery." 

A  COMPANY  OF  TWENTY-EIGHT  FUGITIVES. 

The  fugitives  generally  arrived  in  the  night,  and 
were  secreted  among  the  friendly  colored  people  or 
hidden  in  the  upper  room  of  our  house.  They 
came  alone  or  in  companies,  and  in  a  few  instances 
had  a  white  guide  to  direct  them. 

One  company  of  twenty-eight  that  crossed  the 
Ohio  River  at  Lawrenceburg,  Indiana — twenty  miles 
below  Cincinnati — had  for  conductor  a  white  man 
whom  they  had  employed  to  assist  them.  The  char- 
acter of  this  man  was  full  of  contradictions.  He 
was  a  Virginian  by  birth  and  spent  much  of  his 
time  in  the  South,  yet  he  hated  slavery.      He  was 


SCENES  AT  RAILROAD  DEPOT. 


305 


devoid  of  moral  principle,  but  was  a  true  friend  to 
the  poor  slave. 

Sometimes  slaves  would  manage  to  accumulate  a 
little  money  by  working  at  making  baskets  at  night 
or  on  the  Sabbath,  and  when  they  had  saved  a  few 
dollars  they  were  very  willing  to  give  it  all  to  some 
white  man  in  whom  they  had  confidence,  if  he  would 
help  them  across  the  river  and  direct  them  how  to 
reach  the  Underground  Railroad. 

Thus  I  have  always  contended  that  this  road  was 
a  Southern  institution,  being  conducted  however  on 
a  different  principle  from  what  it  was  on  this  side 
Mason  and  Dixon's  line.  The  company  of  twenty- 
eight  slaves  referred  to,  all  lived  in  the  same  neigh- 
borhood in  Kentucky,  and  had  been  planning  for 
some  time  how  they  could  make  their  escape  from 
slavery.  This  white  man — John  Fairfield — had 
been  in  the  neighborhood  for  some  weeks  buying 
poultry,  etc.,  for  market,  and  though  among  the 
whites  he  assumed  to  be  very  pro-slavery,  the 
negroes  soon  found  that  he  was  their  friend. 

He  was  engaged  by  the  slaves  to  help  them  across 
the  Ohio  River  and  conduct  them  to  Cincinnati. 
They  paid  him  some  money  which  they  had  man- 
aged to  accumulate.  The  amount  was  small,  con- 
sidering the  risk  the  conductor  assumed,  but  it  was 
all  they  had.  Several  of  the  men  had  their  wives 
with  them,  and  one  woman  a  little  child  with  her,  a 
few  months  old.  John  Fairfield  conducted  the  party 
to  the  Ohio  River  opposite  the  mouth  of  the  Big 
Miami,  where  he  knew  there  were  several  skiffs  tied 
to  the  bank,  near  a  wood-yard.  When  I  asked  him 
26 


306  REMINISCENCES. 

afterward  if  he  did  not  feel  compunctions  of  con- 
science for  breaking  these  skiffs  loose  and  using  them, 
he  replied:  "  No  ;  slaves  are  stolen  property,  and  it 
is  no  harm  to  steal  boats  or  anything  else  that  will 
help  them  gain  their  liberty."  The  entire  party 
crowded  into  three  large  skiffs  or  yawls,  and  made 
their  way  slowly  across  the  river.  The  boats  were 
overloaded  and  sank  so  deep  that  the  passage  was 
made  in  much  peril.  The  boat  John  Fairfield  was 
in  was  leaky,  and  began  to  sink  when  a  few  rods 
from  the  Ohio  bank,  and  he  sprang  out  on  the  sand- 
bar, where  the  water  was  two  or  three  feet  deep, 
and  tried  to  drag  the  boat  to  the  shore.  He  sank 
to  his  waist  in  mud  and  quicksands,  and  had  to  be 
pulled  out  by  some  of  the  negroes.  The  entire 
party  waded  out  through  mud  and  water  and  reached 
the  shore  safely,  though  all  were  wet  and  several 
lost  their  shoes.  They  hastened  along  the  bank 
toward  Cincinnati,  but  it  was  now  late  in  the  night 
and  daylight  appeared  before  they  reached  the  city. 
Their  plight  was  a  most  pitiable  one.  They  were 
cold,  hungry  and  exhausted ;  those  who  had  lost 
their  shoes  in  the  mud  suffered  from  bruised  and 
lacerated  feet,  while  to  add  to  their  discomfort  a 
drizzling  rain  fell  during  the  latter  part  of  the  night. 
They  could  not  enter  the  city  for  their  appearance 
would  at  once  proclaim  them  to  be  fugitives.  When 
they  reached  the  outskirts  of  the  city,  below  Mill 
Creek,  John  Fairfield  hid  them  as  well  as  he  could, 
in  ravines  that  had  been  washed  in  the  sides  of  the 
steep  hills,  and  told  them  not  to  move  until  he 
returned.      He  then  went  directly  to  John  Hatfield, 


SCENES  AT  RAILROAD  DEPOT.  307 

a  worthy  colored  man,  a  deacon  in  the  Zion  Baptist 
Church,  and  told  his  story.  He  had  applied  to 
Hatfield  before  and  knew  him  to  be  a  great  friend 
to  the  fugitives — one  who  had  often  sheltered  them 
under  his  roof  and  aided  them  in  every  way  he 
could 

John  Fairfield  also  knew  me  and  knew  that  I  was 
a  friend  to  the  slave.  I  had  met  him  several  times, 
and  was  acquainted  with  the  plan  of  his  operations 
in  the  South,  but  I  was  opposed  to  the  principles  on 
which  he  worked.  I  will  have  occasion  to  refer  to 
him  at  another  time  and  will  explain  more  fully  his 
plans,  and  the  reason  why  I  opposed  his  operations 
in  the  South.  When  he  arrived,  wet  and  muddy, 
at  John  Hatfield's  house,  he  was  scarcely  recognized. 
He  soon  made  himself  and  his  errand  known,  and 
Hatfield  at  once  sent  a  messenger  to  me,  requesting 
me  to  come  to  his  house  without  delay,  as  there 
were  fugitives  in  danger.  I  went  at  once  and  met 
several  prominent  colored  men  who  had  also  been 
summoned.  While  dry  clothes  and  a  warm  break- 
fast were  furnished  to  John  Fairfield,  we  anxiously 
discussed  the  situation  of  the  twenty-eight  fugitives 
who  were  lying,  hungry  and  shivering,  in  the  hills 
in  sight  of  the  city. 

Several  plans  were  suggested,  but  none  seemed 
practicable.  At  last  I  suggested  that  some  one 
should  go  immediately  to  a  certain  German  livery 
stable  in  the  city  and  hire  two  coaches,  and  that 
several  colored  men  should  go  out.  in  buggies  and 
take  the  women  and  children  from  their  hiding- 
places,   then    that    the  coaches  and  buggies  should 


3o8 


REMINISCENCES 


form  a  procession  as  if  going  to  a  funeral,  and  march 
solemnly  along  the  road  leading  to  Cumminsville, 
on  the  west  side  of  Mill  Creek.  In  the  western 
part  of  Cumminsville  was  the  Methodist  Episcopal 
burying  ground,  where  a  certain  lot  of  ground  had 
been  set  apart  for  the  use  of  the  colored  people. 
They  should  pass  this  and  continue  on  the  Colerain 
pike  till  they  reached  a  right-hand  road  leading 
to  College  Hill.  At  the  latter  place  they  would 
find  a  few  colored  families,  living  in  the  outskirts 
of  the  village,  and  could  take  refuge  among  them. 
Jonathan  Cable,  a  Presbyterian  minister,  who  lived 
near  Farmer's  College,  on  the  west  side  of  the  vil- 
lage, was  a  prominent  abolitionist,  and  I  knew  that 
he  would  give  prompt  assistance  to  the  fugitives. 

I  advised  that  one  of  the  buggies  should  leave  the 
procession  at  Cumminsville,  after  passing  the  bury- 
ing-ground,  and  hasten  to  College  Hill  to  apprise 
friend  Cable  of  the  coming  of  the  fugitives,  that  he 
might  make  arrangements  for  their  reception  in 
suitable  places.  My  suggestions  and  advice  were 
agreed  to,  and  acted  upon  as  quickly  as  possible, 
John  Hatfield  agreeing  to  apprise  friend  Cable  of 
the  coming  of  the  fugitives.  We  knew  that  we  must 
act  quickly  and  with  discretion,  for  the  fugitives 
were  in  a  very  unsafe  position,  and  in  great  danger 
of  being  discovered  and  captured  by  the  police,  who 
were  always  on  the  alert  for  runaway  slaves. 

While  the  carriages  and  buggies  were  being  pro- 
cured, John  Hatfield's  wife  and  daughter,  and  other 
colored  women  of  the  neighborhood,  busied  them- 
selves in  preparing  provisions  to  be  sent  to  the  fugi- 


SCENES  AT  RAILROAD  DEPOT. 


309 


tives.  A  large  stone  jug  was  filled  with  hot  coffee, 
and  this,  together  with  a  supply  of  bread  and  other 
provisions,  was  placed  in  a  buggy  and  sent  on  ahead 
of  the  carriages,  that  the  hungry  fugitives  might 
receive  some  nourishment  before  starting.  The 
conductor  of  the  party,  accompanied  by  John  Hat- 
field, went  in  the  buggy,  in  order  to  apprise  the 
fugitives  of  the  arrangements  that  had  been  made, 
and  have  them  in  readiness  to  approach  the  road  as 
soon  as  the  carriages  arrived.  Several  blankets 
were  provided  to  wrap  around  the  women  and  chil- 
dren, whom  we  knew  must  be  chilled  by  their  ex- 
posure to  the  rain  and  cold.  The  fugitives  were 
very  glad  to  get  the  supply  of  food,  the  hot  coffee 
especially  being  a  great  treat  to  them,  and  felt  much 
revived.  About  the  time  they  finished  their  break- 
fast the  carriages  and  buggies  drove  up  and  halted 
in  the  road,  and  the  fugitives  were  quickly  con- 
ducted to  them  and  placed  inside.  The  women  in 
the  tight  carriages  wrapped  themselves  in  the  blan- 
kets, and  the  woman  who  had  a  young  babe  muf- 
fled it  closely  to  keep  it  warm,  and  to  prevent  its 
cries  from  being  heard.  The  little  thing  seemed  to 
be  suffering  much  pain,  having  been  exposed  so 
long  to  the  rain  and  cold. 

All  the  arrangements  were  carried  out,  and  the 
party  reached  College  Hill  in  safety,  and  were 
kindly  received  and  cared  for.  But,  sad  to  relate, 
it  was  a  funeral  procession  not  only  in  appearance 
but.  in  reality,  for  when  they  arrived  at  College  Hill, 
and  the  mother  unwrapped  her  sick  child,  she  found 
to  her  surprise  and  grief  that  its  stillness,  which  she 


3io 


REMINISCENCES. 


supposed  to  be  that  of  sleep,  was  that  of  death. 
All  necessary  preparations  were  made  by  the  kind 
people  of  the  village,  and  the  child  was  decently 
and  quietly  interred  the  next  day  in  the  burying- 
ground  on  the  Hill. 

When  it  was  known  by  some  of  the  prominent 
ladies  of  the  village  that  a  large  company  of  fugi- 
tives were  in  the  neighborhood,  they  met  together 
to  prepare  some  clothing  for  them.  Jonathan  Cable 
ascertained  the  number  and  size  of  the  shoes 
needed,  and  the  clothes  required  to  fit  the  fugitives 
for  traveling,  and  came  down  in  his  carriage  to  my 
house,  knowing  that  the  Anti-Slavery  Sewing  So- 
ciety had  their  depository  there.  I  went  with  him 
to  purchase  the  shoes  that  were  needed,  and  my 
wife  selected  all  the  clothing  we  had  that  was  suit- 
able for  the  occasion  ;  the  rest  was  furnished  by  the 
noble  women  of  College  Hill. 

I  requested  friend  Cable  to  keep  the  fugitives  as 
secluded  as  possible  until  a  way  could  be  provided 
for  safely  forwarding  them  on  their  way  to  Canada. 
Friend  Cable  was  a  stockholder  in  the  Underground 
Railroad,  and  we  consulted  together  about  the  best 
route,  finally  deciding  on  the  line  by  way  of  Hamil- 
ton, West  Elkton,  Eaton,  Paris  and  Newport,  In- 
diana. West  Elkton,  twenty-five  or  thirty  miles 
from  College  Hill,  was  the  first  Underground  Rail- 
road depot.  That  line  always  had  plenty  of  loco- 
motives and  cars  in  readiness.  I  agreed  to  send 
information  to  that  point,  and  accordingly  wrote  to 
one  of  my  particular  friends  at  West  Elkton,  in- 
forming him  that  I  had  some  valuable  stock  on  hand 


SCENES  AT  RAILROAD  DEPOT.  3  z  x 

which  1  wished  to  forward  to  Newport,  and  re- 
quested him  to  send  three  two-horse  wagons — cov- 
ered— to  College  Hill,  where  the  stock  was  resting, 
in  charge  of  Jonathan  Cable.  I  said:  "Please  put 
straw  in  the  wagons  so  that  they  may  rest  easy  on 
the  journey,  for  many  of  them  have  sore  feet,  hav- 
ing traveled  hastily  over  rough  ground.  I  wish  you 
to  get  to  College  Hill  to-morrow  evening ;  come 
without  fail." 

The  three  wagons  arrived  promptly  at  the  time 
mentioned,  and  a  little  after  dark  took  in  the  party, 
together  with  another  fugitive,  who  had  arrived  the 
night  before,  and  whom  we  added  to  the  company. 
They  went  through  to  West  Elkton  safely  that 
night,  and  the  next  night  reached  Newport,  Indiana. 
With  little  delay  they  were  forwarded  on  from  sta- 
tion to  station  through  Indiana  and  Michigan  to 
Detroit,  having  fresh  teams  and  conductors  each 
night,  and  resting  during  the  day.  I  had  letters 
from  different  stations,  as  they  progressed,  giving 
accounts  of  the  arrival  and  departure  of  the  train, 
and  I  also  heard  of  their  safe  arrival  on  the  Canada 
shore. 

I  often  received  intelligence  of  the  arrival  in  Can- 
ada of  fugitives  whom  I  had  helped  on  the  way 
to  liberty,  and  it  was  always  very  gratifying  to  me. 
I  was  well  known  on  the  different  routes  of  the 
Underground  Railroad,  and  people  wrote  to  me'  of 
the  success  of  my  shipments.  From  the  stories  of 
hundreds  of  slaves  who  arrived  at  our  house,  hav- 
ing made  their  escape  on  foot  through  cane-brakes 
and  forests,  across  rivers  and  mountains,  or  hidden 


*I2  REMINISCENCES. 

in  wagons,  or  concealed  amid  cotton  bales  on  steam- 
boats, the  following  have  been  selected : 

A  BRAVE  WOMAN. 

A  slave  family  of  ten,  consisting  of  a  man  and  his 
wife,  and  their  eight  children,  some  of  them  grown, 
lived  in  Kentucky,  about  fifteen  miles  from  Coving- 
ton. Their  master,  in  order  no  doubt  to  prevent 
their  attempting  to  cross  into  Ohio  and  escape, 
often  told  them  that  he  intended  to  set  them  free, 
and  assured  them  that  they  should  never  have  to 
serve  any  one  but  him.  Aunt  Betsey,  the  mother 
of  the  family,  was  a  trusty  old  servant,  and  he 
reposed  considerable  confidence  in  her,  giving  her  a 
standing  pass,  and  sending  her  frequently  to  Cincin- 
nati with  a  wagon  and  two  horses,  to  take  vege- 
tables to  market.  She  faithfully  fulfilled  all  her 
duties,  and  though  often  urged  by  her  colored 
friends  in  Cincinnati  to  escape  while  such  good 
opportunities  were  allowed  her,  she  refused  to  do 
so,  trusting  that  her  master  would  do  as  he  had 
promised,  and  that  all  her  family  would  be  free. 
But  she  learned,  after  awhile,  that  he  intended  to  sell 
some  of  her  children,  and  became  fully  convinced 
that  there  was  no  hope  of  the  fulfillment  of  his 
promise.  She  had  not  been  allowed  to  go  to  the 
city  for  some  time,  and  she  feared  her  pass  would  be 
taken  from  her,  and  that  she  would  not  be  permitted 
to  go  to  the  city  any  more.  But  undismayed  at 
these  discouragements,  she  began  to  plan  for  the 
escape  of  the  whole  family.  Her  husband,  more 
timid  than   herself,   and   much    less    energetic,    was 


SCENES  AT  RAILROAD  DEPOT.  3^ 

afraid  to  make  the  attempt,  for  he  thought  they  cer- 
tainly would  be  captured  and  brought  back,  and 
their  condition  would  then  be  worse  than  ever.  She 
urged  it  so  much,  however,  that  he  finally  yielded 
and  consented  to  go,  leaving  all  the  arrangements  to 
her.  One  night  when  her  master  and  mistress  had 
retired,  and  there  was  no  one  about  who  would  act 
as  a  spy  on  her  movements,  she  got  out  the  horses 
and  wagon,  and  prepared  a  load,  as  if  she  were 
going  to  market;  first  putting  their  clothing  and 
bedding  in  the  bottom  of  the  wagon,  then  piling 
vegetables  on  top. 

In  the  evening  she  had  asked  a  little  white  boy 
who  lived  in  the  neighborhood,  if  he  did  not  wish 
to  go  to  the  city  with  her,  and  he,  pleased  at  the 
prospect  of  seeing  so  large  a  place  as  Cincinnati, 
eagerly  accepted  her  invitation.  She  told  him  she 
would  take  him  that  night,  but  he  must  not  men- 
tion it  to  his  parents,  lest  they  should  not  let  him  go. 
He  was  on  hand  at  the  hour  of  starting,  and  the 
whole  party  got  into  the  wagon  and  started  on  their 
journey.  Aunt  Betsy  drove  the  horses  over  the 
road  which  she  had  usually  traveled  on  her  way  to 
the  city,  and  just  before  daylight  came  to  the 
town  of  Covington.  Before  entering  it  she  stopped 
the  team,  unloaded  the  vegetables,  secreted  her 
husband  and  children  among  the  clothing  and  bed- 
ding, and  then  scattered  the  vegetables  smoothly 
over  the  top.  Her  husband's  fear  and  indecision 
had  increased  during  the  journey,  and  his  courage 
entirely  failed  him  when  they  neared  Covington. 
27 


3H 


REMINISCENCES. 


He  wanted  to  go  back,  and  only  the  firmness  and 
decision  of  his  wife  compelled  him  to  go  on. 

Aunt  Betsey,  having  seen  her  family  stowed 
away  out  of  sight,  mounted  the  seat  again,  with  the 
white  boy  by  her  side.  When  they  reached  the. 
ferry,  she  handed  the  reins  to  him,  and  took  them 
again  when  they  were  across  the  river.  The  ferry- 
men asked  her  no  questions,  for  they  had  often  seen 
her  going  to  market,  and  supposed  that  she  had  the 
pass  she  usually  carried.  After  reaching  the  city, 
she  drove  to  the  house  of  a  colored  friend  on  North 
Street,  where  there  was  a  dense  colored  population, 
and  the  wagon  was  unloaded  as  soon  as  possible. 
The  bedding,  etc.,  were  stored  in  the  basement  of  a 
colored  Wesleyan  church,  and  the  family  scattered 
among  several  friends,  where  they  could  find  places 
of  safety  and  concealment.  Aunt  Betsy  then  drove 
into  Broadway,  and  after  going  several  squares 
stopped  the  team,  and  told  the  white  boy  that  she 
must  go  to  the  market  and  that  he  must  remain  and 
watch  the  horses. 

I  had  been  duly  notified  of  the  arrival  of  the 
party,  had  already  received  some  of  them  into  my 
house,  and  was  now  applied  to  for  further  assistance. 
I  soon  planned  an  arrangement  by  which  the  team 
could  be  returned  and  no  clue  gained  to  the  where- 
abouts of  the  fugitives.  A  colored  man  went  to  a 
German  who  could  speak  but  little  English,  and 
hired  him  to  drive  the  team  across  the  ferry  to  Cov- 
ington, telling  him  some  one  would  take  charge  of 
it  there.      When  they, reached  the  wagon,  they  found 


SCENES  AT  RAILROAD  DEPOT. 


315 


the  little  boy  crying ;  he  said  he  was  tired  of  waiting 
for  Aunt  Betsey,  she  was  gone  so  long  to  market. 

The  master  next  morning,  finding  his  slaves  gone, 
started  in  pursuit,  and  when  he  reached  Covington 
he  found  the  team,  the  little  boy  and  the  German 
driver.  The  child  could  tell  nothing,  except  that 
he  had  gone  to  market  with  Aunt  Betsey,  and  that 
she  left  him  to  mind  the  horses  and  did  not  come 
back.  The  master  had  the  German  arrested,  but  as 
he  knew  nothing  about  the  affair,  except  that  he 
had  been  hired  by  a  colored  man  whom  he  did  not 
know,  to  drive  the  team  across  to  Covington,  he 
was  soon  discharged.  The  master  continued  his 
search  in  Cincinnati ;  he  informed  the  police,  and 
had  them  on  the  alert ;  offered  a  large  reward  for 
the  fugitives,  and  did  all  in  his  power  to  find  them, 
but  could  gain  no  clue  to  their  retreat. 

A  close  watch  was  kept  on  every  road  leading  out 
of  the  city,  and  the  friends  of  the  fugitives  dared 
not  move  them  in  any  direction  for  more  than  a 
week.  At  last  we  hit  upon  a  plan  to  get  them  out 
in  disguise,  in  open  daylight.  The  males  were  dis- 
guised as  females,  and  the  females  as  males,  and 
thus  attired  they  were  seated  in  elegant  carriages, 
and  driven  out  of  the  city  at  different  points,  ex- 
actly at  noon,  when  most  of  the  people  were  at 
dinner.  Those  who  were  on  the  look-out  for  a  com- 
pany of  frightened,  poorly  dressed  fugitives,  did  not 
recognize  the  objects  of  their  search,  for  it  was  quite 
common  for  the  colored  gentry  to  go  out  riding  in 
that  style.  They  were  taken  about  thirty  miles 
from  the  city,  and  thence  proceeded  by  night  travel 


3i6 


REMINISCENCES. 


to  Canada.  .Their  bedding  and  clothing  were  ro'.ed, 
and  shipped  to  a  trusty  friend  in  Detroit. 

In  connection  with  my  efforts  for  this  yj'ity  of 
fugitives,  an  incident  occurred  which  has  often  been 
related  with  much  gusto  by  those  whom  it  -r.nused. 
The  Ladies'  Anti-Slavery  Sewing  Society  fitted  out 
the  family  with  necessary  clothing,  and  it  devolved 
on  me,  as  usual,  to  collect  money  to  defray  expenses. 
I  started  out  to  call  on  some  of  the  stockholders  of 
the  Underground  Railroad,  and  stopped  first  at  the 
pork-house  of  Henry  Lewis,  whom  I  knew  to  be  a 
true  friend  to  fugitives,  and  always  ready  to  con- 
tribute when  there  was  need.  Walking  into  the 
office,  I  found  Henry,  his.  brother  Albert,  and  M.  E. 
Hagans,  now  Judge  Hagans,  who  was  then  Henry 
Lewis'  book-keeper.  There  were  also  three  stran- 
gers sitting  in  the  office,  slaveholders  from  Ken- 
tucky, who  had  come  on  business  connected  with 
pork — Henry  Lewis  generally  bought  their  hogs 
and  the  hogs  of  others  in  their  neighborhood.  I 
said:  "Henry,  I  want  to  raise  a  little  money  for  a 
family  of  poor  people ;  they  are  in  need,  and  I 
am  called  on  for  help."  I  knew  that  Henry  would 
understand  me. 

He  asked:    "Are  they  very  poor?" 

"Yes,"  I  replied,  "among  the  poorest  of  the 
poor,  and  must  suffer  if  they  are  not  helped ;  thou 
knows  I  am  often  called  on  in  such  cases." 

Henry  remarked  to  the  company  in  the  office  :  "I 
never  care  to  ask  Mr.  Coffin  many  questions  when 
he  calls  for  money  to  help  the  poor,  for  I  know  that 
he  is  often  applied  to  in  such  instances,  and  will  not 


COLLECTING  SUPPLIES.  ^7 

take  hold  of  a  case  without  he  is  satified  that  it  is  a 
case  of  real  need.  I  am  always  willing  to  contribute 
when  he  calls."  He  then  handed  me  a  dollar,  and 
said:    "Now,  gentlemen,  show  your  liberality. " 

His  brother  Albert  and  M.  B.  Hagans  each 
handed  me  a  dollar,  and  the  three  Kentuckians,  not 
wishing  to  be  behind  the  others  in  generosity, 
handed  me  a  dollar  apiece.  I  thanked  them  and 
retired,  with  six  dollars  in  my  pocket  for  the  poor 
family. 

About  a  week  afterward  three  or  four  other  Ken- 
tuckians, from  the  same  neighborhood,  were  in 
Henry  Lewis'  pork-house  on  similar  business,  and 
in  the  course  of  their  conversation  they  made  use 
of  threats  and  curses  against  the  abolitionists,  ac- 
cusing them  of  harboring  their  slaves  and  helping 
them  on  to  Canada.  Henry  Lewis  interrupted  them, 
and  said:  "Gentlemen,  you  needn't  say  a  word 
about  the  abolitionists  helping  your  slaves  to  get 
away.  There  were  three  of  your  neighbors  here 
the  other  day — all  slaveholders — and  an  old  gentle- 
man came  into  this  office  to  beg  some  money  to 
help  a  family  of  fugitives  to  get  to  Canada,  and  they 
every  one  contributed.  Now,  what  have  you  got 
to  say,  seeing  that  your  own  folks  have  turned  abo- 
litionists?" They  uttered  a  few  more  oaths,  and 
dropped  the  subject. 

It  was  the  custom  of  myself  and  other  abolition- 
ists in  the  city  to  try  the  roads  before  starting  out  a 
company  of  Underground  Railroad  passengers.  If 
we  suspected  there  were  watchers  lying  in  wait  at 
the  outlets,  we  sent  out  a  carriage  or  wagon,  con- 


3  1 8  R  EMINISCENCES. 

taining'some  noted  abolitionist  and  a  number  of  free 
colored  people,  and  much  merriment  was  excited 
when  they  were  pounced  upon  by  the  watchers,  who 
shortly  learned  their  mistake  and  retired  discomfited. 

A  large  proportion  of  the  fugitives  who  came  to 
my  house  in  Cincinnati  were  from  Kentucky.  The 
Ohio  River,  after  they-  ran  away  from  their  masters, 
was  the  principal  barrier  between  them  and  freedom 
but  they  generally  found  some  means  to  cross  it. 
They  could  not  cross  on  the  ferry-boats  from  Ken- 
tucky without  producing  a  pass,  indorsed  by  some 
responsible  person  known  to  the  ferryman. 

Another  story  of  Kentucky  fugitives  is  that  of  a 
couple  whom  we  will  call 

JACK    AND    LUCY. 

They  were  husband  and  wife,  and  belonged  to  a 
man  who  lived  ten  or  twelve  miles  from  Cincinnati. 
They  were  very  valuable  property,  and  the  master, 
through  reverses  of  fortune  or  for  some  other  rea- 
son, was  obliged  to  dispose  of  them.  He  sold 
them  to  a  Southern  slave-trader,  and  promised  to 
deliver  them  at  Louisville,  at  a  certain  time,  in  sea- 
son for  a  down-river  boat.  The  night  after  the  bar- 
gain was  made,  they  were  locked  in  a  back-room  up 
stairs,  for  greater  safety.  In  spite  of  this  precau- 
tion, they  managed  to  escape.  Tying  their  bed- 
clothing  together,  and  fastening  one  end  securely  to 
the  bedpost  near  the  window,  they  let  themselves 
down  to  the  ground  in  the  back-yard,  and  ran  away, 
barefooted,  bareheaded,  and  very  thinly  clad. 
When    they    reached    the   bank  of  the  Ohio,   they 


PASSENGERS  FOR  THE  RAILROAD.  ^IQ 

found  a  little  skiff  tied  to  the  shore,  and  breaking  it 
loose,  they  got  in  and  rowed  across  to  the  other 
side.  Reaching  Cincinnati,  they  went  to  the  house 
of  a  colored  friend,  who  brought  them  immediately 
to  my  house,  where  they  arrived  about  daylight. 

They  were  placed  in  a  garret  chamber  and  locked 
up,  none  but  myself  and  wife  knowing  of  their  pres- 
ence in  the  house. 

Their  escape  was  discovered  in  the  night,  and  the 
master  with  a  posse  of  men  started  immediately  in 
pursuit.  They  crossed  the  river  between  Covington 
and  Cincinnati,  about  the  same  time  that  the  fugi- 
tives were  crossing  below  the  city.  Supposing  that 
"they  had  not  had  time  to  cross  yet,  the  pursuers 
watched  the  river  for  some  time,  in  hope  of  cap- 
turing them,  not  knowing  that  they  were  safely 
ensconced  in  our  garret.  Finding  himself  foiled,  the 
master  then  went  to  Covington,  and  had  handbills 
printed,  offering  four  hundred  dollars'  reward  for  his 
property.  Jack  and  Lucy  were  worth  a  thousand 
apiece,  and  their  owner  felt  that  he  had  rather  pay  a 
large  reward  for  them  than  to  lose  them  entirely. 
These  handbills  were  distributed  among  the  police- 
men of  Cincinnati,  and  scattered  about  the  city,  and 
one  of  them  soon  came  into  my  hands. 

A  vigilant  search  was  made  for  several  weeks,  but 
no  less  vigilant  were  we  who  secreted  the  fugitives. 
From  a  small  window  in  their  room,  Jack  and  Lucy 
saw  their  master  passing  up  and  down  the  street  in 
front  of  the  house,  and  often  some  of  his  company 
passed  by,  late  at  night,  as  if  reconnoitering,  but 
no  attempt  was  made  to  search  the  premises.      Aftet 


3  20  *  KMTN1SCENCES. 

keeping  Jack  and  Lucy  secreted  in  our  garret  for 
two  weeks,  during  which  time  the  ladies  of  the 
Anti-Slavery  Sewing  Society  provided  them  with 
clothing,  the  hunt  seemed  to  be  over  and  it  was 
decided  to  send  them  on  to  Canada. 

Money  was  to  be  raised  to  hire  a  carriage  to  take 
them  away,  and  I  considered  myself  appointed  to 
collect  it.  Starting  out  one  morning,  I  went  into  a 
store  where  I  was  slightly  acquainted.  I  did  not 
know  whether  the  proprietor  was  friendly  to  the 
cause  or  not,  but  asked  him  if  he  had  any  stock 
in  the  Underground  Railroad.  He  inquired  what 
road  that  was,  and  when  I  told  him  it  was  the  one 
on  which  fugitives  slaves  were  sent  to  Canada,  he 
replied : 

"If  that  is  the  road  I  believe  I  have  a  little  stock 
in  it." 

I  then  told  him  that  there  was  an  assessment  on 
the  stock,  and  that  I  was  authorized  to  collect  it. 

"How  much  will  mine  be?"  asked  the  merchant. 

"Mine  is  a  dollar,"  I  replied,  "I  suppose  thine 
will  be  the  same." 

I  received  a  dollar,  and  went  on  to  another  store 
whose  keeper  was  a  Jew.  I  did  not  know  his  senti- 
ments, but  as  soon  as  I  informed  him  that  money 
was  wanted  for  Underground  Railroad  purposes,  he 
handed  me  two  dollars.  I  went  next  to  a  wholesale 
drug  store,  and  explaining  my  errand,  received  one 
dollar  from  each  of  the  proprietors,  who  were  abo- 
litionists ;  then  to  a  queensware  store  and  received 
a  similar  amount  from  each  proprietor.  I  next 
called  at  a  wholesale  grocery  on  Pearl  Street,  where 


COLLECTING  FUNDS  FOR  THE  ROAD. 


321 


I  had  business  to  transact.  I  knew  that  the  princi- 
pal member  of  the  firm  was  not  in  sympathy  with 
my  anti-slavery  work,  but  resolved  to  speak  to  him 
on  the  matter.  Meeting  him  at  the  door,  I  intro- 
duced the  subject,  and  the  following  conversation 
took  place : 

**  Hast  thou  any  stock  in  the  Underground  Rail- 
road, Friend  A ?" 

"No!" 

"  It  pays  well;  thou  ought  to  take  stock;  it  makes 
one  feel  good  every  time  he  is  called  on  for  an 
assessment." 

"I  want  nothing  to  do  with  it.  I  don't  believe  in 
helping  fugitives." 

"Stop,  my  good  friend,  I  don't  believe  thou 
knowest  what  thou  art  talking  about.  Suppose  thy 
wife  had  been  captured  and  carried  off  by  Indians  or 
Algerines,  had  suffered  all  the  cruelties  and  hard- 
ships of  slavery,  and  had  escaped  barefooted,  bare- 
headed and  with  but  little  clothing,  and  must  perish 
without  aid,  or  be  recaptured  and  taken  back  into 
slavery  ;  suppose  some  one  was  to  interest  himself  in 
her  behalf  and  call  on  me  to  aid  in  restoring  her  to 
freedom,  and  I  should  refuse  to  do  it  and  say,  '  I 
want  nothing  to  do  with  helping  fugitives' — what 
vvouldst  thou  think  of  me?" 

"I  do  not  expect  my  wife  ever  to  be  in  such  a 
condition." 

"I  hope  she  will  not  be,  but  I  know  of  some- 
body's wife  who  is  in  just  such  a  condition  now,  and 
I  have  been  called  on  for  help.  It  always  does  me 
good  to  have  the  opportunity  to  help  in  such  cases, 


322 


REMINISCENCES 


and  as  I  am  never  permitted  to  enjoy  any  good 
thing  without  wishing  others  to  partake  with  me,  I 
thought  I  would  give  thee  the  opportunity  to  enjoy 
this  with  me."  Then  I  told  him  of  the  man  and  wife 
who  were  sold  to  a  negro-trader  to  be  taken  to  the 
far  South,  and  related  how  they  made  their  escape, 
bareheaded,  barefooted  and  thinly  clad,  and  hast- 
ened to  the  Ohio  River  in  the  dark,  over  ten  miles 
or  more  of  rough  road,  while  their  hearts  were  full  of 
fear  and  dread  lest  they  should  be  recaptured.  At 
the  river  they  found  a  skiff  which  they  succeeded  in 
breaking  loose,  and  crossed  safely  to  the  city,  where 
they  found  good  quarters.  I  said:  "Great  exertions 
have  been  made  to  find  them  and  drag  them  back  to 
slavery,  but  the  efforts  have  not  succeeded ;  the 
fugitives  have  been  kept  in  close  quarters.  We 
think  now  that  it  may  be  safe  to  forward  them  on 
the  Underground  Railroad  to  Canada,  but  they 
must  be  suitably  provided  for  the  journey,  and 
money  must  be  raised  to  help  them  on  their  way. 
Now  I  want  thee  to  take  stock  to  help  us  clothe 
and  forward  these  people;  I  know  thou  wouldst  feel 
better  to  contribute  for  their  relief.  Now  I  have 
done  my  duty ;  I  have  given  thee  the  opportunity 
to  contribute,  and  if  thou  art  not  disposed  to  do  so, 
it  is  thy  look-out,  not  mine."  I  then  left  him  and 
went  into  the  counting-room  to  transact  some  busi- 
ness with  the  book-keeper.  When  this  was  done, 
I  turned  to  go,  but  as  I  was  passing  out  of  the  store 
the  merchant,  who  was  waiting  on  a  customer,  called 
to  me.  I  stopped,  and  he  came  to  me  and  said  in  a 
low  tone : 


COLLECTING  FUNDS  FOR  THE  ROAD. 


323 


"I  will  give  you  a  trifle  if  you  want  something. " 

I  replied:  "I  want  nothing;  but  if  it  is  thy  desire 
to  contribute  something  to  help  those  poor  fugitives 
I  told  thee  about,  I  will  see  that  it  is  rightly  ap- 
plied." 

The  merchant  then  handed  me  a  silver  half-dollar. 
I  took  it,  and  said:  "Now  I  know  thou  wilt  feel 
better,"  then  left  the  store.  About  a  week  after- 
ward I  was  passing  down  Walnut  Street,  below 
Fourth,  when  I  saw  this  merchant  coming  up  on  the 
opposite  side.  When  he  saw  me,  he  crossed  over 
and  coming  up  to  me,  smiling,  he  shook  hands,  and 
asked,  in  a  whisper:    "  Did  they  get  off  safely  ?" 

I  laughed  outright,  and  exclaimed  "Ah,  thou 
hast  taken  stock  in  the  Underground  Railroad,  and 
feels  an  interest  in  it ;  if  thou  hadst  not  taken  stock 
thou  wouldst  have  cared  nothing  about  it.  Yes, 
they  got  off  safely,  and  by  this  time  are  probably  in 
Canada." 

A    PRO-SLAVERY    MAN    SILENCED. 

Beside  dealing  in  free-labor  goods,  I  carried  on 
a  large  commission  business,  receiving  and  selling 
all  kinds  of  country  produce.     One  of  the  merchants 

with  whom  I  had  frequent  dealings  was  M.  C , 

who  was  pro-slavery  in  his  sentiments,  profane  in 
his  speech,  and  who  often  threw  out  slurs  about 
abolitionism  and  negro-stealing.  He  came  into  my 
store  one  morning  to  inquire  about  some  produce  he 
wished  to  purchase,  and  greeted  me  with,  "Good- 
morning,  Friend  Levi,  how  are  you  ?" 


324  REMINISCENCES. 

"Only  tolerably  well, "  I  replied,  "I  do  not  feel 
very  bright  this  morning;  how  art  thou?" 

"Oh,  first  rate;  but  what  is  the  matter  with  you 
that  you  don't  feel  bright  this  morning — have  you 
been  out  stealing  niggers?" 

"There's  no  need  of  stealing  them,"  I  replied; 
"they  come  about  as  fast  as  we  can  take  care,  of 
them.  There  is  one  here  now ;  he  arrived  in  the 
city  last  night  and  met  with  a  colored  man,  who 
took  him  to  the  house  of  Preacher  Green,  pastor  of 
Allen  Chapel,  whom  he  knew  to  be  a  friend  to  fugi- 
tives. Green  brought  him  to  my  house  this  morn- 
ing." 

"Where  do  you  keep  them?"  M.  C inquired; 

"  in  your  cellar?" 

"No,"  I  answered,  "Ave  don't  put  people  in  the 
cellar;  we  take  them  into  the  parlor  or  sitting-room. 
This  poor  man  has  suffered  nearly  everything  but 
death ;  he  has  traveled  a  long  distance,  and  been  on 
the  way  several  months,  suffering  from  cold,  hunger 
and  exposure.  He  formerly  lived  in  Kentucky,  but 
was  separated  from  his  family  some  years  ago  and 
sold  to  a  negro-trader,  who  took  him  to  the  South, 
and  sold  him  to  a  cotton  planter  in  Mississippi.  He 
was  set  to  work  in  the  field,  but  not  being  used  to 
picking  cotton  he  could  not  keep  up  with  the  others 
who  were  accustomed  to  the  work.  When  he  fell 
behind  or  failed  to  perform  his  task,  he  received 
such  severe  cuts  from  the  whip  carried  by  the  cruel 
overseer  that  the  blood  ran  down  his  back,  and  the 
wounds  left  scars  and  painful  sores.  At  night  the 
cotton  was   weighed    by   the    overseer,   and  if  this 


CRUELTY  OF  THE  SYSTEM. 


325 


man's  share  lacked  the  required  weight  he  was  strip- 
ped, tied  up,  and  cruelly  whipped.  At  night  the 
slaves  had  to  prepare  their  scanty  store  of  food  for 
next  day,  or  go  without  and  suffer  hunger.  This 
man  concluded  that  he  would  endure  such  a  life  no 
longer;  he  had  rather  die  in  the  woods  in  endeavor- 
ing to  escape,  than  to  live  in  such  cruel  bondage. 
He  had  heard  that  there  was  a  country  far  to  the 
north  where  all  people  were  free,  and  he  started  for 
Canada.  He  was  trailed  by  dogs  and  torn  by  them, 
and  captured  and  put  in  jail,  but  he  would  not  tell 
where  he  was  from,  and  finally  he  broke  jail  and 
made  his  escape.  After  enduring  much  suffering 
and  passing  through  many  dangers,  he  reached  this 
city  last  night,  barefooted  and  clothed  in  rags. 
Preacher  Green,  a  colored  man,  brought  him  to  our 
house  early  this  morning,  and  we  have  already  pro- 
vided him  with  food  and  clothing.  Preacher  Green 
collected  a  little  money  among  the  colored  people, 
and  has  gone  out  to  buy  a  pair  of  shoes  for  the  fugi- 
tive." 

M.  C listened  to  my  story  with  strict  atten- 
tion. When  it  was  finished,  I  stepped  from  behind 
the  counter,  and  said:  "Come  with  me  to  my 
house,  near  by,  and  see  the  poor  fellow.  He  seems 
quite  intelligent,  and  tells  a  straight  story." 

"Where  is  he?"   M.   C repeated;    "in  your 

cellar?" 

I  spoke  with  emphasis,  and  said:  "No!  I  told 
thee  we  did  not  put  people  in  the  cellar ;  he  is  in 
the  sitting-room." 

We  walked  out  together,   and   had   reached    the 


326  REMINISCENCES. 

door  of  my  house  when  I  stopped  suddenly,  and 
said:  "There  is  one  thing  which  I  forgot.  If  thou 
sees  him  thou  must  pay  a  dollar  to  help  him  on  his 
way  ;  wilt  thou  do  it  ?" 

M.  C shook  his  head,  but  I  looked  him  in  the 

face,  and  said:    "1  guess  thou  wilt;  come  in." 

We  entered  the  house,  and  I  introduced  the  fugi- 
tive, calling  him  Sam — his  real  name  I  did  not  know. 
"Now,  Sam,"  I  said,  "tell  this  gentleman  the  story 
thou  told  me  this  morning.  Tell  him  the  reason 
thou  ran  away,  and  what  thou  suffered  in  thy  long 
journey.      Don't  be  afraid,  there  is  no  danger." 

Sam  told  his  story  in  simple  and  touching  lan- 
guage, and  M.  C listened  with  interest,  asking 

questions  now  and  then.  Sam  showed  his  scars  and 
wounds  in  confirmation  of  his  story. 

I  then  told  M.  C that  it  was  not  safe  for  Sam 

to  remain  longer  in  the  city,  and  we  had  decided  to 
send  him  on  that  morning.  We  intended  to  put  him 
aboard  the  train  for  Detroit,  and  we  had  but  a  short 
time  in  which  to  raise  the  money  to  purchase  his 
ticket.  I  said  :  "  Preacher  Green  will  be  here  in  a 
short  time  to  take  Sam  to  the  depot.  He  has  raised 
some  money  among  the  colored  people,  and  I  told 
him  I  would  try  to  raise  the  rest  that  was  needed. 
I  want  thee  to  help  us." 

M.  C pulled  out  his  purse,   and  handed  the 

fugitive  a  dollar.  We  then  returned  to  the  store, 
and  I  said  to  my  companion  :  ' '  Now,  my  good  fel- 
low, go  and  tell  it!  Thou  hast  laid  thyself  liable  not 
only  to   a  heavy  fine,   but   to  imprisonment,    under 


SCENES  AT  RAILROAD  DEPOT. 


327 


the  fugitive  slave  law.  Thou  gave  a  fugitive  slave  a 
dollar  to  help  him  to  Canada;   I  saw  thee  do  it." 

He  turned  toward  me  with  a  peculiar  look,  and 
said:    "D — n  it,  you've  got  me  !" 

I  told  the  story  on  him  frequently  when  I  met 
him  in  suitable  company,  sometimes  asking  those 
present  if  they  had  heard  of  friend  C 's  con- 
version ;  he  had  been  converted  to  abolitionism,  and 
had  taken  stock  in  the  Underground  Railroad.    This 

always  created  surprise  and  merriment.      M.  C 

declared  that  he  dreaded  to  meet  me,  and  never 
again  troubled  me  with  slurs  or  insinuations  about 
abolitionism  and  negro-stealing. 

THE    STORY   OF    JANE. 

Jane  was  a  handsome  slave  girl,  who  lived  in  Cov- 
ington, Kentucky,  her  old  master  and  mistress 
having  moved  from  Virginia,  and  settled  in  that 
place  some  years  before  the  time  our  story  opens. 
She  was  kindly  treated  by  her  owners,  and  her  old 
mistress,  who  was  very  fond  of  her,  taught  her  to 
sew  and  do  housework,  and  took  such  pains  in  teach- 
ing her  that  she  became  quite  skillful  in  needle- 
work and  everything  pertaining  to  housekeeping. 
Jane's  lot  was  a  pleasant  one,  and  until  she  reached 
the  age  of  sixteen  none  of  the  evils  of  slavery  shad- 
owed her  life.  Then  her  old  master  died  and  she 
became  the  property  of  his  son,  who  took  posses- 
sion of  the  premises  and  assumed  the  care  of  Jane's 
old  mistress.  This  son  was  a  wicked,  thoughtless 
man,  and  poor  Jane  was  completely  under  his  con- 
trol.    After  living  with  him  some  time,  she  became 


328  REMINISCENCES. 

the  mother  of  a  beautiful  little  girl,  who  was  almost 
as  white  as  her  father,  Jane's  master. 

Those  who  have  seen  quadroons  and  octoroons 
will  remember  their  peculiar  style  of  beauty,  the 
rich  olive  tint  of  the  complexion,  the  large  bright 
eyes,  the  perfect  features,  and  the  long  wavy  black 
hair.  A  hundred  romantic  associations  and  myste- 
rious fancies  clustered  around  that  class  in  the 
South,  owned,  as  they  often  were,  often  by  their 
own  fathers  and  sold  by  them. 

Jane  was  a  house-servant,  and  did  not  have  to 
work  under  the  lash  or  toil  in  the  fields,  as  many 
slave-women  were  compelled  to  do,  but  she  felt 
keenly  the  degradation  of  her  position  and  longed 
to  be  free,  that  she  might  live  a  purer  life.  She  had 
experienced  a  change  of  heart  and  become  a  Chris- 
tian, and  this  offended  her  master.  He  decided  to 
sell  her,  when  her  little  girl  was  about  three  years 
old.  The  old  mistress  was  opposed  to  it,  but  her 
words  had  no  effect ;  the  master  declared  that  he 
would  sell  Jane  to  the  first  trader  that  came  along. 
Jane's  mistress  informed  her  of  the  fate  in  store  for 
her,  and  said  that  she  longed  to  save  her  from  it, 
but  was  powerless.  Jane  was  greatly  alarmed,  and 
in  her  distress  went  to  tell  her  grief  to  an  English 
family,  who  lived  near  by,  kind-hearted  people,  who 
were  opposed  to  slavery.  They  were  much  attached 
to  Jenny,  as  they  called  her,  and  felt  great  sym- 
pathy with  her  in  her  distress.  The  old  gentleman 
went  to  see  her  master,  and  tried  to  dissuade  him 
from  his  purpose  of  selling  Jane,  but  he  could  not 
be  moved.      Nothing  was  said  about  the  child.     The 


CRUELTY  OF  THE  SYSTEM.  329 

old  gentleman  told  me  afterward  that  he  had  no 
thought  that  the  brute  would  sell  his  own  child. 
Next  day  the  old  Englishman  and  his  son  in-law 
concluded  that  by  their  united  efforts  they  could 
raise  a  sum  sufficient  to  purchase  Jane,  supposing 
that  her  master  would  sell  her  at  a  fair  price.  They 
went  to  him  and  offered  him  five  hundred  dollars  for 
her,  intending  to  secure  her  freedom  and  to  allow 
her  reasonable  wages  until  she  paid  back  the 
amount.  But  the  master  refused  to  take  it.  He 
said  Jane  was  a  handsome  girl  and  would  bring  a 
high  price  down  South ;  he  would  not  take  less  than 
eight  hundred  dollars  for  her,  and  thought  perhaps 
he  might  get  a  thousand.  This  was  more  money 
than  Jane's  friends  were  able  to  give ;  they  thought 
it  was  an  unreasonable  price,  and  gave  up  the  idea 
of  buying  her.  A  few  days  afterward  the  master 
sold  Jane  and  her  beautiful  child  to  a  Southern 
negro-trader,  receiving  eleven  hundred  dollars  for 
them  both — nine  hundred  for  the  mother  and  two 
hundred  for  the  child. 

When  Jane  learned  that  she  was  sold,  to  be 
taken  to  the  far  South,  her  distress  was  indescriba- 
ble. She  and  her  little  girl  were  to  go  together,  but 
she  knew  not  how  soon  they  would  be  separated. 
She  slipped  into  the  house  of  her  English  friends, 
almost  overwhelmed  with  grief,  and  begged  them 
to  help  her  in  some  way,  to  save  her  from  being 
sent  away.  They  felt  deeply  for  her  distress,  but 
what  could  they  do  ?  Jane  was  to  have  one  day,  in 
which  to  wash  and  iron  her  clothes,  then  she  must 
start  away  with  her  new  master,  the  slave-trader. 
28 


33Q 


REMINISCENCES. 


The  old  Englishman  concluded  to  go  over  to  Cin- 
cinnati that  day  and  see  William  Casey,  a  worthy 
colored  man  of  his  acquaintance,  and  counsel  with 
him  about  Jane.  Casey  soon  suggested  a  plan  to  get 
her  over  the  river  and  put  her  on  the  Underground 
Railroad  for  Canada.  The  old  man  knew  very  little 
about  the  Underground  Railroad,  but  he  had  full 
confidence  in  William  Casey,  knowing  him  to  be  a 
true  and  reliable  man,  and  agreed  to  carry  out  his 
suggestions  if  possible.  Casey  said  he  would  get  a 
skiff  and  go  across  the  river  in  the  early  part  of  the 
night  to  a  wood-boat  that  lay  at  the  bank  in  the 
lower  part  of  Covington.  The  nights  were  then 
dark,  and  he  thought  he  could  carry  out  his  plan 
unmolested.  The  old  Englishman  was  to  apprise 
Jane  of  the  plan,  and  tell  her  to  watch  for  an  oppor- 
tunity to  slip  out  into  a  certain  dark  alley,  where  he 
would  be  in  waiting.  He  would  then  conduct  her 
to  the  wood-boat  where  Casey  agreed  to  be,  and  she 
could  be  rowed  across  to  the  city  under  cover  of 
darkness,  and  secreted  in  some  safe  place. 

Her  English  friend  managed  to  communicate  the 
plan  to  Jane,  and  she  watched  diligently  for  an  op- 
portunity to  escape,  but  she  was  kept  busy,  till 
late,  washing  and  fixing  her  clothes  preparatory 
to  starting  on  her  journey  next  day,  and  her  mis- 
tress or  some  one  'else  staid  in  the  room  to  watch 
her. 

Jane's  heart  throbbed  with  anxious  excitement  as 
the  time  drew  near  for  the  door  to  be  closed,  and  no 
opportunity  offered  for  her  to  get  away.  She  did 
not  want  to  leave  her  little  girl,  but  knew  not  how 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT. 


331 


she  could  take  her  out  of  the  house  without  exciting- 
suspicion.  She  went  into  the  yard  several  times  in 
the  evening,  and  finally  the  child  who  had  remained 
awake — something  altogether  unusual — followed  her 
out.  This  was  the  very  opportunity  for  which  Jane 
had  been  watching  and  hoping,  and  she  did  not  let 
it  pass.  Taking  her  little  daughter  in  her  arms,  she 
made  her  way  into  the  back  alley,  and  walked  rap- 
idly toward  the  place  where  she  was  to  meet  her 
friend,  the  Englishman.  The  child,  as  if  knowing 
that  something  was  at  stake,  kept  perfectly  quiet. 

Jane's  friend  was  waiting  at  the  rendezvous, 
though  he  had  almost  given  her  up,  and  concluded 
that  it  was  impossible  for  her  to  get  away.  To- 
gether they  proceeded  to  the  river,  Jane  trembling 
so  much  with  excitement  that  she  was  obliged  to 
give  her  child  to  her  conductor  to  carry.  Walking 
across  the  wood-boat,  the  Englishman  perceived  a 
man  waiting  in  a  skiff,  and  though  it  was  too  dark 
to  distinguish  faces,  he  felt  confident  that  it  was  the 
faithful  Casey,  and  handed  him  the  child.  Then 
assisting  Jane  into  the  skiff,  he  bade  her  good-by, 
with  a  fervent  "God  bless  you  !" 

Casey  brought  the  fugitives  to  our  house,  where 
they  arrived  about  midnight.  We  knew  nothing  of 
the  circumstances  beforehand,  but  were  accustomed 
to  receive  fugitives  at  all  hours.  They  were  soon 
secreted  in  an  up-stairs  room,  where  they  remained 
in  safety  for  several  weeks.  About  a  week  after 
Jane's  escape,  the  old  Englishman,  who  had  been 
afraid  to  make  any  inquiry  before,  came  over  to 
Cincinnati  to  learn  what  had   become  of  her.      He 


332  REMINISCENCES. 

was  not  acquainted  with  the  Underground  Railroad 
and  its  workings,  and  inquired  of  Casey  whether  its 
agents  or  managers  were  reliable  persons.  Casey 
told  him  there  was  a  man  in  the  city  who  could  tell 
him  all  about  it,  and  also  give  him  information  re- 
garding Jane.  He  then  conducted  him  to  our  house, 
introduced  him,  and  told  what  his  errand  was. 

I  informed  him  that  instead  of  the  Underground 
Railroad  being  an  institution  organized  for  the  pur- 
pose of  making  money,  it  was  attended  with  great 
expense,  and  explained  the  principles  by  which  the 
managers  were  actuated,  and  the  motives  which 
prompted  us  to  spend  our  time  and  money  in  aiding 
the  poor  fugitives ;  which  so  affected  the  old  man 
that  he  shed  tears.  Having  answered  his  questions 
satisfactorily,  I  invited  him  to  walk  up-stairs  with 
me.  I  gave  a  light  tap  at  Jane's  door,  which  was 
locked,  and  when  it  was  opened,  I  introduced  to 
Jane  the  friend  and  benefactor,  to  whom  she  owed 
her  escape  from  slavery.  Jane  threw  herself  into 
the  Englishman's  arms,  and  they  both  wept  like 
children.  Then  he  took  up  her  lovely  and  interest- 
ing child  and  kissed  it,  after  which  he  had  a  long 
conversation  with  her,  giving  her  much  good  advice. 
When  he  bade  her  good-by  and'  started  away,  he 
gave  her  five  dollars. 

Jane's  master  made  great  efforts  to  find  her  and 
the  child,  and  after  a  general  and  thorough  search 
in  the  city,  men  were  sent  to  the  lake  shore  to 
watch  at  different  points  where  fugitives  were  wont 
to  take  passage  for  Canada.  He  was  heard  to  say 
that  he  intended  to  find  her,  if  he  had  to  put  one 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT.  333 

foot  in  hell.  When  I  heard  of  this  expression  I  re- 
marked that  I  feared  he  would  get  both  feet  there, 
but  thought  that  he  would  not  find  Jane. 

All  this  time  she  was  safe  and  comfortable  in  her 
quarters  at  our  house.  She  became  much  attached 
to  "Uncle  Levy  and  Aunt  Katy,"  as  she  called  us, 
and  when  the  time  came  for  her  to  leave  she  wept 
bitterly.  She  was  put  into  the  care  of  William 
Beard,  that  active  agent  for  the  Underground  Rail- 
road, who  lived  in  Union  County,  Indiana,  and  he 
took  her  to  a  colored  school  in  Randolph  County, 
called  the  Union  Literary  Institute,  and  there  left 
her  to  attend  school. 

About  this  time,  a  young  slave  girl  from  the  far 
South,  who  had  made  her  way  to  the  Mississippi 
River,  and  there  secreted  herself  on  an  up-river  boat, 
by  aid  of  a  friend,  arrived  at  Cincinnati,  and  came 
to  our  house.  After  remaining  here  a  short  time, 
she  was  sent  to  the  same  school  which  lane  attend- 
ed.  They  studied  during  the  summer  term,  and 
made  fine  progress,  but  in  the  autumn  some  of  the 
colored  people  of  Cincinnati  visited  the  school,  and 
I,  fearing  that  the  girls  might  be  discovered — that 
the  news  of  their  whereabouts  might  reach  their 
pursuers — went  to  the  school  and  bade  them  pre- 
pare for  traveling,  explaining  to  them  the  exigen- 
cies of  the  occasion.  They  had  become  attached 
to  the  place  and  were  reluctant  to  leave,  but  I  told 
them  that  they  would  incur  a  great  risk  by  remain- 
ing, and  they  finally  consented  to  go  to  Canada  if  I 
would  accompany  them  across  the  lake.  I  agreed 
to  do  so  and  we  started  together,  but  on  the  way  I 


334  REMINISCENCES 

stopped  at  Oberlin,  Ohio,  and  had  a  meeting  with 
the  friends  of  fugitives  there,  and  as  I  could  not  well 
spare  the  time  for  the  journey,  a  reliable  and  trust- 
worthy gentleman  offered  to  go  in  my  stead.  The 
girls  being  convinced  that  they  could  put  entire  con- 
fidence in  this  escort,  excused  me  from  the  task, 
and  soon  were  on  their  way. 

Some  years  afterward  I  accompanied  a  party  of 
fugitives  to  Amherstburg,  Canada  West,  and  there 
had  the  pleasure  of  dining  with  Jane  in  her  own 
home.  She  had  married  an  industrious  man  of 
nearly  her  own  color,  and  was  comfortably  situated 
and  very  happy.  If  it  had  not  been  for  the  interven- 
tion of  the  friends  of  humanity  she  would  doubtless 
have  been  toiling,  broken-hearted,  beneath  the 
burning  sun  in  Southern  fields,  and  ofttimes  fallen 
under  the  cruel  sting  of  the  lash  instead  of  living 
in  peace  and  happiness  in  her  northern  home. 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT. 


335 


CHAPTER  X. 

CINCINNATI    STORIES    CONTINUED THE  RAG  BABY THE 

vice-president's  SLAVE— THE  DISGUISED  SLAVE 

WOLVES  IN  SHEEP'S  CLOTHING SALLY,   THE    SLAVE 

MOTHER — LOUIS  AND  ELLEN — THE  MICHIGAN  RAID. 

A  GENTLEMAN  from  the  South,  accompanied 
by  his  wife,  came  to  Cincinnati  to  spend  a 
short  time,  and  brought  with  him,  as  waiting-maid 
and  general  servant,  one  of  his  slave  girls.  He  had 
not  been  long  in  this  city  before  he  experienced  one 
of  the  annoyances  incident  to  slavery — his  slave  girl 
ran  away.  She  had  a  longing  to  taste  the  sweets 
of  freedom,  and  being  assisted  by  some  friendly 
colored  people  to  whom  she  made  known  her  desire, 
she  succeeded  in  getting  safely  away  from  her  mas- 
ter and  mistress  and  reaching  the  house  of  Thomas 
and  Jane  Dorum,  worthy  colored  people,  well  known 
for  their  efforts  in  befriending  slaves,  who  then  lived 
on  Elm  Street.  The  girl  remained  here  a  short 
time,  but  as  the  house  was  liable  to  be  searched  by 
the  officers  whom  the  master  would  employ  to  look 
for  his  missing  property,  it  was  not  prudent  for  her 
to  stay.  Jane  Dorum  or  "Aunt  Jane,"  as  she  was 
generally  known,  sent  a  message  to  my  wife,  asking 
her  to  bring  some  suitable  clothing,  and  come  pre- 


^Q  REMINISCENCES. 

pared  to  take  the  girl  to  our  house.  My  wife  at 
once  prepared  a  bundle  of  clothes  and  went  to  Aunt 
Jane's.  Having  dressed  the  slave  girl  in  suitable 
apparel,  she  conducted  her  to  our  house,  where  she 
remained  two  days.  At  the  end  of  that  time  it 
seemed  advisable  to  take  her  to  another  place,  for 
the  search  for  her  was  being  prosecuted  with  much 
zeal  and  energy,  and  our  house  was  in  a  public  situa- 
tion ;  we  lived  then  on  the  corner  of  Sixth  and  Elm 
Streets. 

My  wife  planned  how  she  could  get  her  away 
without  attracting  attention,  or  rousing  the  suspi- 
cions of  persons  who  might  be  watching  for  her,  and 
at  last  hit  upon  a  plan  which  seemed  good.  She 
dressed  herself  in  fashionable  clothes,  a  plaid 
shawl,  a  gayly  trimmed  straw  bonnet,  and  other 
articles  at  variance  with  her  usual  garb,  and  put 
upon  the' fugitive  garments  suitable  to  the  occasion. 
Then  she  rolled  up  some  clothes  and  made  a  rag 
baby,  being  careful  to  provide  it  with  a  vail  for  its 
head  and  face.  This  she  put  into  the  arms  of  the 
slave  girl,  and  thus  equipped  they  sallied  forth  into 
the  street.  As  they  passed  along  they  presented 
the  appearance  of  a  fashionable  lady  and  her  nurse- 
girl — the  servant  bearing  the  infant  in  her  arms. 
They  made  their  way  across  the  canal  to  the  house 
of  William  Fuller,  an  English  abolitionist,  where 
my  wife  left  the  fugitive,  knowing  that  she  would 
be  cared  for. 

William  Beard,  of  Indiana,  that  true  friend  to  the 
slave,  was  in  the  city  at  the  time  with  his  market- 
wagon,  a  large  covered  vehicle  which  often  did  duty 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT. 


337 


as  a  car  of  the  Underground  Railroad.  The  case 
of  this  slave  girl  was  made  known  to  him,  and  when 
he  was  ready  to  start  for  home,  he  called  at  William 
Fuller's  house  and  took  in  a  passenger.  The  girl 
reached  his  house  in  safety,  and  was  soon  afterward 
forwarded  by  the  old  reliable  road  to  Canada. 

THE  VICE-PRESIDENT'S  SLAVE. 

Jackson,  the  subject  of  this  story,  was  the  prop- 
erty of  Vice-President  King,  of  Alabama,  who  was 
elected  to  office  with  Franklin  Pierce. 

While  the  master  was  at  Washington,  the  slave 
ran  away  from  him  and  came  to  Cincinnati.  He 
was  a  barber  by  trade,  and  after  remaining  here 
unmolested  for  some  time,  he  opened  a  shop,  in 
which  he  served  several  years,  having  a  number  of 
patrons  and  being  liked  by  all  who  knew  him.  By 
some  means  his  master  learned  of  his  whereabouts, 
and  sent  an  agent  to  secure  him.  The  man  arrived 
in  Cincinnati,  and  without  procuring  a  writ,  as  the 
law  required,  resolved  to  take  forcible  possession  of 
Jackson.  He  gathered  a  posse  of  men  with  pistols 
and  bowie-knives,  had  the  ferry-boat  in  waiting  at 
the  wharf  at  the  foot  of  Walnut  Street,  in  readiness 
to  take  them  across  to  Kentucky  as  soon  as  they 
came  on  board,  and  about  noon,  one  day,  pounced 
upon  Jackson  at  the  corner  of  Fifth  and  Walnut 
Streets,  as  he  was  going  to  his  dinner,  and  dragged 
him  down  Walnut  Street  to  the  wharf.  Jackson 
struggled  with  all  his  might  and  calling  for  help, 
but  most  of  the  men  of  the  stores  had  gone  to 
their  dinner  at  that  hour,  and  the  policemen,  who 
29 


338  REMINISCENCES. 

were  generally  on  the  side  of  the  slaveholders, 
remained  out  of  sight.  Thomas  Franklin,  a  Friend, 
who  was  passing,  attempted  to  interfere  and  rescue 
Jackson,  but  the  men  threatened  him  with  their 
weapons,  and  he  was  obliged  to  desist.  Jackson 
was  hurried  aboard  the  ferry-boat  and  taken  across 
to  Kentucky,  where  his  captors  had  no  fear  of  his 
rescue. 

He  was  bound  and  carried  back  to  Alabama, 
where  he  remained  in  slavery  two  or  three  years, 
and  where  he  married  a  free  woman,  a  Creole  of 
Mobile,  who  possessed  some  property.  She  was 
portly  in  form  and  had  handsome  features,  with 
straight  hair  and  olive  complexion.  When  dressed 
up,  she  presented  the  appearance  of  an  elegant 
Southern  lady.  A  plan  was  soon  formed  to  gain 
Jackson's  liberty.  His  wife  was  to  act  the  part  of  a 
lady  traveling  to  Baltimore  on  business,  and  Jack- 
son, who  was  small  in  stature,  was  to  be  disguised  as 
a  woman  and  accompany  her  as  her  servant.  When 
all  the  preparations  were  made,  they  sent  their 
trunks  on  board  the  regular  vessel  for  New  Orleans, 
and  took  passage  for  that  city,  in  their  newly 
assumed  characters. 

At  New  Orleans  they  took  an  up-river  boat  for 
Cincinnati.  On  the  way  the  lady  stated  that  she 
was  going  to  Baltimore  on  business,  but  that  she 
intended  to  stop  a  short  time  at  Cincinnati,  and 
ordered  her  servant  about  in  a  haughty  manner, 
keeping  her  in  her  room  when  not  engaged  in  some 
service  for  her  comfort.  Some  of  the  Southern 
ladies  on  board  advised  her  not  to  land  at  Cincinnati, 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT. 


339 


as  Ohio  was  a  free  State,  and  the  laws  of  that  State 
declared  all  slaves  free  as  soon  as  they  touched  its 
borders,  when  taken  there  by  their  owners,  but  to 
stop  at  Covington,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river, 
and  leave  her  slave  there  while  she  transacted  her 
business.  She  informed  those  kind  ladies  that 
she  had  no  fears  regarding  her  servant's  running 
away,  or  being  enticed  off  by  the  abolitionists,  for 
she  was  much  attached  to  her  mistress,  and  would 
not  leave  her  under  any  circumstances. 

On  the  other  hand,  several  Northern  ladies,  who 
were  on  board,  took  private  opportunity  to  speak  to 
the  servant  when  her  mistress  was  not  near,  and 
inform  her  that  she  would  be  in  a  free  State  when 
she  reached  Ohio,  and  that  she  had  better  seize  the 
opportunity  to  escape. 

Her  answer  was,  that  she  would  not  leave  her 
mistress,  and  the  abolition  ladies  desisted  from  their 
attempts  to  advise  and  counsel,  pitying  the  infatua- 
tion of  one  who  had  rather  be  a  slave  than  be  free. 
When  the  boat  reached  the  wharf  at  Cincinnati,  the 
lady  took  a  carriage,  and,  with  her  servant,  drove  to 
the  Dumas  House,  a  public  hotel  kept  by  a  colored 
man.  Jackson  was  well  acquainted  in  the  city  and 
knew  where  to  find  friends.  A  few  hours  afterward 
I  received  a  message  requesting  me  to  call  at  the 
Dumas  House,  as  a  lady  there  wished  to  see  me  on 
business.  I  went,  accompanied  by  John  Hatfield,  a 
colored  man  who  was  a  prominent  worker  in  the 
cause  of  freedom,  and  who  had  received  a  similar 
message.  The  landlord  conducted  us  up-stairs  to 
the   ladies'   parlor,    and   introduced    us  to  the   lady 


340  REMINISCENCES. 

from  Alabama.  She  was  a  fine-looking-,  well-dressed 
Creole,  with  straight  black  hair  and  olive  complex- 
ion, presenting  the  appearance  of  the  ladies  one 
sees  in  New  Orleans  and  other  Southern  cities.  She 
was  polite  and  ladylike  in  her  manner,  and  informed 
us  that  she  had  sent  for  us,  though  she  was  a 
stranger  to  us  both,  that  she  might  consult  us  on  a 
matter  of  business.  She  went  on  to  say  that  she 
had  a  servant  with  her  whose  liberty  she  wished  to 
secure,  and  she  had  been  referred  to  us  for  advice. 
She  was  not  very  well  acquainted  with  the  laws  of 
Ohio,  and  felt  at  a  loss  how  to  proceed.  We 
advised  her  to  have  a  deed  of  emancipation  made 
out.  I  inquired  if  it  was  a  male  or  female  servant 
that  she  wished  to  emancipate,  and  she  called 
"Sal"  to  come  from  the  adjoining  room. 

The  servant  came,  and  made  a  graceful  courtesy 
to  us  and  stood  looking  at  us  It  was  Jackson, 
dressed  in  woman's  clothes,  but  we  did  not  recog- 
nize him,  though  both  of  us  had  been  acquainted 
with  him  before  he  was  taken  away. 

The  lady  then  ordered  her  servant  to  go  into  their 
bedroom  and  open  her  trunk  and  get  out  that  bun- 
dle. We  supposed  that  she  referred  to  some  papers 
that  she  wished  to  show  us.  While  the  servant 
was  gone  I  asked  the  lady  what  part  of  Alabama 
they  were  from.  She  answered,  "Mobile."  I  then 
inquired  what  route  they  came,  and  she  told  me 
of  their  journey.  At  this  juncture  her  servant 
returned,  but  the  bundle  seemed  to  be  on  the  per- 
son, who  had  turned  to  a  man.  We  recognized 
Jackson,  the  barber,  at  once,  and  greeted  him  with 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT. 


341 


a  hearty  hand-shake.  Then  followed  an  introduc- 
tion to  his  wife,  a  full  explanation  and  a  hearty 
laugh  over  the  whole  affair.  It  was  decided  that  it 
would  be  unsafe  for  Jackson  to  remain  in  Cincin- 
nati; he  was  too  well  known  here.  He  concluded 
that  lie  would  go  to  Cleveland,  where  he  was  not 
known,  and  where  he  could  be  on  the  lake  shore, 
so  that,  if  danger  appeared,  he  could  step  on  board 
a  steamer  and  cross  to  Canada.  It  was  decided  that 
his  wife  should  remain  at  Cincinnati  until  he  had 
made  preparations  for  housekeeping,  and  established 
himself  in  business,  if  a  suitable  opening  presented 
itself.  His  wife  had  means  on  which  she  could 
depend  for  support  in  the  interval, 

We  approved  of  Jackson's  plan,  and  the  next 
night  he  took  the  train  to  Cleveland.  He  soon 
secured  a  comfortable  house  and  shop,  and  wrote 
for  his  wife.  She  joined  him  immediately,  and 
when  we  last  heard  from  them  they  were  living 
comfortably  and  happily  at  Cleveland.  Jackson  had 
a  good  business  in  his  barber  shop,  and  was  troubled 
with  no  fear  of  molestation. 

THE  DISGUISED  SLAVE. 

There  are  numerous  other  incidents  of  slaves  who 
escaped  in  disguise,  and  in  many  instances  there  is 
humor  as  well  as  pathos  connected  with  them.  A 
slave  man  living  in  the  State  of  Arkansas  resolved 
to  make  his  escape,  and  fixed  upon  a  plan,  at  once 
daring  and  safe.  He  was.  past  middle  age,  spare  in 
form  and  below  the  medium  height,  so  his  personal 
appearance  favored  his  plan. 


342 


R  EMINISCENCES. 


Procuring  the  free  papers  of  a  colored  woman 
living  in  the  neighborhood,  he  disguised  himself  in 
woman's  apparel,  put  on  a  cap  and  a  pair  of  green 
spectacles,  and  provided  himself  with  knitting  work. 
Thus  equipped,  he  went  aboard  of  a  boat  bound  for 
Cincinnati,  having  made  up  a  suitable  story  to  tell 
if  he  should  be  questioned.  The  captain  examined 
his  free  papers,  and  finding  everything  satisfactory, 
he  was  permitted  to  take  passage,  and  the  journey 
was  accomplished  without  his  disguise  being  sus- 
pected by  any  one. 

In  talking  he  could  imitate  a  woman's  voice,  but 
spoke  only  when  spoken  to ;  he  devoted  himself 
industriously  to  his  knitting,  and  affected  to  be  in 
poor  health.  Some  ladies  noticing  him  said  :  "  It  is 
too  bad  for  that  sick  old  auntie  to  sleep  on  deck ; 
let  her  sleep  on  the  floor  in  the  ladies'  cabin,"  and 
the  chamber-maid  accordingly  put  a  mattress  there 
for  him.  Arriving  safely  at  Cincinnati,  he  went  to 
a  colored  boarding  house,  having  enough  money  left 
to  pay  his  expenses  there,  but  not  enough  to  take 
him  on  to  Canada.  I  was  sent  for,  and  after  hearing 
his  story  raised  sufficient  means  to  purchase  for  him 
a  ticket  to  Detroit.  Before  starting  on  his  journey 
toward  the  North,  I  advised  him  to  throw  off  his 
female  apparel  and  resume  his  proper  dress,  but  he 
said  that  his  disguise  had  done  him  such  good  ser- 
vice so  far,  that  he  would  wear  it  till  he  reached 
Canada. 

WOLVES  IN  SHEEP'S  CLOTH  TNG. 

Disgraceful  as  it  is  to  those  whom  it  concerns,  it 
is  nevertheless  true,  that  colored  persons  sometimes 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT. 


343 


turned  traitors  to  their  own  race,  and,  Judas-like, 
betrayed  their  brethren  for  a  little  money.  A  man 
of  this  character,  who  had  been  sent  as  a  spy  from 
Kentucky,  applied  to  me,  asking  my  help  and  pro- 
tection, and  seeming  to  be  much  alarmed  lest  he 
should  be  captured.  As  other  attemps  of  similai 
character  had  often  been  made,  I  was  on  the  look- 
out, and  was  wary  and  guarded  in  what  I  said.  I 
took  the  man  to  the  house  of  one  of  my  colored 
friends,  whom  I  privately  informed  of  my  suspi- 
cions, and  told  him  to  be  on  his  guard  till  it  should 
be  discovered  whether  the  man  was  a  fugitive  or  a 
spy.  It  was  soon  ascertained  that  he  was  the  latter, 
and  the  colored  people,  among  whom  he  had  been 
staying,  arose  in  their  indignation,  took  him  out 
of  the  city,  and  administered  punishment  in  the 
shape  of  a  severe  whipping.  After  this  he  returned 
to  Kentucky,  and  was  never  known  to  play  such  a 
part  again. 

At  another  time,  a  man  who  had  been  employed, 
to  act  as  spy,  by  some  slave-hunters  of  Kentucky, 
came  across  the  river  in  female  apparel,  and  pre- 
sented himself  at  the  basement  of  a  colored  church, 
in  Cincinnati,  where  fugitives  were  in  the  habit  of 
stopping.  The  sexton's  wife  was  suspicious  that  all 
was  not  right,  and  sent  for  me.  When  I  went,  I 
questioned  and  cross-questioned  the  suspected  fugi- 
tive, and  feeling  almost  certain  that  it  was  a  man  in 
disguise,  I  turned  him  over  to  the  colored  people, 
who  stripped  off  the  female  apparel,  and  inflicted 
such  a  severe   punishment  upon   him   that  he   was 


344  REMINISCENCES 

glad  to  escape  with  his  life,  and  return  to  the  other 
side  of  the  river. 

Such  schemes  of  deception  were  not  uncommon, 
but  they  never  succeeded  in  accomplishing  their 
designs.  A  white  man  once  called  at  my  house, 
and  when  he  was  ushered  into  the  parlor,  he  intro- 
duced himself  as  a  friend  of  the  oppressed  slaves, 
who  had  often  heard  of  my  efforts  in  their  behalf, 
and  wished  to  enter  into  an  arrangement  with  me 
by  which  a  number  in  Kentucky  could  be  liberated. 
He  made  many  professions  of  interest  in,  and  sym- 
pathy with,  my  work  for  the  fugitive,  but  I  did  not 
like  his  appearance  and  manner,  and  after  question- 
ing him  closely  came  to  the  conclusion  that  he  was 
a  spy.  I  informed  him  that  he  was  "barking  up 
the  wrong  tree,"  and  that  his  little  plan  of  engaging 
me  in  an  attempt  to  liberate  some  Kentucky  slaves 
would  not  work.  I  said  that  I  had  nothing  to  do 
with  slavery  on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  and  did 
not  believe  in  interfering  with  the  laws  of  slave 
States,  except  by  moral  suasion.  If  persons  came 
to  my  house  hungry  and  destitute,  I  received  and 
aided  them,  irrespective  of  color,  but  I  had  no 
intention  of  engaging  in  a  plan  such  as  that  pro- 
posed. The  man  left  discomfited,  and  I  afterward 
learned  that  he  was  a  slaveholder,  who  had  designed 
to  entrap  me. 

At  another  time  a  man  was  introduced  to  me  as  a 
friend  of  the  slaves,  and  proceeded  to  inform  me 
that  he  traveled  up  and  down  the  river  a  gieat  deal, 
being  engaged  in  some  capacity  on  board  a  boat, 
and  suggested  to  me  that  arrangements  might  be 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT 


345 


made  to  help  away  a  number  of  slaves.  I  had  good 
reasons  for  believing  that  he  was  an  impostor  who 
hoped  to  entangle  me  in  some  scheme  that  would 
cause  trouble,  and  answered  him  in  the  same  man- 
ner that  I  had  the  slaveholder.  Several  similar 
attempts  to  entrap  me  were  made  by  agents  and 
spies  from  Kentucky,  but  they  were  unsuccessful. 

SALLY,   THE  SLAVE  MOTHER. 

Sally,  an  intelligent  woman  of  brown  complexion, 
belonged  to  a  couple  of  maiden  ladies  who  lived  in 
Covington,  Kentucky,  having  become  their  prop- 
erty by  inheritance.  She  had  been  well  trained  in 
household  work,  and  was  an  excellent  cook  and 
housekeeper,  besides  being  skillful  with  the  needle. 
Her. husband,  who  belonged  to  another  family,  had 
been  sold  from  her  when  her  youngest  child  was  a 
few  months  old,  leaving  her  with  five  children,  all 
girls.  He  was  taken  to  the  far  South,  and  she  never 
heard  of  him  afterward.  Sally's  eldest  two  daugh- 
ters were  hired  out,  but  the  three  younger  ones, 
being  too  young  to  be  put  out  to  service,  were  left 
with  her  at  home. 

Sally  was  a  good  and  faithful  servant,  and  had 
never  suffered  the  sting  of  the  lash,  or  other  abuse. 
Her  mistresses,  probably '  to  dissuade  her  from 
taking  advantage  of  her  proximity  to  a  free  State 
and  running  away,  often  told  her  that  they  intended 
to  set  her  and  her  children  free,  but  the  time  was 
deferred  from  year  to  year.  Sally  often  reminded 
them  of  their  promise  without  getting  any  satisfac- 
tory reply,  and  she  began  to  feel  that  its  fulfillment 


346  REMINISCENCES. 

was  "mighty  onsartain,"  as  she  expressed  it,  but 
she  had  no  thought  of  being  sold  until  her  mis- 
tresses called  her  into  the  house,  one  morning,  from 
the  kitchen  and  told  her  that  she  and  her  youngest 
three  children  were  sold,  and  would  be  taken  away 
that  day.  She  said  this  announcement  was  like  a 
thunderbolt;  it  struck  her  dumb.  She  almost  fell 
to  the  floor  before  her  mistresses,  but  they  did  not 
seem  to  pity  her,  or  to  pay  any  attention  to  her. 
When  she  found  speech  she  begged  to  be  permitted 
to  go  and  see  her  two  girls  who  were  hired  out,  but 
her  mistresses  refused  her  request,  and  ordered  her 
to  go  up-stairs  to  the  room  where  she  slept,  and 
pack  up  her  own  and  her  children's  clothes,  in  readi- 
ness to  start  away  with  her  new  master.  When 
Sally  reached  her  room  up-stairs  she  set  her  wits  to 
work  to  find  a  way  to  escape.  She  managed  to  get 
out  of  the  window  on  to  the  kitchen-roof,  then  on 
to  an  adjoining  shed-roof,  from  which  she  slid  down 
to  the  ground  in  the  back  yard.  She  then  slipped 
out  the  back  way  and  ran  to  the  house  of  a  widow 
lady  living  near  by,  whom  she  knew  to  be  friendly, 
and  hastily  told  her  sad  story.  The  lady  deeply 
sympathized  with  her,  and  being  a  mother  she 
could  understand  the  distress  she  felt  on  her  chil- 
dren's account.  She  concealed  Sally  in  a  safe  place, 
thinking  that  the  children  would  not  be  taken  away 
unless  the  mother  was  found. 

Sally  was  soon  missed,  and  a  diligent  search  was 
made  for  her.  The  news  spread  through  the  neigh- 
borhood that  Sally  had  deserted,  and  a  company  of 
men  started  in  pursuit,  anxious  to  capture  the  run- 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT. 


347 


away  slave.  They  searched  among-  the  colored 
people,  thinking  she  had  taken  refuge  there.  They 
did  not  think  of  her  being  so^near  her  home,  and 
thus  overlooked  her  place  of  concealment.  In  the 
afternoon,  when  the  ardor  of  the  search  seemed  to 
have  abated  a  little,  the  widow  lady  came  over  to 
Cincinnati  to  consult  with  some  of  her  friends,  whom 
she  knew  to  be  abolitionists,  in  regard  to  Sally. 

William  Casey,  a  worthy  colored  man  who  was  a 
good  manager  in  such  matters,  was  consulted  and  a 
plan  was  soon  agreed  upon.  Sally  was  to  be  dressed 
in  men's  apparel  and  taken  about  midnight  to  a 
point  in  the  upper  part  of  Covington,  near  the  Lick- 
ing River,  where  William  Casey  would  be  to  receive 
her,  and  bring  her  across  the  river.  Sally  being  a 
small  woman,  it  was  somewhat  difficult  to  find  men's 
apparel  to  fit  her,  but  with  her  friends'  assistance 
the  widow  obtained  a  suit  of  black  summer  cloth 
belonging  to  a  youth,  which  she  took  home  with 
her.  Sally  donned  the  suit  and  made  a  presentable 
appearance  in  it,  but  it  was  rather  thin  for  the  sea- 
son, it  being  cool  weather  in  early  spring.  The 
undertaking  was  a  hazardous  one,  both  for  Sally 
and  for  William  Casey,  for  the  bank  might  be 
watched,  but  Sally's  liberty  was  at  stake,  and  Casey, 
who  was  ever  ready  to  aid  his  people  when  in  dis- 
tress, felt  it  his  duty  to  risk  his  own  safety  in  order 
to  rescue  her  from  slavery.  Sally's  lady  friend  sent 
a  trusty  companion  with  her  to  the  place  appointed, 
and  as  the  night  was  dark  they  escaped  detection, 
and  the  whole  arrangement  was  completed  without 
discovery. 


348  REMINISCENCES. 

William  Casey  brought  Sally  directly  to  our 
house  on  the  corner  of  Franklin  and  Broadway, 
near  Woodward  College.  Between  twelve  and  one 
o'clock  in  the  night  I  was  awakened  by  the  ringing 
of  the  door-bell.  It  was  no  alarm,  for  we  were  used 
to  hearing  it  at  late  hours  of  the  night  and  knew 
what  it  meant.  I  sprang  up,  dressed  hastily,  and 
went  to  the  front  door.  When  I  opened  it  I  saw 
William  Casey  and  another  colored  person,  appar- 
ently a  boy,  standing  on  the  steps.  Casey  told  me 
he  had  brought  a  fugitive  whom  he  wished  me  to 
keep  in  safety  for  awhile,  and  I  at  once  invited  them 
in.  When  we  reached  the  sitting-room,  I  addressed 
a  few  questions  to  Casey's  companion,  but  received 
replies  that  denoted  embarrassment.  When  Casey 
informed  me  that  it  was  a  woman  in  disguise  I  was 
much  surprised,  so  completely  did  she  make  the 
appearance  of  a  boy,  or  young  man.  Seeing  that 
her  countenance  denoted  trouble  and  that  she  seem- 
ed to  wish  to  avoid  conversation,  I  asked  no  more 
questions.  Casey  said  that  she  would  tell  her  story 
to  us  in  the  morning,  and  assured  her  that  I  and  my 
wife  were  true  friends ;  that  she  could  confide  in  us 
with  safety.  Casey  then  left  us  and  went  to  his 
home.  I  went  up  to  our  room  and  told  my  wife 
that  Casey  had  brought  a  fugitive  woman  in  men's 
clothing,  and  asked  where  I  should  put  her  to  sleep. 
She  told  me  to  take  her  to  the  fourth  story,  and  let 
her  sleep  with  Jane  Clark,  our  colored  hired  girl, 
directing  me  first  to  go  into  another  room  where  we 
had  some  clothes  for  fugitives,  and  get  a  bundle  of 
women's  clothes,  and  tell  Jane  to  dress  the  fugitive 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT. 


349 


in  proper  apparel.  I  acted  according  to  my  wife's 
directions,  and  conducted  the  fugitive  to  the  fourth 
story.  When  we  reached  Jane's  door  I  knocked  on 
it  and  called  her  by  name,  requesting  her  to  open 
the  door,  as  I  had  a  bed-fellow  for  her.  She  rose 
and  unlocked  the  door,  then  slipped  back  to  bed. 
I  opened  the  door  and  took  in  Sally  who  looked  like 
a  man.  Jane  glanced  at  us  wildly,  then  covered  up 
her  head. 

I  felt  a  little  mischievous  and  spoke  command- 
ingly:  "Jane,  thou  must  take  this  person  in  bed 
with  thee." 

"  I  sha'n't!  "  she  exclaimed  from  beneath  the  bed- 
clothes. 

"Now,  Jane,"  I  said;  "don't  act  so  ugly;  he  is  a 
good-looking  fellow.  But  if  thou  dost  not  like  the 
idea  of  sleeping  with  a  man,  get  up  and  make  a 
woman  of  him  ;  here  is  a  bundle  of  clothes  with 
which  Aunt  Katy  said  he  could  be  dressed."  Jane 
now  began  to  understand.  She  uncovered  her  head, 
opened  her  big  eyes,  stared  at  Sally  and  exclaimed : 

"That's  no  man;  you  can't  fool  this  chile." 

Sally  smiled  for  the  first  time,  and  said:  "Dear 
child,  I  am  a  woman." 

I  retired  to  our  room  and  left  them  to  arrange 
matters  to  their  own  liking.  Next  morning  Sally 
was  neatly  dressed  and  made  the  appearance  of  a 
good-looking,  middle-aged  colored  woman,  below 
medium  stature.  Her  expression  was  intelligent, 
but  sad,  and  her  countenance  denoted  anguish  of 
heart.  After  breakfast  she  was  brought  into  our 
room  and  related  to  me  and  my  wife  her  touching 


3  5  O  REM  IN  IS  CENGES. 

story.  Her  heart  seemed  ready  to  break  with 
trouble  for  her  children.  She  felt  that  she  could  not 
go  to  Canada  and  leave  them  to  suffer  and  d/e  in 
slavery.  She  was  sold,  with  her  youngest  three 
children,  to  a  man  of  whom  she  knew  nothing,  and 
did  not  know  where  her  children  would  be  taken, 
or  whether  they  would  be  separated.  Her  eldest 
two  daughters  might  soon  be  sold  and  taken  to 
the  cotton-fields  or  rice  swamps  of  the  far  South. 
Why  her  mistresses  sold  her  she  could  not  tell ; 
she  had  had  no  warning  of  their  intention.  It 
might  be  that  they  were  pecuniarily  embarrassed 
and  needed  money.  Her  heart  yearned  especially 
for  her  youngest  child,  about  three  years  old, 
who  had  weak  eyes  and  was  almost  blind.  She 
would  cry,  "Oh,  my  precious  child,  what  will  it  do 
without  mother?"  then  tears  would  stream  down 
her  cheeks. 

We  advised  her  to  compose  herself  and  remain 
quietly  at  our  house  and  await  the  result.  Perhaps 
now  that  she  was  gone,  her  children  would  not  be 
taken  away.  That  day  the  Anti-Slavery  Sewing 
Society  held  its  weekly  meeting  at  our  house,  and 
my  wife  introduced  Sally  to  the  ladies  and  left  her  to 
tell  her  story,  which  she  did  with  so  much  pathos 
and  simple  eloquence,  that  when  it  was  finished, 
there  was  not  a  dry  eye  in  the  room. 

Most  of  the  ladies  present  were  mothers  and 
could  sympathize  with  her  feelings  as  a  mother. 
Her  friends  took  measures  to  ascertain  the  fate  of 
her  children,  and  learned  that  they  had  been  sold  to 
a  man  living  near  Lexington,  Kentucky.      Sally  was 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT. 


351 


much  grieved  at  this  news,  but  still  hoped  to  gain 
possession  of  the  two  who  were  hired  out.  She 
staid  with  us  several  weeks ;  then,  fearing  for  her  to 
remain  longer  in  the  city,  I  took  her  to  the  house 
of  a  trustworthy  friend  in  the  country,  a  few  miles 
away,  where  she  stopped  several  weeks,  hoping  to 
hear  some  news  of  her  children.  A  vigorous  search 
for  her  was  kept  up,  and  feeling  uneasy  about  her,  I 
brought  her  back  to  our  house.  Efforts  were  made 
by  some  of  her  colored  friends  to  secure  the  liberty 
of  her  two  children  who  were  hired  out,  and  we 
endeavored  to  purchase  her  youngest  child  from  her 
master  in  Lexington,  but  all  these  efforts  failed,  and 
Sally  was  finally  sent  on  to  Canada  alone.  I  heard 
from  her  frequently  afterward.  She  married  again 
in  about  two  years,  but  the  consuming  grief  for  her 
lost  children  never  left  her.  One  daughter  finally 
escaped  and  went  to  Canada,  but  her  mother  died 
just  before  she  reached  her.  There  was  never  a 
reunion  of  the  family  on  earth,  but  let  us  hope  there 
will  be  a  reunion  in  heaven,  without  the  loss  of  one. 
There  all  their  wrongs  will  be  righted,  and  their 
benighted  souls  will  expand  in  the  light  and  freedom 
of  eternity. 

LOUIS  AND  ELLEN. 

A  merchant  who  lived  in  Newport,  Kentucky, 
and  did  business  in  Cincinnati,  on  the  opposite  side 
of  the  river,  owned  several  slaves,  among  whom 
were  a  man  and  his  wiie,  named  Louis  and  Ellen. 
They  were  favorites  with  their  master  and  mistress, 
and  enjoyed  many  privileges  not  usually  allowed  to 
slaves.     They  had  no  children,  and  Ellen's  time  was 


352  REMINISCENCES. 

fully  engaged  in  fulfilling  the  duties  of  the  place 
she  occupied  in  the  household.  She  was  intrusted 
with  the  keys  and  the  management  of  household 
affairs  in  general,  and  attended  to  her  duties  with  as 
much  dignity  as  if  she  were  a  lady,  instead  of  a 
servant.  She  was  an  intelligent  woman,  of  fine  per- 
sonal appearance,  tall,  and  of  light  complexion, 
with  straight  black  hair.  She  had  learned  to  read, 
used  good  language,  was  attractive  in  her  man- 
ners, and  was  liked  and  respected  by  every  one 
who  knew  her.  She  was  a  member  of  a  white 
Baptist  church  in  Cincinnati,  and  being  consistent 
in  her  religious  professions  had  the  esteem  of  her 
white  brethren  and  sisters.  She  often  had  the 
privilege  of  attending  the  church  to  which  she 
belonged.  Louis  was  a  confidential  servant,  of 
genteel  manners  and  appearances.  He  was  of 
browner  complexion  than  his  wife,  and  was  not 
her  equal  in  general  intelligence.  He  was  often 
intrusted  to  make  deposits  in  bank  for  his  master, 
and  to  collect  checks,  and  generally  did  the  family 
marketing  in  the  city.  Both  Louis  and  Ellen  had 
standing  passes  to  cross  by  the  ferry-boat  to  and 
from  Cincinnati,  and  occasionally  the  opportunity 
was  given  them  to  make  a  little  money  for  them- 
selves. Their  master  and  mistress  often  gave  them 
presents  as  rewards  for  their  good  management,  or 
as  incentives  to  good  conduct,  and  succeeded  in 
rendering  them  contented  with  their  lot.  Their 
master  often  promised  them  that  they  should  never 
serve  any  one  else.  Louis  and  his  wife  saved  their 
money,   and  in   the  course   of   ten  or  twelve  years 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT. 


353 


accumulated  about  three  hundred  dollars,  which 
they  deposited  in  a  bank  in  Covington,  Kentucky. 
The  cashier  of  the  bank  knew  that  the  laws  of  Ken- 
tucky did  not  allow  him  to  deal  with  slaves,  without 
a  permit  from  their  master,  but  being  well  acquainted 
with  Louis  and  Ellen,  he  ventured  to  take  their 
money  on  his  own  responsibility,  and  gave  them  his 
individual  note,  to  be  cashed  on  demand. 

These  were  palmy  days  for  Louis  and  Ellen,  but 
they  could  not  last  always.  Slaves  were  never 
secure ;  their  situation  was  liable  to  be  changed  at 
any  time,  by  the  death  or  bankruptcy  of  their  mas- 
ter. Louis  and  Ellen  experienced  a  sudden  change 
after  their  years  of  content  and  prosperity. 

Their  master  became  embarrassed  in  his  business, 
and  was  involved  in  debt  so  deeply  that  he  decided 
to  make  an  assignment  of  all  his  property  to  his 
creditors.  This  intention  was  concealed  from  his 
slaves  ;  but  Ellen  happened  to  find  it  out,  and  felt 
greatly  alarmed — fearing  that  she  and  her  husband 
would  fall  into  other  hands,  and  possibly  be  sepa- 
rated. She  came  over  to  Cincinnati  and  consulted 
with  a  prominent  member  of  her  church — a  book- 
seller and  publisher  in  the  city.  She  told  him  her 
troubles  and  fears,  and  asked  him  about  the  Under- 
ground Railroad,  thinking  that  she  and  Louis  might 
find  it  necessary  to  resort  to  that  means  to  secure 
their  liberty. 

Her  friend  said  that  he  would  help  them  all  that 
he  could ;  he  knew  very  little  about  the  Under- 
ground Railroad,  but  was  acquainted  with  a  gentle- 
man in  the  city  who  knew  all  about  it,  and  would 
30 


354  REMINISCENCES 

consult  with  him.  Soon  after  his  interview  with 
Ellen,  he  came  to  see  me,  and  very  cautiously  told 
me  the  story.  He  had  never  taken  stock  in  the 
road  and  was  ignorant  of  its  operations ;  and  feared 
that  he  might  involve  himself  in  difficulty  or  danger. 
I  was  much  amused  at  his  extreme  caution.  I  told 
him  that  the  road  was  in  good  working  order,  and 
if  his  friends  could  get  across  the  river  safely,  I 
would  see  that  they  were  started  safely  on  the 
Underground  Railroad.  Ellen  was  over  again  in  a 
day  or  two,  and  her  friend  gave  her  the  information 
he  had  obtained,  and  encouraged  her  to  put  their 
plan  of  escape  in  execution  at  once,  lest  the  way 
should  be  closed,  Ellen  replied  that  it  would  be 
some  time  before  she  could  be  ready  ;  she  had  a 
number  of  valuable  things  she  did  not  wish  to  leave, 
and  she  and  Louis  wanted  to  get  their  money  from 
the  bank  in  Covington  before  they  went  away.  Her 
friend  reminded  her  of  the  danger  of  delay.  She 
replied  that  her  greatest  anxiety  was  in  regard  to 
her  husband — if  she  could  prevail  on  him  to  come 
over  without  her,  and  get  away  safely,  her  mind 
would  be  easy,  and  she  would  stay  awhile  and  get 
better  prepared  before  joining  him.  She  did  not 
think  they  would  sell  her,  for  her  mistress  could  not 
do  without  her,  and  she  thought  she  could  manage 
to  get  away;  but  Louis  was  not  willing  to  leave  her. 
She  believed  her  master  intended  to  sell  Louis,  for 
he  had  been  trying  to  create  a  difficulty  between 
them ;  he  had  tried  to  make  her  jealous  by  accusing 
Louis  of  intimacy  with  one  of  the  slave  girls,  and 
had  advised  her  to  turn   him   off  and  have  nothing 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT.  355 

more  to  do  with  him.  But  she  knew  that  Louis  was 
innocent,  and  she  indignantly  resented  the  accusa- 
tion. She  told  her  master  that  she  had  lived  with 
her  husband  fourteen  years,  and  he  had  always  been 
faithful  and  kind  to  her,  and  she  would  not  believe 
any  such  thing  against  him.  (Some  time  after 
Louis  was  gone,  the  sin  of  which  he  was  accused 
was  proven  on  a  young  white  man,  connected  with 
the  family. ) 

The  day  following  Ellen's  interview  with  her 
friend  in  the  city,  she  was  arranging  the  dinner 
about  noon,  when  in  passing  the  open  door  of  the 
sitting-room  where  her  master  and  mistress  were 
talking,  she  heard  Louis'  name  mentioned.  She 
stepped  behind  the  door  and  listened,  and  though 
the  conversation  was  carried  on  in  a  low  tone,  she 
heard  that  Louis  was  sold  and  was  to  be  taken  away 
the  next  day.  She  was  so  shocked  that  it  was  with 
difficulty  she  finished  her  work  and  arranged  the 
dinner  table.  Louis  was  in  the  kitchen,  but  she  did 
not  venture  to  tell  him  the  news  until  the  family 
were  seated  at  the  table ;  then  suppressing  her  agi- 
tation as  Avell  as  she  could,  she  communicated  to 
him  what  she  had  heard.  The  announcement  of  the 
trouble  in  store  for  him  was  so  sudden  and  stunning 
that  Louis  was  almost  overwhelmed.  He  could  not 
collect  his  thoughts  enough  to  decide  what  to  do, 
but  Ellen  had  already  rallied  from  the  shock  and  at 
once  suggested  a  plan  for  his  escape.  She  told  him 
he  must  act  at  once,  or  his  pass  would  be  taken  from 
him,  then  handing  him  the  market  basket  she  told 
him  to  go  across  to  the  city  as  if  to  get  some  eggs. 


356  REMINISCENCES. 

She  often  sent  him  on  such  errands,  for  she  had  the 
management  of  the  kitchen  and  provided  articles 
for  cooking ;  so  his  movements  in  this  instance 
would  excite  no  suspicion.  Louis  was  loth  to  leave 
her  thus,  not  knowing  that  he  would  ever  see  her 
again,  but  she  encouraged  him  by.  saying  that  she 
would  join  him  in  Canada  at  no  distant  day,  and 
urged  him  to  start  immediately,  while  the  family 
were  at  dinner.  She  gave  him  the  address  of  her 
friend,  the  bookseller,  in  the  city,  and  told  him  to 
go  directly  to  him,  and  consult  him  in  regard  to 
what  was  best  to  do  next.  Louis  followed  her  di- 
rections and  told  his  story  to  the  merchant.  I  was 
sent  for  immediately,  and  when  I  arrived  Louis  was 
weeping  bitterly,  being  much  dejected  at  the  pros- 
pect of  leaving  Ellen.  I  tried  to  console  him  by 
telling  him  that  she  would  soon  follow  him,  and 
they  would  be  reunited  in  a  land  of  liberty ;  for  the 
present  he  must  remain  in  concealment  and  await 
results.  Louis'  friend,  the  merchant,  now  suggested 
a  plan  by  which  his  master  would  be  misled  as  to 
his  whereabouts.  The  market  basket  was  to  be 
filled  with  eggs,  and  placed,  together  with  Louis' 
hat  and  coat,  on  the  wharf  where  the  Newport  ferry- 
boat landed.  The  supposition  was  that  they  would 
be  recognized  by  the  ferryman,  who  knew  that  Louis 
had  crossed  on  the  boat  a  few  hours  before,  and 
that  he  would  communicate  the  news  to  Louis'  mas- 
ter, who  would  naturally  conclude  that  Louis,  in  his 
despair,  had  thrown  himself  into  the  river  and  been 
drowned.  I  was  afraid  that  if  the  plan  were  carried 
out  it  would  alarm  Ellen,  but  the  merchant  urged 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT. 


357 


it,  and  I  told  him  to  manage  that  part  according  to 
his  liking  ;  I  would  take  care  of  Louis,  and  see  that 
he   was    safely  concealed. 

When  another  hat  and  coat  had  been  furnished 
Louis,  instead  of  his,  which  he  left  at  the  merchant's, 
I  told  him  to  follow  me  on  the  opposite  side  of  the 
street,  walking  a  short  distance  behind  and  keeping 
his  eye  on  me ;  to  notice  where  I  stopped,  and  to 
follow  me  into  the  house  a  few  minutes  after  I  en- 
tered ;  I  would  meet  him  at  the  door  inside.  He 
did    as    I    directed,    and    I   conducted    him    several 

squares   to  the    house   of  J.    B and  wife,   well 

known  friends  to  the  slave.  They  belonged  to  the 
colored   race,    but  were    generally  taken    for   white 

people,  so  light  were  their  complexions.     J.    B 

was  quite  a  business  man,  and  a  shrewd  manager 
in  Underground  Railroad  affairs.  The  house  this 
worthy  couple  occupied  was  their  own  property. 
Here  I  left  Louis  for  awhile,  knowing  that  he  would 
be  in  safe  hands. 

The  merchant  carried  out  his  proposed  plan  that 
evening.  At  dusk,  a  sharp,  trusty  colored  man 
took  the  basket  of  eggs,  and  Louis'  hat  and  coat,  to 
the  river,  and  watching  his  opportunity  when  the 
ferry-boat  was  on  the  other  side,  placed  the  things 
on  the  wharf,  where  the  boat  landed.  He  then 
passed  on  a  short  distance,  and  concealed  himself 
where  he  could  watch  the  basket,  and  had  the  satis- 
faction when  the  boat  returned  of  seeing  the  ferry- 
man take  them  up.  The  ferryman  at  once  recog- 
nized the  articles,  knowing  that  Louis  had  been  sent 
to  the  city  for  eggs  and  had  not  yet  returned.      He 


358 


REMINISCENCES. 


took  them  to  the  other  side,  and  gave  them  to 
Louis'  master,  who  had  been  at  the  wharf  there  to 
inquire  for  Louis,  and  was  waiting  the  return  of  the 
boat,  thinking  he  might  be  on  it.  He  was  much 
surprised  when  the  basket,  hat  and  coat  were 
handed  to  him,  and  exclaimed  at  once  "Louis 
must,  have  jumped  into  the  river;  poor  fellow!" 
He  seemed  to  feel  regret,  aside  from  the  loss  of  his 
property,  for  Louis  had  been  his  confidential  ser- 
vant. He  took  the  things  home  and  showed  them 
to  Ellen.  It  was  a  terrible  shock  to  her,  for  at  first 
thought  she  supposed  that  in  his  deep  distress 
Louis  might  have  drowned  himself.  She  said  little, 
however,  and  hope  soon  sprang  up  in  her  mind ; 
she  concluded  that  it  might  be  a  trick  arranged  by 
Louis'  friends  to  deceive  his  master.  Her  uneasi- 
ness was  so  great  that  she  could  not  sleep  that 
night,  and  next  morning  she  wished  to  go  across 
the  river  and  see  if  she  could  hear  anything  of 
Louis.  Her  mistress  said  she  would  go  with  her,  so 
they  crossed  over  and  made  inquiries  about  the  river 
and  along  East  Pearl  Street,  where  Louis  generally 
bought  eggs,  but  gained  no  information.  Ellen 
wished  to  get  rid  of  her  mistress,  and  requested  her 
to  remain  at  the  house  of  one  of  her  friends,  on 
East  Pearl  Street,  while  she  went  up  town,  among 
some  of  her  colored  friends,  to  see  if  she  could  hear 
anything  of  Louis.  The  mistress  consented,  and 
Ellen  hastened  to  the  house  of  her  friend,  the  mer- 
chant. He  was  absent,  but  his  wife  heard  Ellen's 
story,  and  sent  immediately  for  me. 

When   I  arrived  I  found   Ellen   weeping,   and  in 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT. 


359 


great  distress.  She  told  me  how  the  basket  and  hat 
and  coat  had  been  found,  and  said  that  she  feared 
her  husband  was  drowned.  I  told  her  to  dry  her 
tears,  for  her  husband  was  alive  and  safe. 

"Oh!  where  is  he?  I  must  see  him!"  she  cried, 
transported  in  one  moment  from  the  deepest  sorrow 
to  the  liveliest  joy. 

I  told  her  that  it  was  not  best  for  her  to  see 
Louis,  that  such  a  meeting  might  open  a  way  for 
his  discovery,  and  endanger  his  liberty,  but  she 
begged  so  much  that  I  finally  yielded,  and  promised 
to  conduct  her  to  him.  She  followed  me  along  the 
street  as  Louis  had  done,  walking  some  distance 
behind  and  going  into  the  house  she  saw  me  enter, 
and  was  soon  face  to  face  with  her  husband.  The 
meeting  was  a  most  joyful  one;  they  threw  them- 
selves into  each  other's  arms,  and  wept  happy  tears. 

Those  who  witnessed  the  meeting  shared  in  their 
emotion,  fulfilling  the  injunction,  "Rejoice  with 
them  that  rejoice,  and  weep  with  them  that  weep." 
I  informed  Ellen  that  the  interview  must  be  brief; 
she  must  return  to  her  mistress,  whose  suspicions 
would  be  aroused  by  a  long  absence.  I  told  her 
that  she  must  suppress  all  signs  of  gladness,  or  her 
master  and  mistress  would  suspect  that  she  had 
heard  of  Louis'  safety. 

She  replied :  "They  shall  not  learn  it  from  me." 

We  encouraged  her  to  make  her  escape  as  soon  as 
possible,  and  join  her  husband  in  his  journey  to  a 
land  of  freedom.  Louis  was  very  anxious  for  her 
to  leave  at  once,  fearing  that  her  situation  might  be 
changed  and  the  chance  of  escape  made  more  diffi- 


36o 


REMINISCENCES. 


cult,  but  Ellen  said  she  did  not  wish  to  leave  her 
good  clothes  and  other  valuable  property  behind,  or 
to  come  away  without  getting  the  three  hundred  dol- 
lars they  had  in  bank  at  Covington.  There  was  so 
much  excitement  about  Louis'  disappearance  that 
she  did  not  dare  to  attempt  to  get  the  money,  lest  the 
movement  should  create  suspicion.  I  asked  if  their 
master  knew  that  they  had  money  in  bank.  Louis 
said  he  knew  that  they  had  saved  some  money,  but 
did  not  know  that  it  was  in  the  bank.  I  then 
inquired  if  they  had  a  bank  book,  and  they  replied 
that  they  had  not ;  the  cashier  had  given  them  his 
note.  I  told  them  that  was  a  different  thing ;  the 
cashier  was  individually  responsible,  and  not  the 
bank.  Louis  said  that  he  had  rather  lose  the  money 
than  to  have  Ellen  get  into. any  difficulty  about  it. 

I  asked  Ellen  if  she  did  not  think  her  liberty  was 
worth  more  than  the  three  hundred  dollars,  and  she 
said,  "  Yes  !"  I  then  advised  her  not  to  attempt  to 
collect  the  money,  but  to  leave  her  note  with  her 
friend,  the  merchant;  after  they  were  gone  he  could 
obtain  the  money  and  send  it  to  them. 

Louis  could  be  kept  safely  for  several  days,  and 
that  would  give  her  time  to  collect  her  valuables  and 
prepare  for  her  escape.  She  must  now  return  to 
her  mistress,  who  was  waiting  for  her  on  Pearl 
Street.  She  took  her  leave  reluctantly  and  hastened 
away,  saying  that  she  would  try  to  come  over  again 
in  a  few  days,  on  the  pretense  of  marketing. 

She  betrayed  no  signs  of  having  received  any 
intelligence  of  Louis,  and  went  home  in  apparent 
great  distress,  completely  deceiving  her  master  and 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT 


361 


mistress.  She  succeeded  in  sending  to  her  friend, 
the  merchant,  several  bundles  containing  her  own 
and  Louis'  best  clothing;  she  bundled  it  up  at  night, 
and,  without  discovery,  conveyed  it  out  of  the  house 
to  some  trusty  friends,  who  carried  it  across  to  the 
city  for  her.  In  a  few  days  she  got  permission  to 
cross  the  river  again,  and  completed  the  arrange- 
ment for  her  final  escape.     J B ,  at  whose 

house  Louis  was  concealed,  agreed  to  go  over  in  a 
skiff  on  the  night  appointed,  land  at  a  certain  point 
in  the  upper  part  of  Newport — a  private  locality — 
and  wait  for  Ellen  in  an  alley,  not  far  from  her  mas- 
ter's. As  soon  as  the  family  were  asleep,  she  was 
to  meet  him  there,  with  several  bundles,  containing 
the  rest  of  her  property,  and  he  was  to  conduct  her 
across  to  his  house,  in  the  city. 

This  plan  was   carried  out,   and  J B in 

company  with  Ellen  arrived  at  his  house  about  half 
an  hour  after  midnight.  Ellen's  friend,  the  mer- 
chant, and  I  were  present,  and  witnessed  another 
happy  meeting  of  husband  and  wife.  I  told  them 
that  they  must  change  quarters  at  once  ;  there  had 
been  so  much  passing  in  and  out  of  the  house  that 
night,  that  it  might  have  attracted  the  .attention  of 
policemen  or  others,  and  it  would  not  be  safe  for 
them  to  remain  longer.  I  proposed  taking  them  to 
a  place  on  Ninth  Street,  the  house  of  a  white  man, 
who  was  a  strong  abolitionist  and  who  would  gladly 
shelter  fugitives. 

Ellen,  who  was  neatly  dressed,  put  on  a  vail  so 
that  no  one  would  know  whether  she  was  white  or 
colored,   took   my  arm  and   we  passed  out  of   the 


362  REMINISCENCES. 

house.  We  were  then  on  Third  Street,  from  which 
we  passed  to  Plum,  and  made  our  way  to  Ninth. 
Louis  and  the  merchant,  shortly  after  we  left, 
passed  out,  one  at  a  time,  then  met  and  followed  us 
up  Plum  Street,   walking  a  short  distance   behind. 

When  we  reached  A S 's  house,  I  rang  the 

door  bell.      A S looked  out  of  his  bedroom 

window,  up-stairs,  and  recognized  me  at  once.  He 
came  down  and  opened  the  door  and  received  the 
fugitives. 

I  told  him  that  we  would  call  the  next  day  and 
make  further  arrangements  for  their  safety ;  then  the 
merchant  and  I  returned  to  our  respective  homes, 
walking  a  few  squares  together.     This  gentleman, 

D A by  name,  was  a  prominent  member 

of  Ninth  Street  Baptist  Church,  and  a  popular 
bookseller  and  publisher.  I  told  him  I  thought  he 
was  initiated  into  Underground  Railroad  work,  and 
as  he  had  now  taken  stock  and  had  a  little  experi- 
ence, I  wanted  him  to  manage  the  case  then  on 
hand,  and  see  that  the  fugitives  got  safely  to 
Canada.  Perhaps  he  would  be  willing  to  go  with 
them ;  Ellen  was  a  sister  in  the  church  with  him, 
and  that  gave  her  a  claim  on  him.  I  told  him  I 
would  give  him  a  position  as  conductor  on  the . 
Underground  Railroad,  as  I  was  President  ol  the 
road.  He  said  he  was  much  obliged  for  my  offer 
but  thought  that*  his  experience  was  not  sufficient. 

Next  day  D A and   I  examined  the  note 

for  three  hundred  dollars,  given  to  Louis  and  Ellen 
by  the  cashier,  who  had  received  their  money.  I 
told  them  to  leave  it  with  their  friend,  D A 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT. 


363 


and  I  would  put  him  in  a  way  to  collect  it.      I  asked 

him  if  he  was  acquainted  with  T ■  H ,  who 

was  cashier  of  a  bank  in  this  city,  and  he  replied 
that  he  was  not.       I   said   that  I   would  introduce 

him  to  T H ,  who  was  an  abolitionist,  and 

would  feel  an  interest  in  the  case,  and  probably  be 
of  service  to  him  in  collecting  the  money.  Louis 
and  Ellen  left  the  note  with  their  friend,  as  I 
advised.  The  next  night  they  were  moved  to 
the  northwest  part  of  the  city,   for  greater  safety. 

D A had  proposed  a  plan  to  them  which 

they  were  anxious  to  have  executed.  He  agreed  to 
write  a  letter  for  them  to  their  master,  dating  it 
some  days  ahead  and  giving  Chatham,  Canada 
West,  as  the  place  from  which  it  was  written.  This 
he  would  inclose  in  an  envelope  and  send  to  Elder 
Hawkins,  of  Chatham,  Canada  West,  a  colored 
Baptist  minister,  formerly  of  Cincinnati,  with  whom 
he  was  well  acquainted,  who  would  mail  it  to  their 
master  at  Newport,  Kentucky.  The  letter  would 
inform  their  master  that  they  were  free,  yet  felt  that 
their  liberty  was  not  complete,  for  if  they  crossed 
the  Canada  line  into  the  United  States,  their  liberty 
would  be  endangered.  If  he  would  send  them  deeds 
of  emancipation,  they  would  give  him  three  hundred 
dollars,  which  was  all  the  money  they  had  been 
able  to  accumulate  during  the  many  years  they  had 
faithfully  served  him.  He  was  also  reminded  of  the 
promise  he  had  made  so  often,  that  they  should  be 
free.     This  was  the  substance  of  the  letter. 

D A sent  it  to   Elder  Hawkins,   and   it 

was    mailed    at    Chatham,    Canada    West.       It    was 


364  REMINISCENCES. 

thought  safer  for  Louis  and  Ellen  to  go  out  of  the 
city,  and  a  few  evenings  afterward  they  were  con- 
veyed to  the  house  of  Joel  Haworth,  a  well-known 
abolitionist,  living  in  Union  County,  Indiana.  Here 
they  remained  several  weeks,  awaiting  results. 

Their  master  answered  the  letter  he  received  from 
Canada ;  he  refused  to  comply  with  their  request, 
but  promised  them  that  if  they  would  come  back, 
he    would    give    them    free    papers,    etc.        Elder 

Hawkins    sent    this    letter    to     D A and 

he  forwarded  it  to  Louis  and  Ellen,  in  Indiana. 
They  knew  too  well  what  their  master's  promises 
amounted  to,  and  resolved  to  go  on  to  Canada. 

I  introduced  D.  A to  T.  H ,  the  cashier 

of  abolition  sentiments,  and  made  the  latter  gentle- 
man acquainted  with  the  circumstances  of  the  case. 
He  said  at  once  that  he  would  collect  the  money 
which  the  note  demanded  ;  he  was  acquainted  with 
the  cashier  at  Covington,  and  if  he  refused  to  pay  it 
he  would  threaten  him  with  the  penalty  of  the  law, 
for  dealing  with  slaves  without  their  master's  per- 
mission. This,  however,  was  not  necessary,  for  the 
cashier  paid  the  money  without  a  word.      When  T. 

H returned  from  Covington,  he  handed  the  full 

amount  to   D.  A ,  who  carried  it  in  person  to 

Louis  and  Ellen,  in  Indiana.  They  were  much 
rejoiced  to  receive  the  small  sum  which  they  had 
been  so  many  years  in  accumulating,  and  which 
they  had  feared  was  lost.  They  were  immediately 
forwarded  on  that  old,  reliable  branch  of  the  Under- 
ground Railroad,  which  extended  through  Union 
County,  Indiana,  and  reached  Canada  in  safety. 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT. 


365 


A  year  or  two  afterward  I  was  in  Chatham,  Can- 
ada West,  and  met  Elder  Hawkins  in  the  street. 
He  invited  me  to  dine  with  him,  and  I  accepted  his 
invitation,  promising  to  be  at  his  residence  in  time 
for  dinner.  I  had  some  business  to  attend  to,  and 
several  visits  to  make  among  fugitives  who  had  been 
at  our  house.  Elder  Hawkins  pointed  out  his  place 
to  me,  a  large  brick  house,  and  when  my  business 
was  completed  and  my  visits  paid,  I  started  to  it. 
But  it  was  with  difficulty  that  I  made  my  way  along 
the  street.  Many  fugitives  whom  I  had  helped  on 
their  way  to  freedom  had  settled  in  that  place,  and 
the  news  had  spread  among  them  that  I  was  in 
town.  They  thronged  to  meet  me — to  shake  hands 
with  me,  and  say,  "God  bless  you  !"  I  thought  as 
I  made  my  way  through  the  crowd  that  I  could  not 
have  attracted  more  attention  if  I  had  been  the  ele- 
phant of  a  traveling  show.  Many  of  the  fugitives 
I  did  not  recognize,  but  they  remembered  me.  As 
I  approached  Elder  Hawkins'  house,  Ellen  rushed 
out  to  greet  me,  manifesting  much  joy  and  grati- 
tude. She  and  Louis  occupied  part  of  the  Elder's 
house.  Louis  was  not  at  home,  as  he  was  engaged 
in  tending  a  saw-mill,  a  short  distance  out  of  town. 
He  received  good  wages,  and  Ellen  worked  at  dress- 
making; their  combined  income  supported  them 
very  comfortably.  She  took  me  into  their  apart- 
ments, which  were  nicely  furnished,  and  looked 
neat  and  comfortable.  She  said  they  lived  very 
happily  there  and  were  very  thankful  for  their  many 
blessings.    Louis  had  been  converted  and  had  joined 


3  66  REMINISCENCES. 

the  church,  and  was  now  free,  both  soul  and  body, 
which  was  a  great  joy  to  Ellen. 

The  Elder's  wife  had  prepared  a  good  dinner,  and 
we  all  dined  together.  Soon  after  dinner  I  parted 
from  them,  feeling  much  pleased  with  my  visit. 

THE   MICHIGAN    RAID. 

The  farther  north  from  the  land  of  slavery  that  a 
fugitive  traveled,  the  more  friends  he  found,  and 
quite  a  number  of  runaway  slaves,  thinking  they 
would  be  safe  in  Michigan,  stopped  there  instead 
of  crossing  over  to  Canada.  At  a  place  called 
Young's  Prairie,  in  Cass  County,  Michigan,  where 
there  was  a  settlement  of  Friends,  and  a  number 
of  Eastern  people,  all  stanch  abolitionists,  there  had 
accumulated  quite  a  little  colony  of  colored  fugi- 
tives who  secured  homes  in  the  neighborhood. 
Some  families  owned  small  patches  of  ground  on 
which  they  had  erected  comfortable  little  log  houses, 
and  by  industry  and  thrift  managed  to  live  very 
comfortably. 

But  they  were  not  secure  in  these  humble,  vine- 
clad  homes,  for  Southern  bloodhounds  in  human 
shape  were  on  their  trail,  and  had  scented  out 
their  places  of  retreat.  Spies  sent  out  to  hunt  for 
fugitive  slaves  in  various  neighborhoods  in  Ohio, 
Indiana,  and  Michigan,  discovered  the  colony  at 
Young's  Prairie,  and  ascertained  that  most  of  the 
fugitives  had  come  from  Kentucky.  Among  these 
spies  was  a  young  Kentuckian  who  professed  to  be 
a  Yankee  and  a  stanch  abolitionist.  He  claimed 
to  be  an   agent  for  some  anti-slavery  papers  which 


THE  MICHIGAN  RAID.  367 

he  carried  with  him,  but  his  speech  betrayed  him. 
A  Yankee  living  in  Michigan  said:  "You  are  not 
from  New  England;  you  are  no  Yankee;  if  you 
were  you  would  say  keow  and  not  cozv.  You  are 
here  for  no  good  purpose,  and  the  sooner  you  leave 
this  neighborhood  the  better  it  will  be  for  you." 

Several  of  the  colored  families  spoken  of  were 
from  Boone  County,  Kentucky,  and  their  masters 
learned  of  their  whereabouts.  In  that  county  there 
was  a  company  organized  for  the  purpose  of  cap- 
turing fugitives,  with  funds  for  hiring  pursuers.  A 
plan  was  formed  to  seize  the  negroes  at  Young's 
Prairie  and  bring  them  back  to  slavery,  and  about 
thirty  men,  with  several  two-horse  wagons  for  trans- 
porting the  negro  women  and  children,  started  to 
Michigan.  Part  of  the  company  on  horseback  went 
ahead  of  the  wagons  to  ascertain  the  exact  location 
of  the  fugitives,  and  to  have  all  things  arranged  for 
a  simultaneous  raid  upon  the  different  negro  cabins 
scattered  around  the  edge  of  the  prairie,  and  in 
small  groves  in  the  neighborhood.  They  were  to 
make  their  headquarters  at  Niles,  a  few  miles  dis- 
tant, in  an  adjoining  county,  and  scatter  out  through 
Young's  Prairie  in  small  parties,  under  pretense  of 
looking  for  land  to  purchase,  or  buying  stock.  By 
this  means  they  could  obtain  all  necessary  informa- 
tion in  regard  to  the  location  of  the  colored  people 
without  exciting  suspicion  as  to  their  real  mission. 
Then  some  of  the  company  were  to  meet  the  teams, 
and  conduct  the  wagons  to  different  localities  in  the 
neighborhood,  where  they  would  camp  until  a  late 
hour  at  night.     This  arrangement  appeared  to  con- 


368  REMINISCENCES. 

tain  the  elements  of  success,  but  it  did  not  succeed. 
Slaves  often   have    friends    living  in  slave  States — 
people  whose  principles  are  unknown  to  the  slave- 
holders.     One    of  this    class,   a    man   living    in    the 
neighborhood    of    the    Kentucky    slaveholders,    be- 
came  apprised  of  all  their  plans  for  capturing  the 
fugitives    in     Michigan,    but    was    misinformed    in 
regard  to  the  time  they  were  to  start.      He  wrote 
to  a  confidential  friend  in  Cincinnati,  informing  him 
of  all  the  plans  of  the  raiders,  but  stated  the  time 
of   their  starting  incorrectly — they  started    several 
days  earlier.      His   friend   came   directly  to  me  and 
gave  me  all  the  information  he  had  received.      I  at 
once  set  about  to  intercept  their  plans.      I  was  well 
acquainted  at  Young's    Prairie,    Michigan.      There 
was  a  settlement  of  Friends  there,  many  of  whom 
had  emigrated   from  Wayne    County,    Indiana,   and 
were  among  the  early  settlers  of  that  neighborhood. 
Some  had  formerly  been  my  neighbors  in  Indiana. 
I  had  been  at  Young's  Prairie,   and  visited  several 
of    the    families    of    fugitives    in    that    settlement. 
Friends  had  established  a  school  among  them,  and 
they  seemed  to  be  prospering.      I  decided  to  send 
a    messenger    at    once    to    apprise    them    and   their 
friends  of  their  danger.      At  that  day,  letters  were 
often  eight  or  ten  days  in  reaching  Young's  Prairie, 
and  I  knew  it  would  not  do  to  risk  sending  a  mess- 
age by  mail;  it  would  not  reach  them  in  time. 

A  young  man  then  boarding  with  us,  an  active 
and  energetic  abolitionist,  volunteered  to  go  if  his 
expenses  were  paid.  I  agreed  to  pay  his  expenses, 
and  started  him  at  once.     As  there  were  no  rail- 


THE  MICHIGAN  RAID. 


369 


roads  or  stage  lines  then,  we  had  to  depend  on 
private  conveyance  for  the  journey.  I  gave  the 
young  man  letters  to  my  friends  in  the  various 
neighborhoods  in  Indiana,  through  which  he  would 
pass,  requesting  them  to  furnish  him  with  fresh 
horses  on  the  stages  of  his  journey.  This  was 
promptly  done  on  his  way  through  Wayne,  Ran- 
dolph and  Grant  Counties,  Indiana,  and  greatly 
facilitated  his  journey  to  Michigan.  But  his  labo- 
rious and  energetic  effort  proved  too  late ;  the  raid 
was  over.  The  Kentuckians  had  started  several 
days  earlier  than  the  time  named  in  our  informant's 
letter,  and  their  plans  had  been  put  into  execution. 
On  the  night  of  the  raid  they  divided  their  company, 
and  each  party  made  a  simultaneous  attack  on  the 
negro  cabins.  They  seized  the  unsuspecting  inmates 
as  they  slept,  bound  them,  and  placed  them  in  the 
wagons.  There  were  desperate  struggles  at  many 
of  the  cabins,  and  a  number  of  the  fugitives  were 
bruised  and  wounded,  before  they  were  overpow- 
ered and  bound.  A  certain  place  on  the  prairie  had 
been  agreed  upon  as  a  rendezvous,  and  thither  the 
different  companies  made  their  way.  In  one  party 
of  marauders  was  a  Baptist  minister,  who  claimed 
to  be  the  owner  of  a  negro  man  and  his  wife — val- 
uable property.  They  had  leased  a  piece  of  land  of 
Zachariah  Shugart,  a  Friend,  and  had  built  3  snug 
cabin  in  which  they  had  lived  two  or  three  years. 
They  had  one  child,  a  babe  a  few  months  old. 
Being  frugal  and  industrious  they  had  prospered, 
and  were  much  respected  by  their  neighbors.  The 
minister  and  his   party  approached  this  cabin  and 


3  jo  HE  MINIS  CENCES. 

tried  to  gain  entrance  at  the  only  door,  but  it  was 
barred  inside  and  resisted  their  efforts.  They 
demanded  entrance,  but  the  negro  man  recognized 
his  master's  voice  and  refused  to  open  the  door. 

The  party  seized  an  ax,  battered  down  the  door 
and  entered.  The  negro  man  made  weapons  of 
chairs  or  anything  he  could  get  hold  of  and  fought 
desperately,  keeping  them  at  bay  for  some  time, 
but  was  at  last  wounded  and  overpowered.  During 
this  conflict  his  wife,  leaving  her  babe  in  bed, 
crawled  out  of  a  small  window  at  the  back  of  the 
cabin  and  ran  to  Zachariah  Shugart's.  She  gave 
the  alarm  and  then  hid  herself.  Zachariah  Shugart 
mounted  his  horse  and  rode  as  fast  as  he  could  to 
the  house  of  his  nearest  neighbor,  Stephen  Bogue, 
who  had  a  very  fleet  saddle-horse.  As  soon  as  he 
heard  the  news,  Stephen  Bogue  mounted  this  horse 
and  rode  with  all  possible  speed  to  Cassopolis,  the 
county  seat,  three  miles  distant,  to  give  the  alarm 
and  to  obtain  a  writ  and  to  have  the  kidnappers 
arrested. 

It  was  now  daylight.  A  large  company  of  men 
soon  rallied  and  hastened  toward  Young's  Prairie,  to 
rescue  the  fugitives.  They  were  headed  by  a  reso- 
lute, brawny-armed  blacksmith,  called  Bill  Jones, 
who  assumed  command  of  the  party.  Their  com- 
pany increased  rapidly  as  they  entered  the  prairie, 
until  it  numbered  two  hundred  men.  The  whole 
neighborhood  was  aroused,  and  hastened  to  the 
rescue. 

Now  to  return  to  the  cabin  whence  the  alarm 
originated.       Zachariah  Shugart,   after  carrying  the 


THE  MICHIGAN  RAW. 


371 


news  to  Stephen  Bogue,  went  to  see  what  had 
become  of  his  tenants  and  to  watch  the  movements 
of  the  kidnappers.  The  negro  man,  after  his  brave 
struggle,  had  been  knocked  down,  dragged  into  the 
yard,  securely  bound  and  placed  in  the  wagon.  The 
preacher  then  rushed  into  the  cabin  to  secure  his 
other  property,  but  the  wife  was  not  to  be  found, 
having  escaped,  as  mentioned,  through  a  back 
window  when  the  fight  was  in  progress.  The  child 
was  crying,  and  the  minister  took  it  up  from  the 
bed.  Although  it  had  been  born  in  a  free  State,  he 
claimed  it  as  his  property,  on  the  glea  that  the  child 
follows  the  condition  of  the  mother — the  rule  in 
slave  States.  He  carried  it  out,  supposing  that 
when  the  mother  heard  its  screams  she  would  come 
out  of  her  hiding-place  and  run  to  her  child — but 
no  mother  came.  Young  children  were  w6rth  two 
hundred  dollars  in  Kentucky — too  much  to  lose. 

The  minister  mounted  his  horse  with  the  child  in 
his  arms,  and  they  moved  toward  the  place  of  ren- 
dezvous in  the  main  road,  half  a  mile  distant. 
About  the  time  they  reached  the  place  Bill  Jones 
and  his  company  arrived,  and  the  other  companies 
of  raiders  soon  came  up.  The  Kentuckians  were  all 
well  armed  with  revolvers  and  bowie-knives,  and 
thought  to  intimidate  their  assailants  by  threats  and 
a  free  display  of  their  weapons.  But  they  were 
mistaken.  On  one  side  of  the  road  stood  a  low 
stake  fence,  the  kind  generally  used  on  prairies. 
Bill  Jones  and  his  company  soon  stripped  the  fence 
of  its  stakes,  and  with  these  formidable  weapons, 
the    blacksmith  commanded    his    party    to    charge, 


372 


REMINISCENCES. 


telling  them  not  to  leave  a  kidnapper  alive.  But 
fortunately  for  the  Kentuckians,  there  were  several 
Friend  Quakers  present,  who  stepped  in  between 
the  parties  and  prevented  a  collision.  The  brave 
Kentucky  slave  catchers  were  completely  cowed, 
and  agreed  to  go  quietly  to  Cassopolis,  the  county 
seat,  and  prove  their  property  before  the  proper 
authorities,  as  the  law  required. 

The  negroes  who  were  bound  were  soon  released, 
and  Bill  Jones  seeing  the  Baptist  minister  on  horse- 
back with  the  infant  in  his  arms  compelled  him  to 
dismount,  and  let#the  child's  father,  who  was  bleed- 
ing irom  his  wounds,  ride  in  his  stead.  The  min- 
ister he  compelled  to  walk  and  carry  the  child  in 
his  arms,  and  whenever  they  passed  a  house,  the 
people  were  called  out  to  look  at  that  child-stealer, 
a  preacher.  When  they  reached  Cassoplis,  Bill 
Jones  further  compelled  him  to  march  up  and  down 
the  street,  and  called  the  attention  of  the  people  to 
this  divine,  who  had  been  stealing  a  negro  babe, 
and  taunted  him  so  much  that  he  actually  cried  with 
vexation.  The  raiders  were  here  served  with  a  writ 
by  the  sheriff,  arresting  them  for  kidnapping,  and 
were  committed  to  jail  where  they  were  kept  for 
several  days — unt  1  the  negroes  were  on  their  way 
to  Canada.  A  fair  trial  was  promised  to  the  pris- 
oners, and  they  were  allowed  to  send  to  Niles  for 
lawyers.  When  the  time  appointed  came,  a  kind  of 
sham  trial  was  held,  and  they  were  dismissed  with- 
out further  punishment  than  paying  costs.  These 
amounted  to  a  considerable  sum,  and  but  one  man 
in  the  company   had  money  to  pay  the  bill.     The 


THE  MICHIGAN  RAID.  373 

main  object  to  be  gained  was  the  freedom  of  the 
negroes.  The  kidnappers  were  glad  to  return  to 
Kentucky  without  the  fugitives,  and  there  was  soon 
a  general  move  of  the  latter  from  Young's  Prairie 
to  Canada. 

After  awhile  the  owners  of  some  of  these  slaves 
brought  suit  for  the  amount  of  their  full  value 
against  those  persons  who  had  befriended  them. 
The  fugitive  slave  law  visited  a  heavy  penalty  on 
those  who  befriended  slaves,  not  only  fine  and 
imprisonment,  but  sometimes  the  payment  of  the 
full  value  of  the  slaves.  The  case  was  tried  in  the 
Supreme  Court  at  Detroit.  The  trial  was  put  off 
from  one  session  of  the  court  to  another,  subjecting 
those  who  had  been  sued  to  much  inconvenience 
and  cost  in  attending  court,  paying  lawyers'  fees, 
etc.  But  the  slaveholders  failed  to  make  out  the 
case  against  them,  and  the  slaves  were  out- of  their 
reach  in  Canada. 


374 


REMINISCENCES. 


CHAPTER  XL 

CINCINNATI     STORIES     CONTINUED JOHN     WILSON     AND 

ELIZA — UNCLE    TOM — ROSE,    THE    WHITE    SLAVE 

STORY  OF  JIM  AND  HIS  FRIEND  IN  A  TIGHT  BOX. 

JOHN  WILSON  AND  ELIZA. 

A  WHITE  man  named  John  Wilson,  a  machin- 
ist by  trade,  went  from  Pittsburg,  Pennsyl- 
vania, to  the  South,  where  he  spent  several  years 
putting  up  sugar-mills  and  other  machinery.  He 
resided  .at  Bayou  Plaquemine,  on  the  Mississippi 
River,  about  one  hundred  miles  above  New  Orleans, 
and  while  there  became  attached  to  a  young  woman 
nearly  white,  the  slave  of  a  planter  named  Bissell, 
who  lived  at  that  place.  He  tried  to  purchase  her 
from  her  master  that  he  might  give  her  her  freedom 
and  make  her  his  wife,  and  offered  a  high  price,  but 
Bissell  would  not  sell  her.  The  girl,  whose  name 
was  Eliza,  reciprocated  the  sincere  attachment  of 
Wilson,  but  no  slave  could  be  legally  married  in 
that  State,  and  it  was  useless  to  expect  to  be  his 
wife  in  law.  She  and  Wilson  remained  faithful  to 
each  other  through  several  years,  and  in  that  time 
two  children  were  born  to  them. 

Eliza's  master  finally  became  suspicious  that  Wil- 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT.  375 

son  would  try  to  take  her  to  the  North,  and  resolved 
to  separate  them  and  send  her  away  from  him.  She 
was  an  excellent  house  servant,  but  he  had  her 
taken  from  the  house  and  sent,  without  her  children, 
to  a  cotton  plantation  which  he  owned  about  four- 
teen miles  from  Bayou  Plaquemine,  and  there  set  to 
work  as  a  common  field  hand.  She  was  forbidden, 
under  heavy  penalties,  to  have  any  communication 
with  her  husband,  as  she  called  Wilson,  and  he  was 
warned  that  if  he  visited  her  it  would  be  at  the  risk 
of  his  life,  but  notwithstanding  these  threats  they 
managed  to  see  each  other  frequently.  Eliza's 
master  heard  of  these  meetings,  and  had  her  se- 
verely punished  for  her  disobedience. 

Wilson  had  friends  at  Bayou  Plaquemine  and 
vicinity,  and  through  the  help  of  these  and  by 
means  of  an  arrangement  made  with  the  officers  of 
a  Pittsburg  boat  running  on  the  Mississippi,  with 
whom  he  was  acquainted,  he  managed  to  get  Eliza 
to  the  river  and  to  send  her  to  New  Orleans,  where 
she  remained  for  three  months,  supported  by  his 
bounty.  Finally,  he  hired  a  white  man  to  take  her 
from  New  Orleans  to  Cincinnati,  paying  him  two 
hundred  dollars  for  her  expenses  and  his  own 
recompense.  The  man  took  Eliza  on  board  a  boat 
bound  for  Cincinnati,  but  on  the  passage  gambled 
away  the  money  that  Wilson  had  paid  him,  and  had 
not  paid  her  fare.  He  told  the  captain  of  the  boat 
that  she  was  a  slave  whom  he  was  taking  to  join  her 
master  and  mistress  in  Cincinnati,  and  that  her  fare 
would  be  paid  by  them  at  that  place.  When  the 
boat  stopped  at  Cincinnati,   he  told  Eliza  that  she 


3  y  6  R  EMINISCENCES. 

was  now  in  a  free  State,  and  could  go  where  she 
pleased,  and,  taking  leave  of  her,  walked  down  the 
gangway,  and  was  soon  lost  to  sight  in  the  crowd 
on  the  wharf. 

Eliza  pondered  awhile  regarding  the  course  she 
should  pursue,  then  started  to  leave  the  boat,  not 
knowing  that  her  fare  was  unpaid.  As  she  stepped 
on  the  plank,  the  captain  stopped  her  and  told  her 
she  could  not  go  ashore  until  her  passage  money 
was  paid.  She  referred  him  to  the  man  in  whose 
charge  she  had  been,  and  told  the  captain  to  look  to 
him  for  the  money,  for  he  was  responsible  for  it, 
and  requested  him  to  let  her  pass,  as  she  was  a  free 
woman.  But  the  captain's  suspicions  were  aroused 
and  he  resolved  to  detain  her.  Thinking  she  was  a 
runaway  slave,  he  arranged  to  take  her  across  to 
Covington,  Kentucky,  and  lodge  her  in  jail  till  his 
boat  was  ready  to  start  on  the  return  trip,  then  take 
her  back  with  him  and  deliver  her  to  her  master  and 
mistress,  if  they  could  be  found. 

The  sympathies  of  the  colored  steward  of  the  boat 
had  been  aroused  in  Eliza's  behalf,  and  he  resolved 
to  aid  her  if  possible.  He  hastened  up  into  the  city 
to  the  office  of  lawyer  Joliffe,  whom  he  knew  as  a 
tried  friend  of  the  slaves,  and  told  the  story.  Joliffe 
sent  for  me,  and  we  immediately  got  out  a  writ  for 
the  captain  of  the  boat,  and  placed  it  in  the  sher- 
iff's hands,  with  orders  to  bring  him  and  the  woman 
before  court.  The  sheriff  reached  the  boat  just  as 
the  captain  had  got  Eliza  into  a  skiff,  and  was  pre- 
paring to  pull  across  to  the  Kentucky  shore.  In  two 
minutes    more  it    would   have   been  too  late.      The 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT.  377 

sheriff  took  Eliza  in  charge,  arrested  the  captain  for 
an  attempt  to  kidnap,  and  brought  them  before  the 
Probate  Court,  the  only  one  in  session.  Judge  Bur- 
goyne,  a  stanch  abolitionist,  who  was  then  on  the 
bench,  required  the  captain  to  show  cause  for  de- 
taining the  woman.  The  captain  replied  that  he 
had  no  claim  on  her  except  for  the  amount  of  her 
unpaid  fare,  which  was  twenty  dollars,  but  as  she 
could  produce  no  papers  or  other  evidence  that  she 
was  free,  he  regarded  her  as  a  fugitive  slave,  and 
had  resolved  to  detain  her  till  the  truth  could  be 
ascertained. 

The  Court  decided  that  he  had  no  right  to  detain 
her  on  suspicion,  and  could  not  remove  her  from 
the  State  of  Ohio  without  legally  proving  that  she 
was  his  slave,  and  Eliza  was  set  at  liberty.  Lawyer 
Joliffe  and  I  soon  made  up  enough  money  to  pay 
her  boat  fare,  and  she  was  sent  to  a  respectable  col- 
ored boarding-house  on  McAllister  Street.  She  had 
a  large  trunk  full  of  clothes  on  the  boat,  having 
been  well  supplied  by  her  husband  and  friends  before 
leaving  New  Orleans,  and  for  this  she  held  a  check. 
I  sent  the  check  and  the  price  of  her  passage  by  a 
drayman  to  the  boat,  and  obtained  her  trunk  and 
had  it  taken  to  her  boarding-place.  That  afternoon 
I  and  Preacher  Green  (colored),  pastor  of  Allen 
Chapel,  went  to  see  Eliza,  and  after  convincing  her 
that  we  were  her  true  friends,  and  gaining  her  con- 
fidence, she  told  us  her  true  story;  she  had  pre- 
viously claimed  to  be  free.  She  said  it  was  the 
arrangement  made  by  her  husband  that  she  should 
remain  in  Cincinnati  until  he  came  to  her,  which 
32 


378  REMINISCENCES. 

would  be  about  Christmas  time,  as  he  could  not 
complete  his  business  engagements  in  the  South 
before  some  time  in  December.  She  had  entire 
confidence  that  he  would  fulfill  his  promise  and 
come  to  her  ;  yes,  follow  her  to  the  ends  of  the 
earth,  she  said,  for  they  were  attached  to  each 
other  as  much  as  it  was  possible  for  any  husband# 
and  wife  to  be. 

It  was  now  early  spring,  and  as  she  would  be  ex- 
posed to  the  danger  of  capture  if  she  remained  so 
long  in  Cincinnati,  it  was  decided  that  she  should 
be  sent  to  Canada  with  a  party  of  free  colored  peo- 
ple who  were  going  from  Cincinnati  to  that  country 
soon,  on  a  visit.  After  hearing  her  story,  it  was 
deemed  advisable  to  remove  her  from  the  boarding- 
house  where  she  was,  as  it  was  too  public  a  place 
to  afford  any  concealment,  and  would  be  among  the 
first  searched  if  her  master  heard  of  her  where- 
abouts and  came  in  pursuit. 

It  was  accordingly  decided  to  remove  her  to  our 
house,  but  in  order  that  the  inmates  of  the  boarding- 
house  should  not  know  where  she  was  gone,  she 
was  taken,  with  her  trunk,  first  to  the  house  of 
Pastor  Green,  and  then  to  our  house,  where  she 
found  a  secure  retreat.  When  the  party  of  colored 
people  were  ready  to  start  to  Canada,  Pastor  Green 
came  with  a  carriage  to  take  Eliza  to  the  depot 
where  she  could  join  them,  but  she  was  unwilling 
to  go  so  much  farther  away  from  her  husband  and 
children,  and  cried  and  begged  to  be  allowed  to 
remain  where  she  was  till  she  could  hear  from  her 
husband.      Moved  by  her  entreaties,  I   finally  told 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT.  379 

her  that  if  she  were  willing  to  incur  the  risk  of 
staying,  she  might  remain  at  our  house,  where  we 
would  employ  her  at  good  wages,  having  learned 
that  she  was  an  excellent  house  servant.  She 
gladly  availed  herself  of  this  offer  and  remained. 
She  and  her  husband  had  arranged  to  correspond 
under  fictitious  names,  and  I  wrote  several  letters 
for  her,  in  which  I  was  very  guarded  and  careful  not 
to  give  information  that  would  enable  an  uninitiated 
person  to  understand  the  facts  of  the  case.  Eliza 
received  several  letters  from  Wilson,  inclosing 
money.  Letters  from  the  North  were  frequently 
broken  open  at  Southern  post-offices,  before  reach- 
ing the  persons  to  whom  they  were  directed,  in 
order  to  intercept  abolition  documents,  etc.,  and  in 
this  way  masters  sometimes  obtained  information 
of  their  runaway  slaves.  Other  persons  wrote 
letters  to  Wilson  for  Eliza,  who  were  not  so  guarded 
in  their  expressions,  and  one  which  purported  to  be 
from  Wilson's  sister,  and  stated  that  she  was  in  Cin- 
cinnati, at  the  house  of  a  Quaker,  fell  into  the 
hands  of  Bissell,  at  Bayou  Plaquemine,  who  broke  it 
open  and  read  it.  He -immediately  inferred  that  the 
person  who  pretended  to  be  Wilson's  sister  was 
Eliza,  and  after  causing  Wilson  to  be  arrested  on 
suspicion  of  aiding  a  slave  to  escape,  and  lodged  in 
jail,  he  started  in  pursuit  of  his  property. 

On  arriving  at  Cincinnati  Bissell  obtained  a  writ, 
from  Commissioner  Pendery,  and  put  it  into  the 
hands  of  the  marshal  with  orders  to  arrest  Eliza,  if 
she  could  be  found,  adding,  it  was  said,  a  hundred 
dollars  by  way  of  stimulating  the  officer's  zeal  and 


380  REMINISCENCES. 

quickening  his  efforts.  It  was  conjectured  that  our 
house  was  the  house  referred  to  in  the  letter,  but  in 
order  to  ascertain  this  beyond  doubt,  it  was  planned 
that  a  deputy  marshal  should  gain  access  to  the 
house  under  the  pretense  of  peddling  books,  pene- 
trate into  the  kitchen,  and  see  if  there  was  a  person 
answering  Eliza's  description.  The  plan  was  well 
arranged  and  had  it  been  kept  secret  might  have 
succeeded,  but  the  marshal  made  a  confidant  of  a 
local  editor — of  all  persons  in  the  world  !  It  is  well 
known  that  a  local  editor  can  not  retain  an  item  of 
news  two  hours,  without  seriously  injuring  his  con- 
stitution, and  in  a  very  short  time  I  was  made 
acquainted  with  the  whole  affair.  The  same  infor- 
mation, afterward,  reached  me  through  other  chan- 
nels. Commissioner  Pendery  had  informed  a  person 
of  the  circumstance  of  Bissell's  obtaining  the  writ, 
and  that  person  informed  Lawyer  Joliffe.  As  soon 
as  Joliffe  heard  it,  he  notified  me.  I  also  heard  of 
it  through  Christian  Donaldson,  who  had  been 
informed  of  it  privately. 

The  slaveholder  before  leaving  Bayou  Plaquemine 
had  written  to  a  nephew  of  his,  who  was  at  school 
at  Ann  Arbor,  Michigan,  giving  information  of 
Eliza's  escape,  and  her  supposed  whereabouts,  and 
requesting  him  to  meet  him  at  Cincinnati  to  act  as 
witness,  if  she  could  be  found. 

It  so  happened  that  this  young  man  arrived  in 
Cincinnati  the  day  that  Bissell  obtained  the  writ  for 
Eliza's  arrest,  but  instead  of  going  to  see  his  uncle, 
who  was  stopping  at  the  Burnet  House,  he  went 
first  to  see  James  Burney,  a  lawyer.       Presenting 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT.  381 

letters  of  introduction  from  professors  in  the  college 
he  attended,  and  from  prominent  citizens  of  Detroit, 
he  informed  Lawyer  Burney,  that  during  his  stay  at 
the  North,  he  had  been  converted  by  the  abolition- 
ists, and  that  his  real  errand  in  Cincinnati  at  that 
time  was  to  prevent  his  uncle  from  gaining  posses- 
sion of  Eliza  and  carrying  her  back  to  slavery,  and 
thsft  he  would  do  all  in  his  power  to  aid  her  in 
securing  her  freedom.  Burney  went  with  him  across 
the  street  to  the  office  of  Salmon  P.  Chase,  to  whom 
also  he  had  letters  of  introduction,  and  related  all 
the  circumstances.  Chase  sent  a  student  from  his 
office  to  accompany  the  young  man  to  my  store, 
supposing  that  if  such  a  fugitive  were  in  the  city  I 
would  be  likely  to  know  it,  and  from  the  young 
man's  introductory  letters  inferring  that  he  was 
trustworthy,  and  that  his  intentions  were  what  he 
represented  them  to  be. 

Arriving  at  my  store,  they  found  that  I  was 
absent,  having  gone  to  the  railroad  depot  on  busi- 
ness, and  they  did  not  wait  my  return.  As  soon  as 
I  returned,  Lawyer  Thomas,  Burney's  partner,  came 
in  and  informed  me  that  Bissell's  nephew  had  been 
there  to  see  me,  and  related  the  other  circumstances 
of  the  case.  I  was  disposed  to  be  cautious,  and  said 
that  I  had  no  confidence  in  the  anti-slavery  preten- 
sions of  the  young  man,  that  I  thought  it  a  shrewd 
scheme  to  gain  information  regarding  Eliza,  and 
added:  "He  would  have  gained  nothing  from  me 
had  I  been  here."  Lawyer  Thomas  was  returning 
to  his  office,  when  on  crossing  a  street  he  saw  Bis- 
sell  making  his  way  up  the  street  toward  my  house. 


382  REMINISCENCES. 

Bissell  had  been  pointed  out  to  him  the  day  before, 
and  he  recognized  him.  Thomas  hastily  returned  to 
my  store,  to  put  me  on  my  guard.  My  store  was 
then  on  the  northwest  corner  of  Sixth  and  Elm 
Streets;  our  dwelling  house  adjoined  it  on. the  north, 
fronting  on  Elm  and  George  Streets.  While  Thomas 
and  I  were  standing  near  the  front  door  of  my  store, 
Bissell  made  his  appearance  on  the  southwest  corner, 
and  stood  for  awhile,  looking  anxiously  toward  our 
house,  then  slowly  moved  on  to  Plum  Street  and 
around  the  square. 

I  went  into  the  house  and  told  Eliza  that  her 
master  was  in  search  of  her,  that  he  had  just  passed 
down  Sixth  Street,  and  that  she  must  dress  herself 
as  quickly  as  possible  in  her  best  clothes,  and  I 
would  send  her  to  a  safe  place.  The  news  greatly 
agitated  her,  and  she  began  to  cry.  Her  chief 
trouble  seemed  to  be  a  fear  that  her  husband  had 
got  into  difficulty  on  her  account.  I  told  her  that 
she  had  no  time  to  cry,  she  must  dry  her  tears  and 
act  with  promptness,  fcr  a  great  deal  depended  on 
immediate  action.  Just  then  my  wife  came  in ;  she 
had  been  out  shopping  with  two  young  ladies  who 
were  staying  with,  us,  one  as  a  visitor,  the  other  a 
boarder.  I  gave  Eliza  into  their  charge  and  she  wras 
soon  made  ready.  They  attired  her  in  her  best 
clothes,  of  which  she  had  a  good  supply  which  her 
master  had  never  seen.  She  and  the  other  two 
young  ladies,  all  closely  vailed,  then  walked  out  at 
the  front  door,  in  sight  of  her  master  who  had 
passed  around  the  square  and  was  now  standing  on 
the    northeast    corner  of    Sixth    and    Elm,    looking 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT. 


383 


toward  the  house.  He  was  apparently  deceived  by 
the  boldness  of  the  movement,  and  had  no  suspicion 
that  one  of  the  ladies  was  his  slave.  He  did  not 
offer  to  molest  them  or  follow  them,  and  they, 
according  to  directions  I  had  previously  given  them, 
made  their  way  to  the  house  of  Edward  Harwood, 
that  noble  friend  of  the  slave,  at  the  head  of  Elm 
Street,  where  Eliza  was  to  remain  in  seclusion  until 
I  called  for  her.  That  evening  I  ordered  my  car- 
riage brought — not  to  my  door — but  to  a  point  two 
blocks  away,  and  entering  it  drove  to  Eliza's  hiding- 
place  about  dark.  Taking  her  in  the  carriage,  I 
went  to  Mt.  Auburn  and  there  left  her  for  greater 
safety,  at  the  house  of  the  pastor  of  a  prominent 
church  in  the  city. 

Supposing  that  the  marshal  would  endeavor  to 
ascertain  if  Eliza  were  at  my  house,  I  engaged  a 
young  colored  woman  who  answered  to  her  descrip- 
tion in  regard  to  age,  personal  appearance,  etc.,  to 
come  and  stay  at  my  house  a  week,  filling  the  posi- 
tion that  Eliza  had  occupied.  This  girl  was  free, 
and  there  could  be  no  danger,  even  if  she  were 
arrested.  She  understood  the  case,  and  was  eager 
for  the  fun. 

A  druggist,  named  Kent,  whose  store  was  on  the 
opposite  side  of  the  street  from  mine,  learned  all 
the  particulars  of  the  case,  and,  being  a  stanch 
abolitionist,  resolved  to  have  some  fun  at  the 
expense  of  the  marshal,  in  case  that  official  should 
make  any  demonstration.  He  planned  to  have  his 
buggy  in  waiting,  and  as  soon  as  the  marshal  was 
seen  in  the  street  to  drive  hastily  up  to  my  $oor, 


3  34  REMINISCENCES. 

take  in  the  colored  girl,  excitedly  and  hurriedly,  as 
if  fearing  pursuers,  and  then  drive  away  with  the 
speed  of  Jehu.  It  was  supposed  that  the  marshal 
would  give  chase,  and  in  that  case  Kent  would  man- 
age to  be  captured,  then  end  the  farce  by  having 
the  marshal  and  his  posse  arrested  for  kidnapping  a 
free  girl.  The  plan  promised  well,  and  Kent  kept 
his  buggy  waiting  till  a  late  hour  at  night,  expect- 
ing the  arrival  of  the  marshal,  but  that  official  did 
not  have  the  moral  courage  to  carry  out  his  arrange- 
ment for  entering  my  house,  and  it  all  came  to 
nothing. 

In  the  meantime,  Bissell's  lawyer  informed  him 
that  he  could  not  take  legal  possession  of  Eliza,  as 
he  had  no  bill  of  sale  or  other  evidence  that  she  was 
his  property,  and  that  if  he  entered  suit,  the  abo- 
litionists would  be  sure  to  defeat  him.  Eliza  had 
been  a  present  to  Bissell's  wife  from  her  father,  on 
the  occasion  of  her  marriage,  and  as  no  paper  of 
conveyance  had  been  given,  she  was  considered  in 
law  still  the  property  of  her  first  owner.  It  was 
therefore  necessary  for  Bissell  to  obtain  a  power  of 
attorney  from  his  father-in-law,  before  he  could  pro- 
ceed further  in  the  case.  He  immediately  dis- 
patched to  Bayou  Plaquemine  for  the  necessary 
papers,  and  resolved  to  wait  in  Cincinnati  until  they 
reached  him,  but  his  nephew,  representing  to  him 
that  a  week  or  two  must  elapse  before  they  could 
arrive,  invited  him  to  return  with  him  to  Ann 
Arbor,  as  he  could  not  remain  longer  away  from 
college.  The  uncle  accepted  the  invitation,  and 
spent  a  week   or   two   at  Ann  Arbor  and  Detroit. 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT.  385 

When  he  was  ready  to  return  to  Cincinnati,  the 
nephew  telegraphed  to  Lawyer  Burney  that  his 
uncle  would  reach  Cincinnati  that  evening,  and  it 
would  be  well  to  have  Eliza  out  of  the  way — thus 
proving  his  anxiety  and  interest  in  Eliza's  welfare 
to  my  entire  satisfaction. 

Eliza  was  removed  from  Mt.  Auburn  to  Walnut 
Hills,  where  she  remained  for  several  weeks  in  the 
families  of  prominent  religionists. 

Bissell  staid  in  Cincinnati  for  two  weeks  after  his 
return,  and  made  every  exertion  to  find  her,  but 
could  get  no  clue  to  her  whereabouts,  and  finally 
gave  up  the  search  and  started  South.  The  boat  on 
which  he  took  passage  met  another  boat  coming  up 
the  river,  on  board  of  which  was  John  Wilson,  the 
husband  of  Eliza,  but  the  vessels  passed  without  the 
two  enemies  recognizing  each  other.  Bissell  had 
left  Wilson  in  prison  when  he  came  away  from 
Bayou  Plaquemine,  and  expected  to  find  him  there 
on  his  return,  and  prosecute  him  to  the  full  extent 
of  the  law,  but  when  he  reached  home  he  learned 
that  Wilson's  friends  had  given  bond  for  his  appear- 
ance, that  he  had  been  released  from  jail,  and  had 
gone  North. 

We  now  turn  to  the  fortunes  of  the  husband  and 
wife,  who  had  passed  through  such  trying  scenes  on 
account  of  their  devotion  to  each  other.  As  soon 
as  Wilson  arrived  in  Cincinnati,  he  came  to  my 
house  seeking  for  tidings  of  Eliza.  I  took  him  in 
my  carriage  to  Walnut  Hills,  and  there  was  a  joyful 
meeting  of  the  husband  and  wife,  who  remained  so 
fondly  attached  to  each  other  through  danger,  sepa- 
33 


386  REMINISCENCES. 

ration  and  misfortune.  I  gave  them  letters  to 
friends  in  Michigan,  and  they  went  to  the  home  of 
that  noted  worker  in  the  cause  of  freedom,  Laura 
S.  Haviland,  who  lived  near  Adrian,  and  was  the 
proprietress  of  the  Raisin  Institute,  a  school  in  which 
students  of  all  colors  have  equal  privileges.  Here 
they  remained  for  several  weeks,  and  here  they 
were  legally  married. 

From  this  place  they  went  to  Canada,  and 
remained  there  awhile,  but  soon  returned  to  Mich- 
igan and  settled  near  Raisin  Institute.  Eliza  had 
previously  had  no  advantages  of  education,  and  her 
husband  wishing  her  to  attend  school  placed  her  in 
the  institute,  while  he  found  employment  in  a 
machine  shop  at  Adrian.  With  the  proceeds  of  his 
industry  he  bought  a  lot  and  a  snug  brick  house, 
near  the  institute,  and  here,  after  many  vicissitudes, 
he  and  Eliza  found  themselves  in  the  enjoyment  of 
peace  and  plenty.  Here,  after  carrying  the  hero 
and  heroine  through  all  sorts  of  adventures  and  nar- 
row escapes,  a  well  regulated  tale  of  fiction  would 
end  with  the  remark  that  they  lived  happily  ever 
afterward,  but  this  is  a  narrative  of  facts,  and  must 
chronicle  new  undertakings  and  fresh  scenes  of 
danger  and  distress.  A  motive  no  less  strong  than 
that  which  led  John  and  Eliza  to  join  each  other 
and  seek  a  land  of  freedom,  now  prompted  them  to 
separate,  while  one  braved  again  the  dangers  of  the 
land  of  slavery.  The  hearts  of  the  parents  yearned 
for  their  children,  and  they  determined  to  make  an 
effort  to  rescue  them  from  bondage.  Eliza,  being 
yet  a  slave  in  the  sight  of  the  law,  could  not  venture 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT.  387 

southward  without  jeopardizing  her  own  liberty,  so 
it  was  arranged  that  she  should  remain  behind  while 
John  made  the  hazardous  attempt  to  find  and  carry 
off  their  children. 

Proceeding  to  Pittsburg,  his  former  home,  he 
made  arrangements  with  the  officers  of  a  Pittsburg 
and  Mississippi  River  boat,  with  whom  he  was 
acquainted.  According  to  this  plan,  they  were  to 
land  him  at  a  point  near  Bayou  Plaquemine  on  the 
downward  passage  to  New  Orleans,  and  on  the 
return  trip  to  stop  in  the  night  at  a  secluded  place 
agreed  upon — the  night  and  the  hour  being  ap- 
pointed— where  he  and  his  children  would  be  taken 
on  board,  if  he  succeeded  in  getting  them.  He 
went  to  the  neighborhood  of  Bayou  Plaquemine,  and 
by  the  aid  of  friends,  with  whom  he  communicated 
secretly,  succeeded  in  gaining  possession  of  his  chil- 
dren. He  proceeded  with  caution,  concealing  his 
presence  in  the  neighborhood  from  the  knowledge 
of  Bissell,  but  by  some  means  he  was  discovered 
and  pursued  as  he  was  taking  his  children  to  the 
appointed  rendezvous.  He  was  obliged  to  leave 
them  and  flee  through  the  woods  and  thickets, 
reaching  the  landing  barely  in  time  to  be  taken  on 
board  the  boat  before  his  pursuers  reached  him. 
Thwarted  and  disappointed  in  his  efforts  he  now 
sought  to  make  new  plans  to  gain  his  children, 
but  found  that  the  journeys  he  had  taken  and  the 
expenses  he  had  incurred  had  exhausted  his  ready 
means,  and  that  he  must  seek  employment  again  in 
order  to  recruit  his  finances.  Landing  at  Louis- 
ville, Kentucky,  on  the  homeward  trip  of  the  boat, 


388  REMINISCENCES. 

he  found  employment  in  a  machine  shop,  and  made 
arrangements  with  the  officers  of  the  boat  to  bring 
him  his  chest  of  tools — which  he  had  left  at  Pitts- 
burg--on  the  next  trip.  In  the  mean  time  his 
securities,  those  who  had  signed  his  bond  while  he 
was  in  jail  at  Bayou  Plaquemine,  learning  that  he 
had  been  seen  in  that  vicinity  again,  sent  an  officer 
to  arrest  him.  It  was  known  that  he  had  taken 
passage  up  the  river,  and  as  it  was  thought  that  he 
would  be  in  Louisville,  Cincinnati  or  Pittsburg, 
requisitions  for  his  delivery  were  obtained  from  the 
Governor  of  Louisiana  to  the  Governors  of  Ken- 
tucky, Ohio  and  Pennsylvania.  The  officer  in 
search  of  him  stopped  first  at  Louisville,  but  did 
not  happen  to  find  him,  and  went  on  to  Cincinnati 
and  Pittsburg.  Not  gaining  any  clue  of  him  in 
either  of  these  places,  the  officer  returned  to 
Louisville,  and  after  a  more  extended  inquiry 
succeeded  in  finding  him.  The  Governor  of  Ken- 
tucky was  applied  to  and  gave  the  necessary  per- 
mission, and  Wilson  was  immediately  arrested. 

To  prevent  his  escaping  on  the  way  to  Bayou 
Plaquemine  the  officer  had  him  ironed.  The  water 
in  the  Ohio  River  was  so  low  at  that  time — the  fall 
of  the  year — that  large  New  Orleans  packets  could 
not  run,  and  the  officer  took  Wilson  by  rail  to  St. 
Louis,  Missouri,  and  there  put  him  aboard  of  a 
steamer  which  was  to  start  down  the  river  next  day. 
Here  one  of  Wilson's  friends,  from  New  Orleans, 
saw  him,  and,  learning  the  particulars  of  his  case, 
resolved  if  possible  to  aid  him  to  escape.  Through 
his  influence  the  handcuffs  of  Wilson  were  taken  off, 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT.  389 

but  he  was  still  closely  guarded.  When  night 
approached,  the  officer  arranged  to  take  Wilson  on 
shore  and  place  him  in  jail  for  greater  security. 

Wilson's  friend  learned  of  this  and  saw  that  his 
time  to  act  had  come ;  if  he  delayed  longer  it  would 
be  too  late.  Giving  a  signal  to  Wilson,  that  the 
latter  might  embrace  the  opportunity,  he  managed 
to  engage  the  attention  of  the  officer  a  few  moments. 
Wilson  slipped  back,  sprang  on  the  wheel-house, 
and  from  that  to  the  wheel-house  of  another  boat 
lying  at  the  wharf.  From  this  he  jumped  on  the 
wharf,  and  as  it  was  now  dark  he  escaped  unseen 
and  made  his  way  into  the  city.  Passing  through 
it,  he  directed  his  course  to  the  upper  wharf,  where 
he  knew  the  Pittsburg  boats  lay.  There  he  found 
an  engineer  from  Pittsburg,  with  whom  he  was 
acquainted,  and  after  hurriedly  relating  his  story 
asked  to  be  taken  on  board  and  secreted.  The 
engineer  had  an  interview  with  the  captain,  who 
favored  Wilson's  cause,  and  they  hid  the  fugitive  in 
the  boat.  Next  morning  the  papers  gave  full 
accounts  of  the  affair,  announcing,  in  double-leaded 
headlines,  "Escape  of  a  Nigger  Thief,  "  and  adding 
that  there  was  a  strict  search  for  him  in  the  city, 
and  that  no  doubt  he  would  soon  be  recaptured. 

The  boat  on  which  Wilson  was  secreted  lay  at 
the  wharf  several  days  taking  on  cargo,  but  he  was 
not  discovered,  and  in  time  landed  safely  at  Cincin- 
nati. He  came  immediately  to  my  house  and  gave 
an  account  of  his  adventures.  I  had  received  hun- 
dreds of  colored  fugitives,  but  this  was  the  first 
Anglo-Saxon  fugitive  that  had  claimed  my  protec- 


3po  REMINISCENCES. 

tion.  I  took  him  in  my  carriage  to  the  Cincinnati, 
Hamilton  and  Dayton  "depot,  bought  a  ticket  for 
him,  and  saw  him  started  on  the  way  to  Adrian, 
Michigan.  Wilson's  box  of  tools  were  at  Louisville, 
in  the  machine  shop  where  he  had  been  arrested, 
and  he  arranged  to  have  them  sent  to  him.  In  a 
few  days  an  iron-bound  chest  was  unloaded  from  a 
dray,  on  the  sidewalk  in  front  of  my  house.  It  was 
addressed  "Levi  Coffin,  Cincinnati,"  but  knowing 
very  well  whose  it  was,  I  merely  changed  the  direc- 
tion to  "John  Wilson,  Adrian,  Michigan,"  and 
reshipped  it  to  its  destination. 

Wilson  afterward  made  other  attempts  to  rescue 
his  children,  but  did  not  succeed,  and  it  was  not  till 
President  Lincoln  issued  the  proclamation  of  eman- 
cipation that  these  parents  indulged  in  the  certain 
hope  of  meeting  their  son  and  daughter.  Even 
then  they  were  partially  disappointed,  for  the  little 
boy  died  before  they  could  gain  possession  of  him. 
The  daughter  joined  her  parents,  and  is  now  married 
and  living  in  Ohio. 

I  met  with  John  Wilson  and  Eliza  again,  after  an 
interval  of  eight  years.  After  the  war  had  closed, 
but  while  the  Union  army  was  still  at  Nashville- — in 
the  autumn  of  1865 — I  went  to  visit  the  colored 
schools  at  that  place,  accompanied  by  Dr.  Massey, 
of  London,  who  was  much  interested  in  the  freed- 
men.  One  day,  just  as  we  were  starting  from  one 
school  building  to  another,  I  met  John  Wilson,  who 
was  at  work  in  the  government  machine  shops  at 
that  place.  After  greetings  and  mutual  inquiries,  I 
asked  after  Eliza,  and  learning  that  she  was  then  in 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT. 


391 


Nashville  arranged  to  go  to  see  her.  After  visiting 
the  school  to  which  we  had  started,  John  conducted 
us  to  his  residence,  and  then  stepped  back  that  I 
might  enter  first  and  give  Eliza  a  surprise.  They 
occupied  two  rooms,  with  a  passage  between,  on 
the  second  floor,  which  was  reached  by  a  flight  of 
stairs  on  the  outside.  I  went  up  first,  followed  by 
Dr.  Massey  and  John.  Just  as  I  reached  the  door 
of  the  hall  Eliza  was  passing  from  one  room  to  the 
other,  carrying  something  in  her  hands.  As  soon 
as  she  saw  me,  she  dropped  it,  and  springing  for- 
ward, clasped  me  in  her  arms,  exclaiming  with  great 
emotion,  "You  saved  me  twice  from  slavery," 
while  tears  sprang  to  her  eyes  and  rolled  down  her 
cheeks.  This  meeting,  and  the  gratitude  mani- 
fested by  Eliza  toward  me,  seemed  to  make  a  deep 
impression  on  Dr.  Massey,  and  he  often  referred  to 
it  afterward. 

John  and  Eliza  soon  after  returned  to  their  com- 
fortable little  home  in  Michigan,  and  since  that  have 
visited  us  in  Cincinnati  several  times. 

UNCLE   TOM. 

While  we  lived  at  the  corner  of  Franklin  and 
Broadway  a  runaway  slave  came  to  our  house  in 
an  extremely  cold  time  in  the  middle  of  winter. 
He  had  been  brought  up  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Lexington,  Kentucky,  and  belonged  to  a  well- 
known    politician,    T.     M .       His    master    had 

hired  him  to  a  cruel  task-master,  living  about 
twenty  miles  from  Lexington,  who  treated  him 
with  much   harshness,   often  whipping  him    unmer 


392  REMINISCENCES. 

cifully.  He  finally  concluded  that  he  would  bear 
it  no  longer,  and  made  his  way  back  to  his  mas- 
ter. He  told  his  master  how  cruelly  he  was  treated 
and  plead  for  a  change  of  situation,  but  his  mas- 
ter was  unmoved  and  ordered  him  to  go  back  to 
his  new  home,  threatening  him  with  severe  punish- 
ment if  he  disobeyed.  He  left  his  master,  but  not 
to  return  to  the  cruel  man  to  whom  he  was  hired. 
He  had  a  different  purpose.  He  said  he  had  heard, 
through  some  free  colored  people  in  Lexington, 
that  there  was  a  good  man  living  in  Cincinnati,  by 
the  name  of  Levi  Coffin,  who  was  a  great  friend  to 
the  negroes,  and  would  help  runaway  slaves  on  their 
way  to  Canada — that  country  where  all  were  free. 
He  thought  he  would  try  to  get  to  Cincinnati  and 
find  this  man.  He  had  been  told  that  the  railroad 
from  Lexington  led  to  Cincinnati,  and  he  concluded 
to  follow  it.  After  going  a  short  distance  as  if 
intending  to  return  to  the  man  who  had  hired  him, 
he  hid  himself  and  waited  till  night,  then  got  on  the 
railroad  and  walked  rapidly  on  the  ties,  facing  the 
cold  north  wind.  The  distance  to  Covington  was 
ninety-six  miles ;  he  thought  he  walked  and  ran  on 
the  railroad  about  fifty  miles  that  night.  When 
daylight  came  he  hid  himself  in  some  corn  shocks  in 
a*field,  and  here,  in  consequence  of  his  exposure  in 
his  heated  and  exhausted  condition,  he  took  a  severe 
cold.  Next  night  he  made  slow  progress  on  his 
journey,  being  stiff  and  sore.  When  a  train  passed 
he  concealed  himself  in  the  thickets,  then  contin- 
ued his  painful  journey  along  the  railroad  track. 
When  daylight  appeared  he  sought  a  hiding  place 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT. 


393 


again  among  some  corn  fodder,  but  suffered  greatly 
from  the  cold.  Having  little  left  of  the  scanty 
morsel  of  food  he  had  provided  himself  with,  he 
began  to  feel  the  pangs  of  hunger.  The  third  night 
he  reached  the  Ohio  River,  but  could  find  no  way 
to  cross.  The  river  was  not  frozen  over,  but  ice 
was  forming,  and  it  was  dangerous  to  attempt  to 
cross  in  a  skiff  even  if  he  had  found  one.  He 
almost  perished  with  cold   and  hunger  that  night. 

In  the  morning  he  went  to  the  outskirts  of  Cov- 
ington, and  ventured  into  a  negro  hut,  where  he 
was  supplied  with  provisions  and  allowed  to  remain 
through  the  day.  The  next  night  he  was  assisted 
by  a  free  colored  man  to  cross  the  river,  in  a  skiff, 
below  Covington.  He  was  directed  to  the  house  of 
a  colored  man  living  near  the  river,  of  whom  he 
inquired  concerning  me,  saying  that  he  wished  to 
see  me.  The  colored  man  knew  me,  and  at  once 
conducted  him  to  our  house. 

He  was  a  stranger  and  we  took  him  in,  hungry 
and  we  fed  him,  not  naked  but  very  destitute  and 
we  clothed  him,  sick  and  we  ministered  unto  him. 
He  was  a  noble  looking  man,  in  the  prime  of  life, 
of  good  muscular  development,  and  a  pleasant  and 
intelligent  countenance.  When  he  entered,  my 
wife  exclaimed,  "Here's  Uncle  Tom!"  and  he  was* 
afterward  called  that  by  all  the  inmates  of  the  house 
and  those  who  visited  him.  The  deep  cold  he  had 
taken  settled  on  his  lungs,  producing  a  hard  cough, 
and,  notwithstanding  care  and  kind  treatment,  it 
developed  into  lung  fever.  He  was  soon  confined 
to  his  bed,   and  we  called  in  Dr.  W.  H.   Mussey, 


394 


REMINISCENCES. 


who  was  ever  ready  to  give  aid  or  medical  attention 
to  fugitives  and  other  poor  people  without  charge. 
The  doctor  found  poor  Tom  very  ill,  and  requiring 
prompt  attention  and  careful  nursing.  We  hired  a 
good  nurse  to  stay  with  him  day  and  night,  and  Dr. 
Mussey  was  indefatigable  in  his  attentions. 

Tom  had  been  a  strong  healthy  man,  and  his 
vitality  did  not  yield  easily  to  the  disease  that  was 
preying  upon  him.  For  a  slave,  one  whose  lot  had 
been  cast  in  that  system  which  tended  to  trample 
out  every  spark  of  intellect  and  reduce  men  and 
women  to  the  level  of  brutes,  Tom  possessed  un- 
usual intelligence.  He  was  a  professor  of  religion 
and  loved  the  words  of  the  Bible,  though  the  priv- 
ilege of  reading  them  had  been  denied  to  him. 
Our  boarders  manifested  great  interest  in  Uncle 
Tom,  and  rendered  him  many  kind  attentions. 
Favorable  symptoms  now  and  then  appeared  which 
encouraged  hopes  of  his  recovery,  but  cold  and 
hunger  and  exposure  had  done  their  work,  and  the 
disease  was  too  deeply  seated  for  human  skill. 

Dr.  Mussey  called  in  other  prominent  physicians 
to  see  Tom,  and  consulted  with  them  regarding  his 
case.  This  was  done  several  times  during  his  illness, 
which  lasted  nine  weeks.  At  first,  Tom  was  quiet 
*and  rational,  then  delirium  appeared  and  his  mind 
wandered.  He  became  alarmed  at  every  noise  he 
heard  in  the  house  or  street,  thinking  that  it  was 
his  master  coming  after  him,  and  would  beg  pit- 
eously  to  be  taken  to  the  house  of  that  good  man, 
Levi  Coffin.  His  attendants  could  not  persuade 
him  that  he  was  already  there,   and  when  I  would 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT.  3^5 

go  to  his  bedside  and  tell  him  that  he  was  safe  at 
my  house,  whence  no  fugitive  had  ever  been  taken 
by  their  masters,  he  would  seize  hold  of  me  and  beg 
me  to  save  him,  adding,  "  If  master  catches  me,  he 
will  stretch  me  out  on  the  ground  with  stakes,  and 
cut  my  back  to  pieces,  and  I  am  too  weak  to  bear 
it;   I  will  die." 

I  would  talk  to  him  in  a  soothing  manner,  assur- 
ing him  of  his  safety,  and  he  would  grow  calm,  then 
again  start  up  in  the  delirium  of  fever,  and  beg  to 
be  boxed  up  and  sent  to  Canada,  or  to  be  carried  to 
the  house  of  Levi  Coffin.  Then  he  would  assume 
another  phase ;  he  was  independent,  he  feared  no 
man,  the  Lord  was  with  him  ;  he  was  a  missionary 
sent  out  to  preach  the  gospel,  and  would  pray  and 
preach  in  a  voice  so  loud  that  it  could  be  heard  in 
the  street.  He  sometimes  imagined  that  he  was 
out  on  the  wide,  ocean,  or  in  a  river  steamer,  or  in 
the  cars.  At  other  times  he  would  imagine  himself 
pursued  and  attacked  by  bloodhounds,  then  he 
would  spring  out  of  bed  and  lay  hold  on  anything 
he  could  reach,  with  which  to  defend  himself.  As 
his  ravings  became  more  violent,  two  men  were 
required  to  control  him.  He  fancied  that  we  were 
all  his  enemies,  that  his  nurses  and  the  doctors  were 
trying  to  poison  him,  and  he  refused  to  take  medi- 
cine or  nourishment  of  any  kind.  What  Avas  given 
him  had  to  be  administered  by  force.  At  one  time 
he  did  not  close  his  eyes  in  sleep  for  forty-eight 
hours.  The  doctors  decided  to  try  stimulants,  and 
forced  him  to  take  a  small  quantity  of  brandy  and 
egg,   every  hour,   during  one  afternoon.     This  had 


306  REMINISCENCES. 

the  desired  effect;  he  dropped  into  a  quiet  doze 
that  evening  and  awoke  in  a  calmer  frame  of  mind. 
A  few  more  doses  of  stimulant  were  given  him,  and 
about  ten  o'clock  he  fell  into  a  peaceful  sleep,  awak- 
ing next  morning  at  daylight  in  his  right  mind.  He 
took  a  little  nourishment  and  seemed  to  revive.  It 
was  a  lesson  of  instruction  to  be  in  his  room  and 
witness  his  resignation  to  the  will  of  his  Divine  Mas- 
ter, and  to  hear  him  talk  of  his  religious  experience 
and  the  goodness  of  the  Lord.  Several  ministers 
visited  him  and  had  seasons  of  prayer  with  him. 
For  several  days  the  doctors  had  great  hopes  of  his 
recovery,  but  an  unfavorable  change  in  his  disease 
took  place,  and  he  quietly  and  peacefully  passed 
away  at  two  o'clock  on  the  sixth  day  of  the  week, 
after  being  confined  to  his  bed  at  our  house  for  nine 
weeks,  and  requiring  a  great  deal  of  care  and  ex- 
pense in  nursing,  which  I  can  say. in  truth  we  will- 
ingly rendered. 

We  had  poor  Tom  neatly  dressed,  and  obtained  a 
nice  coffin  from  the  undertaker,  also  hiring  a  hearse 
and  two  carriages.  The  funeral  was  appointed  at 
two  o'clock,  Sabbath  afternoon,  in  Allen  Chapel,  on 
Sixth  Street,  the  largest  colored  church  in  the 
city,  and  notice  of  it  was  given  in  all  the  colored 
churches.  Rev.  George  Rogers,  a  white  Wesleyan 
minister,  volunteered  to  preach  the  funeral  sermon. 
A  large  congregation  gathered,  of  both  colored  and 
white  people,  and  the  chapel  was  filled  to  its  utmost 
capacity.  The  coffin  was  placed  in  front  of  the 
pulpit.  I  took  a  seat  by  the  side  of  the  minister, 
and  at  the  close  of  the  sermon,  I  gave  a  short  his- 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT.  307 

tory  of  Uncle  Tom,  of  his  death  struggle  for  free- 
dom, his  sufferings  and  long  sickness,  his  dying 
expressions  and  happy  close  of  life.  Then  the 
large  congregation  moved  quietly  up  one  aisle  and 
down  the  other,  to  view  the  peaceful  face  of  the 
dead  fugitive.  A  number  of  private  carriages  joined 
the  funeral  procession  and  followed  the  body  to  its 
resting-place  in  the  colored  burying  ground  at 
Avondale. 

A  few  days  after  Uncle  Tom's  death,  an  old 
lady,  a  prominent  member  of  Ninth  Street  Baptist 
Church,  called  to  see  us,  and  said:  "I  have  been 
thinking  that  you  and  your  wife  will  occupy  a  high 
place  in  heaven  for  nursing  and  taking  care  of  Uncle 
Tom." 

I  replied:  "Thou  hadst  better  advise  us  not  to 
depend  on  works  for  salvation.  If  we  have  true 
faith,  we  shall  do  good  works.  We  have  done  no 
more  than  our  duty  ;  works  without  faith  will  not 
save  us." 

The  day  that  Uncle  Tom  died  I  was  tempted  to 
send  a  telegram  to  his  master,  informing  him  that 
his  slave  was  at  my  house,  and  that  if  he  would 
come  at  once  he  could  get  him,  knowing  that  he 
could  reach  here  by  railway  before  the  funeral. 
Then,  if  he  came,  I  would  take  him  into  the  room 
and  show  him  the  form  of  poor  Tom,  cold  in  death. 
I  thought  strongly  of  doing  this,  and  was  urged  by 
others  to  do  it,  but,  on  mature  deliberation,  I  de- 
cided that  it  would  not- be  advisable. 


393 


R  E MINIS CENCES. 


TROUBLES  OF  A  LOUISVILLE  ABOLITIONIST. 

At  the  time  that  I  was  engaged  in  the  work  of 
the  Underground  Railroad  at  Cincinnati,  there  lived 
in  Louisville,  Kentucky,  a  man  whom  I  will  call 
Jones,  who  was  in  sentiment  a  strong  abolition- 
ist, and  who  aided  runaway  slaves  whenever  it  was 
in  his  power.  The  colored  people  of  Louisville, 
learning  that  he  was  kindly  disposed  toward  their 
race,  frequently  applied  to  him  for  counsel  and 
assistance  when  in  perplexity  or  distress. 

Louisville  was  the  headquarters  in  Kentucky 
for  slave-traders,  buying  negroes  for  the  Southern 
market,  and  coffles  were  often  brought  in  from  the 
surrounding  country,  preparatory  to  being  shipped 
on  the  packets  for  New  Orleans  or  other  Southern 
ports.  Occasionally  husbands  or  wives,  who  had 
been  separated  from  their  families,  would  escape 
from  these  coffles  and  make-  their  way  to  some  safe 
hiding-place  among  their  colored  friends,  where 
Jones  would  be  summoned  to  hear  their  sad  story, 
and  to  devise  some  plan  of  aiding  them  to  escape. 
After  waiting  till  pursuit  was  over,  he  would  pro- 
ceed to  the  Cincinnati  and  Louisville  packet,  lying 
then  at  the  wharf,  and  in  his  own  or  some  fictitious 
name  engage  a  state-room  for  the  passage  to  Cin- 
cinnati, and  get  the  key  of  the  room.  A  short 
time  before  the  boat  started,  and  while  there  was  a 
great  bustle  on  the  wharf  and  along  the  gangway, 
he  would  have  the  fugitives  come  on  board  with 
their  bundles — as  if  they  were  servants  bringing  the 
baggage   of  their    master    or  mistress — and    would 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT.  ^gg 

direct  them  by  a  prearranged  signal  to  pass  into 
the  room  which  he  had  engaged.  Here  they  found 
the  key  on  the  inside  of  the  door,  and  immediately 
locked  themselves  in. 

After  a  state-room  had  been  engaged,  the  fare 
paid  and  the  key  given  up,  no  officer  or  servant  of 
the  boat  had  a  right  to  go  into  the  room,  and  the 
passengers  would  be  unmolested  on  their  way  to 
Cincinnati.  Jones  was  always  careful  to  engage 
and  pay  for  both  berths  of  a  state-room,  that  no  one 
else  might  occupy  part  of  it.  At  different  times  he 
came  to  Cincinnati  on  the  same  boat  with  the 
fugitives  and  conducted  them  to  my  house.  The 
packet  boats  left  Louisville  in  the  morning  and 
reached  Cincinnati  before  daylight  next  morning, 
and  when  he  did  not  come  himself,  Jones  Avould 
telegraph  to  me  to  apprise  me  of  the  coming  of  the 
fugitives,  and  request  me  to  look  out  for  them. 
This  information  and  request  were  conveyed  in  a 
manner  that  could  convey  no  suspicions  of  the  truth 
to  others.  Sometimes  the  message  read:  "Go  to 
box  seventy-two,  at  the  post-office,  and  take  charge 
of  my  letters  or  papers  which  you  will  find  there;  " 
at  other  times,  "Pay  forty-three  dollars  to  Dr.  Peck 
on  my  account;"  different  numbers  being  used  at 
different  times. 

I  understood  that  the  number  mentioned  desig- 
nated the  number  of  the  state-room  in  which  the 
fugitives  were,  and  could  tell  whether  it  was  in  the 
gentlemen's  or  the  ladies'  cabin.  I  arranged  for 
some  person  to  go  aboard  the  boat  when  it  reached 
the  wharf,  tap  at  the  door  mentioned  in  a  way  that 


400 


REMINISCENCES. 


the  fugitives  would  understand,  wait  till  the  door 
opened  enough  for  him  to  be  recognized,  then  walk 
away  ;  the  fugitives  would  follow  him.  A  colored 
person  was  generally  chosen  to  perform  this  mission, 
and  passed  unnoticed  amid  the  crowd  of  colored  por- 
ters, draymen  and  hackmen,  who  went  up  and  down 
the  gangway,  carrying  baggage  and  assisting  passen- 
gers. Sometimes  the  fugitives  had  a  trunk  of  cloth- 
ing, and  as  Jones  saw  that  it  was  checked  before 
leaving  Louisville,  there  was  no  trouble  in  present- 
ing the  check  at  Cincinnati,  after  the  fugitives  were 
safe  at  our  house,  and  obtaining  the  trunk. 

In  this  manner,  during  one  spring  and  summer, 
twenty-seven  slaves  safely  escaped  from  Louisville, 
and  reached  my  house  in  Cincinnati.  Among  these 
were  many  interesting  cases,  but  a  reference  to 
them  would  make  this  story  too  long.  They  were 
sent  on  to  Canada,  where  many  of  them  had  friends, 
or  husbands,  or  wives,  who  had  made  their  escape 
previously. 

Escaping  detection  in  all  the  cases  where  he  had 
been  implicated,  Jones  was  finally  arrested,  in  a  case 
where  he  was  innocent,  tried  in  court,  and  convicted 
on  false  evidence.  Aiding  a  fugitive  slave  was  at 
that  time  a  grave  offense,  and  he  was  sentenced  to 
three  years  in  the  penitentiary.  On  account  of 
some  flaw  in  the  evidence,  or  illegality  in  the  pro- 
ceedings, his  lawyers  petitioned  for  a  second  trial, 
which  was  granted,  but  he  was  again  found  guilty, 
by  another  jury.  His  sentence  this  time  was  less- 
ened to  two  years. 

Some  new  witnesses  having  been  discovered  whose 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT. 


4OI 


evidence  it  was  thought  would  prove  his  innocence, 
a  petition  for  a  third  trial  was  made  and  granted. 
This  was  the  fall  term  of  court,  and  he  was  returned 
to  jail  to  await  the  next  term.  His  bail  bond  was 
fixed  at  one  thousand  five  hundred  dollars,  'but  he 
not  being  blessed  with  an  abundance  of  this  world's 
goods  could  not  raise  the  amount.  He  was  a 
weakly  man,  and  his  previous  imprisonment  and 
present  confinement  in  jail,  during  cold  weather, 
were  a  further  injury  to  his  health.  He  became  very 
ill  and  his  physician  thought  that  he  could  not  long 
survive  unless  he  was  released  from  prison,  and 
restored  to  his  home  where  he  could  be  nursed  and 
cared  for  by  his  family.  Through  the  influence  of 
his  lawyer  and  physician,  his  bail  was  reduced  to 
one  thousand  dollars,  and  his  wife  and  step-daughter 
went  to  work  to  raise  this  amount  to  indemnify  a 
prominent  citizen  of  Louisville,  who  had  agreed  to 
sign  his  bond.  But  it  could  not  be  expected  that  a 
man  who  was  guilty  of  aiding  a  slave  to  escape 
would  have  many  friends  in  a  slave  State,  like  Ken- 
tucky, where  a  negro-stealer,  as  an  abolitionist  was 
called,  was  looked  upon  as  worse  than  a  horse-thief, 
and  Jones'  wife  and  daughter  found  it  impossible  to 
raise  the  amount  required.  Six  hundred  dollars 
was  the  utmost  they  could  command.  Jones'  step- 
daughter, an  amiable  young  lady  of  about  eighteen, 
wrote  to  me,  giving  the  particulars  of  the  case,  and 
appealing  to  me  in  a  very  pathetic  manner  to  try  to 
raise  the  remaining  four  hundred  dollars  required. 
With  the  exception  of  Jones  himself,  the  family 
were  strangers  to  me,  but  my  sympathies  were 
34 


402 


REMINISCENCES. 


aroused  in  their  behalf,  and  I  wished  to  aid  them. 
I  had,  however,  just  finished  helping  a  colored 
woman  to  raise  a  sum  of  money  to  purchase  her 
daughter  from  slavery,  and  felt  that  in  this  instance 
I  could"  not  render  any  considerable  aid. 

I  wrote  a  reply  to  this  effect,  inclosing  a  small 
sum  of  money  in  the  letter  as  a  token  of  my  sym- 
pathy. In  a  short  time  I  received  another  letter 
from  the  same  source,  acknowledging  the  receipt  of 
my  favor,  and  still  urging  me  to  make  an  effort  in 
her  father's  behalf,  saying  that  he  would  die  if  not 
removed  from  prison.  Thomas  Wistar,  of  Philadel- 
phia, one  of  my  intimate  friends,  was  in  Cincinnati 
at  that  time  on  business,  and  I  showed  him  the 
young  lady's  letters  and  related  the  circumstances 
of  the  case.  He  was  much  interested,  and  his 
sympathy  aroused.  He  gave  me  five  dollars  to 
send  to  Jones'  family,  and  I  forwarded  it  at  once, 
again  expressing  my  personal  inability  to  do  any- 
thing that  would  materially  aid  them. 

Not  long  afterward  there  came  a  third  letter, 
pleading  with  me  most  earnestly  to  make  an  attempt 
in  some  direction  to  raise  the  four  hundred  dollars 
still  lacking.  I  sent  this  letter  to  Thomas  Wistar, 
who  had  returned  to  Philadelphia,  and  asked  him  to 
lay  the  case  before  those  who  might  be  interested, 
and  if  they  could  feel  with  "those  in  bond  as 
bound  with  them,"  to  solicit  them  to  contribute. 
He  replied  that  he  would  show  this  letter  to 
various  friends  of  his,  and  report  results  from  time 
to  time.  He  wrote  frequently,  saying  he  had 
received  subcriptions  to  be  applied  as  desired,  and 


TRIP  TO  LOUISVILLE. 


403 


in  a  few  days  directed  me  to  draw  on  him  for  three 
hundred  and  fifty  dollars,  adding  that  I  must  raise 
the  remaining  fifty  dollars.  I  called  on  Abram  and 
James  Taylor,  and  showed  them  Thomas  Wistar's 
letter.  They  advanced  the  fifty  dollars  at  once, 
and  I  drew  on  Thomas  Wistar  for  the  amount  des- 
ignated, and  thus  had  the  four  hundred  dollars 
required.  The  next  question  was  how  to  get  it  to 
Louisville,  and  have  matters  there  properly  adjusted. 
I  knew  that  prompt  action  was  necessary  if  Jones 
was  benefited,  for  the  weather  was  extremely  cold, 
and  he  was  lying  sick  in  jail.  I  had  already  devoted 
considerable  time  to  the  matter,  and  tried  to  find 
some  suitable  person  to  go  in  my  stead,  but  in  this 
I  failed  and  the  duty  seemed  to  devolve  on  me. 

The  Ohio  River  was  frozen  over,  and  there  were 
no  boats  running.  I  started  to  Jeffersonville  on  the 
early  train,  hoping  to  reach  Louisville  that  after- 
noon, but  the  track  was  covered  with  ice  and  snow, 
the  water-tanks  were  frozen,  and  owing  to  the  diffi- 
culty of  travel  the  train  was  behind  time.  Miss- 
ing connections  at  Seymour,  I  did  not  reach  Jef- 
fersonville till  midnight,  and  here  I  was  told  that 
I  could  not  cross  the  river,  as  the  ferry-boats  had 
stopped  running  on  account  of  the  ice.  Next  morn- 
ing I  went  to  the  wharf,  and  finding  two  men  who 
had  a  skiff,  I  made  arrangements  with  them  to  take 
me  across.  There  was  a  narrow  channel  free  from 
ice  where  the  water  was  swift,  and  by  skillful  man- 
agement a  boat  might  pass  through  this  nearly  to 
the  opposite  side.  Walking  a  hundred  yards  or  so, 
on  the    ice,    we  reached  the   place   where  the  skiff 


404 


REMINISCENCES. 


lay,  and  getting  into  it,  the  men  pulled  up  current 
through  the  channel,  occasionally  meeting  floes  and 
cakes  of  ice  coming  down  the  stream.  At  such 
times,  it  was  necessary  to  pull  up  the  skiff  on  the 
stationary  ice  till  the  floating  ice  passed. 

When  nearly  to  the  opposite  shore  we  came  to  a 
mass  of  ice  that  had  been  jammed  up  edgewise. 
The  skiff  could  go  no  farther,  and  I  left  it  and 
walked  the  rest  of  the  way.  It  was  a  hazardous 
undertaking  to  attempt  to  spring  from  one  sharp 
edge  to  another,  but  I  reached  the  shore  in  safety, 
and  made  my  way  to  Jones'  house.  When  I  intro- 
duced myself  to  the  wife  and  daughter,  and  made 
.known  my  errand,  I  felt  amply  repaid  for  all  that  I 
had  done.  They  burst  into  tears  and  thanked  me 
again  and  again,  seeming  unable  to  express  the  full 
measure  of  their  gratitude.  It  was  then  eleven 
o'clock  a.  m.,  on  the  last  day  of  the  week,  and  I 
had  but  little  time  to  spare,  as  the  train  on  which  I 
wished  to  return  left  Jeffersonville  at  two  p.  m.,  so 
I  sent  immediately  for  the  lawyer,  and  when  he 
arrived  paid  the  money  into  his  hands,  taking  a 
receipt  for  it.  The  limited  time  at  my  command 
did  not  admit  of  my  going  to  the  jail  to  see  Jones, 
but  the  lawyer  agreed  to  get  him  out  of  prison  that 
afternoon. 

Learning  that  a  channel  had  been  cut  across 
the  river  at  New  Albany,  I  took  the  stage  to  the 
ferry-wharf,  and  arrived  while  the  boat  was  on  the 
opposite  side.  I  had  to  wait  some  time,  and  the 
delay  increased  my  impatience,  but  finally  the  boat 
returned,  and  I  reached  New  Albany.      I  found  that 


TRIP  TO  LOUISVILLE. 


405 


I  had  a  very  short  time  in  which  to  reach  Jefferson- 
ville,  and  looked  around  for  a  conveyance,  but  the 
omnibuses  had  all  gone.  I  started  up  town  to  find 
a  livery  stable,  but  seeing  a  man  in  a  sleigh  drawn 
by  two  good  horses,  I  ran  to  him  and  told  him  if  he 
would  take  me  to  the  depot,  in  time  for  the  train,  I 
would  give  him  a  dollar.  The  man  replied  that  he 
had  fast  horses  and  thought  he  could  make  the  dis- 
tance— nearly  three  miles — in  time,  so  off  we  started 
at  flying  speed.  When  we  came  into  Jeffersonville, 
before  quite  reaching  the  depot,  the  train  began  to 
move  off.  I  tossed  a  dollar  to  the  man,  sprang  out 
of  the  sleigh,  and  running  as  fast  as  I  could,  caught 
the  last  car,  being  pulled  up  by  a  gentleman  on  the 
rear  platform.  I  reached  home  early  in  the  morn- 
ing. Jones  was  released  from  jail  a  few  hours  after 
I  left  Louisville.  He  had  taken  a  deep  cold,  and 
was  reduced  quite  low  with  severe  illness,  but  after 
several  weeks"  of  suffering  his  health  improved,  so 
that  he  was  able  to  attend  to  business,  and  a  few 
weeks  before  the  opening  of  court  he  came  to  Cin- 
cinnati, in  the  hope  of  obtaining  another  witness  in 
his  case. 

He  came  at  once  to  my  house,  wishing  to  consult 
with  me  in  regard  to  risking  a  third  trial.  I  called 
a  meeting  of  several  of  our  prominent  anti-slavery 
men,  to  deliberate  on  the  subject.  We  thought 
that  there  was  no  probability  of  his  being  cleared  at 
his  next  trial,  and  advised  him  not  to  return,  but  to 
forfeit  his  bond.  Jones  seemed  to  have  some  hope 
that  he  would  be  cleared,  but  as  he  had  been  twice 
convicted  on  false  evidence,  we  thought  that  there 


406  REMINISCENCES. 

was  little  prospect  of  a  jury  of  slaveholders  ac- 
quitting him  of  the  crime  he  was  charged  with, 
that  of  aiding  a  fugitive. 

Some  of  us  knew  that  he  was  innocent  in  that 
case,  but  that  in  many  other  cases  he  was  guilty, 
and  that  if  convicted  the  penitentiary  would  be  his 
doom.  Jones  finally  agreed  to  forfeit  his  bond  and 
not  return.  He  wrote  to  his  wife,  informing  her  of 
his  decision,  which  was  in  accordance  with  her 
advice.  I  gave  him  a  room  in  an  upper  story,  and 
he  staid  at  our  house  for  some  time.  His  case 
came  up  in  court,  but  he  did  not  appear,  and  his 
bond  was  forfeited.  When  court  was  over  his  Avife 
.came  to  see  him  and  spent  several  days,  but  it  was 
thought  best  for  her  not  to  leave  Louisville  any  con- 
siderable time,  for  Jones'  prosecutors  might  attempt 
to  trace  his  whereabouts,  through  her,  and  she 
returned  to  her  home.  His  enemies  seemed  deter- 
mined to  hunt  him  out,  and  supposing  him  to  be  in 
Cincinnati,  they  obtained  a  requisition  on  the  Gover- 
nor of  Ohio,  from  the  Governor  of  Kentucky,  for  a 
permit  to  arrest  him.  Jones'  wife  wrote  to  him 
from  Louisville,  giving  him  intelligence  of  this 
movement — addressing  the  letter  to  me  that  no  clue 
to  Jones  might  be  obtained.  I  at  once  wrote  to 
Salmon  P.  Chase,  then  Governor  of  Ohio,  giving 
him  the  particulars  of  the  case,  and  requesting  him 
to  let  me  know  if  he  was  applied  to  for  a  permit  to 
arrest  Jones. 

Chase  immediately  wrote  to  his  former  law  partner 
in  this  city  to  inform  me  that,  if  occasion  required,  I 
would  hear  from  him.      Close  search  was  made  for 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT. 


407 


Jones,  but  his  enemies  failed  to  get  any  clue  to  his 
whereabouts,  and  they  never  applied  to  Governor 
Chase.  When  matters  became  quiet  and  the  search 
seemed  to  be  over,  Jones'  wife  joined  him,  and  they 
took  rooms  in  another  part  of  the  city.  But  they 
had  been  settled  in  their  new  home  only  a  few  weeks, 
when  Jones  was  discovered  by  a  Louisville  officer, 
who  was  about  to  arrest  him  without  legal  authority 
and  hurry  him  off  to  Kentucky.  Jones  narrowly 
escaped  by  slipping  out  a  back  way,  and  resolved  to 
leave  the  city  at  once  and  seek  a  place  of  security. 
He  and  his  wife  removed  to  Iowa,  where  they 
remained  for  several  years  ;  then  returned  to  Cin- 
cinnati, and  are  still  living  here.  The  daughter 
married  in  Louisville  and  remained  there.  After 
his  return  to  this  city,  Jones  entered  the  Eclectic 
College,  studied  medicine,  and  is  now  a  practicing 
physician. 

ROSE,  THE  WHITE  SLAVE. 

Among  the  fugitives  who  escaped  from  Louisville 
and  reached  Cincinnati,  by  the  aid  of  Jones,  was  a 
woman  whom  I  will  call  Rose.  She  was  so  nearly 
white  that  a  stranger  would  never  suspect  that  there 
was  a  drop  of  African  blood  in  her  veins.  Her 
form  was  tall  and  graceful,  her  face  beautiful,  and 
her  expression  one  of  intelligence.  She  had  long, 
straight  black  hair,  and  her  hands  were  as  delicate 
as  those  of  any  lady.  Although  she  was  a  slave, 
she  had  never  experienced  any  of  the  hardships  and 
cruelties  of  slavery.  She  was  the  property  of  a  man 
who  lived  in  the  central  part  of  Kentucky,  and 
being    a    favorite    house    servant,    she    was    kindly 


40S  REMINISCENCES. 

treated  by  her  indulgent  master  and  mistress.  She 
had  a  comfortable  home,  and  her  tasks  were  the 
lighter  work  of  the  household,  and  the  use  of  the 
needle.  But  her  lot  did  not  remain  unshadowed  by 
the  evils  of  slavery.  She  was  seduced  by  her  mas- 
ter and  became  the  mother  of  a  handsome  boy, 
apparently  white.  On  account  of  the  disturbance 
which  this  created  in  the  family,  the  master  took 
Rose  and  her  child  to  Louisville,  and  hired  her  for  a 
house  servant  to  an  acquaintance  of  his  who  owned 
no  slaves.  According  to  the  terms  of  their  written 
agreement,  made  for  a  specified  number  of  years, 
the  employer  was  to  pay  fifty  dollars  a  year  for  her 
services,  and  to  clothe  her  and  the  child,  beside 
paying  doctor's  bills  in  case  of  their  sickness. 

To  Rose's  great  comfort,  she  found  her  new  mas- 
ter and  mistress  to  be  kind-hearted  Christian  people. 
They  treated  her  and  her  child  with  kindness,  and 
her  new  home  proved  to  be  a  pleasant  one.  Her 
little  boy  soon  became  the  pet  of  the  family.  When 
he  grew  large  enough  to  attend  school,  he  was  ad- 
mitted to  the  white  schools,  as  he  showed  no  trace 
of  colored  blood.  He  was  a  bright,  intelligent 
child,  and  made  rapid  progress  in  learning.  When 
the  term  of  years  for  which  Rose  had  been  hired 
had  nearly  expired,  her  employer  received  a  letter 
from  her  master  stating  that  he  had  sold  his  farm 
and  was  preparing  to  move  to  Mississippi,  and 
wished  Rose  and  her  child  to  be  in  readiness  to  join 
him  and  his  family  when  they  came  to  Louisville  to 
take  a  down-river  boat.  Her  employer  imparted 
this  intelligence  to  Rose,  and  said  that  he  and  his 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT.  4O9 

wife  were  sorry  to  part  with  her,  but  that  she  must 
obey  her  master's  orders.  Rose  was  filled  with  dis- 
may at  the  prospect  of  leaving  her  comfortable 
home  and  going  to  the  far  South.  Her  little  boy, 
she  knew,  would  then  be  a  slave,  for  in  slavery  the 
child  followed  the  condition  of  the  mother,  and  for 
herself  she  dreaded  some  hard  fate,  worse  than  she 
had  yet  known.  She  might  be  sold  to  a  cruel 
master  and  made  to  toil  in  the  cotton  fields,  beneath 
the  driver's  lash,  or  she  might  become  the  property 
of  some  sensual  wretch,  and  she  would  choose  death 
rather  than  such  a  lot.  She  began  to  plan  a  way  to 
escape.  Some  colored  people  who  knew  that  Jones 
was  disposed  to  aid  fugitives  directed  her  to  con- 
sult with  him.  She  sought  an  opportunity  and  had 
an  interview  with  him,  during  which  the  whole  mat- 
ter was  arranged. 

The  family  with  whom  Rose  had  been  living  had 
often  .given  her  money  for  her  faithful  services, 
beside  paying  her  master  the  amount  agreed  upon, 
and  she  had  saved  a  sum  more  than  sufficient  to  pay 
her  passage  to  Cincinnati.  She'  also  had  a  supply 
of  good  clothing  for  herself  and  her  little  boy,  and 
a  large  trunk.  She  began  to  pack  her  things  and 
make  ready  for  traveling.  Her  indulgent  mistress 
seemed  to  understand  that  she  contemplated  making 
her  escape,  but  placed  no  obstruction  in  her  way. 
On  the  contrary,  she  seemed  disposed  to  encourage 
her  attempt,  but  asked  her  no  questions  lest  she 
should  be,  in  turn,  questioned  by  Rose's  master 
when  he  came. 

Jones  went  to  the  Cincinnati  packet,  and  engaged 
35 


4lo 


REMINISCENCES. 


a  state-room  for  a  lady  and  her  little  boy,  entering 
fictitious  names  on  the  clerk's  book.  He  paid  for 
both  berths  and  obtained  the  key  to  the  room. 
Later  he  managed  to  send  Rose's  trunk  aboard  and 
have  it  checked  for  Cincinnati.  Rose  dressed  her- 
self in  her  best  clothing  and  put  a  thick  vail  over 
her  face,  and  then,  leading  her  little  boy,  she  went 
aboard  the  boat,  passing  unnoticed  in  the  bustle  and 
crowd.  In  the  cabin  she  saw  Jones,  who  passed 
before  her  into  the  ladies'  cabin,  and  made  a  signal, 
designating  the  room  she  was  to  enter.  She  went 
;n,  and  finding  the  key  on  the  inside,  locked  the 
door.  She  and  her  little  boy  were  unmolested  on 
the  trip,  and  arrived  safely  at  Cincinnati  about  four 
o'clock  next  morning. 

In  the  meantime  Jones  had  telegraphed  to  me, 
requesting  me  to  go  to  box  72  and  take  charge  of 
his  papers  until  called  for.  I  knew  from  the  number 
that  the  state-room  referred  to  was  in  the  ladies' 
cabin.  Just  at  daybreak,  when  people  began  to 
leave  the  boat,  and  draymen  and  hackmen  were 
going  on  board  to  look  for  freight  and  passengers, 
I  sent  a  man  to  the  boat  who  went  to  the  room 
numbered  72,  and  gave  a  tap  on  the  door  that  Rose 
understood.  She  opened  the  door  and  followed  the 
man  ashore,  and  was  soon  safe  at  my  house,  with 
her  little  boy.  When  her  vail  was  removed  it  was 
difficult  for  us  to  realize  that  the  handsome,  well- 
dressed  lady  who  sat  before  us  was  a  fugitive  slave. 
The  tinge  of  African  blood  in  her  face  was  so  slight 
that  it  was  hardly  noticeable.  Her  boy,  a  hand- 
some little  fellow,  was  as  white  as  any  child.     When 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT. 


41  r 


breakfast  was  over  and  Rose  had  recovered  from  the 
first  excitement  of  her  arrival,  we  took  her  into  our 
room,  and  she  related  to  me  and  my  wife  the  par- 
ticulars which  I  have  given.  We  were  deeply 
interested  in  her  at  once,  and  felt  that  we  wanted  to 
exhibit  these  white  slaves  to  some  of  our  acquaint- 
ances, whose  sympathies  had  never  been  so  strongly 
enlisted  for  the  slave  as  ours  had  been.  I  invited 
several  prominent  citizens,  who  were  not  abolition- 
ists, to  call  at  my  house,  saying  that  I  had  recently 
received  a  curiosity  from  the  South  which  I  wished 
to  show  them.  They  responded  to  the  invitation, 
and  came  at  the  time  appointed.  I  assured  Rose 
that  she  need  not  feel  any  fear  or  embarrassment  in 
the  presence  of  the  men  to  whom  I  was  about  to 
introduce  her;  they  were  all  men  of  honor  and  high 
standing,  and  would  give  no  information  that  might 
lead  to  her  detection.  I  then  conducted  her  into 
the  parlor  where  they  were  seated,  and  introduced 
her  and  her  little  boy  as  fugitives,  fleeing  to  a  land 
of  liberty.  The  gentlemen  were  greatly  surprised, 
and  said:  "Can  it  be  possible  that  they  are  slaves, 
liable  to  be  bought  and  sold?     It  is  a  shame." 

They  asked  Rose  many  questions,  which  she 
answered  with  clearness  and  in  a  ladylike  manner, 
manifesting  a  keen  sense  of  her  degradation  as  a 
slave.  The  gentlemen  seemed  deeply  interested  in 
her  case,  and  expressed  much  concern  for  her  wel- 
fare, saying  that  they  hoped  she  would  reach  a  land 
of  liberty  in  safety.  While  Rose  was  at  our  house 
I  introduced  her  to  a  number  of  other  persons, 
whom   I  wished   to   interest   in   behalf  of-  the  poor 


412 


REMINISCENCES. 


slaves    in    bondage,    as  well    as    the    fugitives   who 
escaped. 

After  she  had  been  with  us  several  days,  John 
Jolliffe,  that  noble  advocate  of  liberty,  took  her  to 
his  house,  as  he  wished  to  invite  some  of  his  law 
brethren  to  see  her  and  her  boy.  She  remained 
there  several  days,  and  Lawyer  Jolliffe  introduced 
her  to  Judge  Storer,  and  other  prominent  members 
of  the  bar.  Much  interest  was  manifested  by  all 
who  saw  and  talked  with  her.  Some  thought  that 
no  effort  would  be  made  to  capture  her,  and  that 
she  might  be  safe  in  Cincinnati,  but  Rose  thought 
that  it  would  be  unsafe  to  remain  here,  as  her  mas- 
ter might  empower  an  agent  to  hunt  her  out  and 
capture  her.  John  Jolliffe  and  I  decided  that  it 
would  be  best  for  her  to  go  farther  north,  so  I 
bought  a  ticket  for  her  to  Detroit,  and  saw  her  and 
her  child  safely  started  on  their  journey.  I  after- 
ward heard  from  her ;  she  was  living  in  Detroit  and 
doing  well. 

STORY  OF  JIM  AND  HIS  FRIEND  IN  A  BOX. 

Not  far  from  Louisville,  Kentucky,  there  lived  a 
slave  whom  I  will  call  Jim.  He  had  a  wife  and  one 
child,  who  belonged  to  a  different  master,  a  person 
'ivi-ng  in  Louisville.  Jim's  master  was  more  indul- 
gent than  some  slaveholders,  and  allowed  him  the 
privilege  of  visiting  his  wife  frequently.  Jim's 
parents  having  grown  old,  and  become  worthless,  in 
the  sense  of  property,  had  been  emancipated  by 
their  master,  and  as  they  could  not,  according  to 
the  law  of  Kentucky,  remain  in  that  State   and  be 


SCENES  A T  THE  DEPOT.  4 T  3 

free,  they  had  been  sent  to  Ohio,  and  had  settled  at 
New  Richmond,  twenty  miles  above  Cincinnati, 
where  some  of  their  relatives,  free  colored  people, 
were  living".  After  they  had  lived  here  a  year  or 
two,  Jim  solicited  the  privilege  of  going  to  see  them 
and  carrying  some  presents  to  them.  The  work  of 
the  summer  was  over  and  he  had  accumulated  a 
little  money,  enough  to  pay  the  expenses  of  the 
trip.  After  some  deliberation,  his  master  consented 
to  give  him  a  pass  for  a  week's  absence,  and  per- 
mitted his  little  brother,  about  twelve  years  old,  to 
go  with  him  to  see  their  parents.  He  thought  there 
was  no  danger  of  Jim's  not  returning  promptly,  for 
he  knew  that  he  was  much  attached  to  his  wife  and 
child,  and  thought  that  he  would  not  leave  them. 

But  Jim  had  other  thoughts  in  his  mind ;  he  had 
a  yearning  to  be  free.  Although  he  had  a  kind 
master  he  knew  that  his  situation  was  liable  to 
sudden  change.  His  master  might  die,  or  become 
involved  in  debt  and  be  obliged  to  sell  him,  or  his 
wife  and  child  might  be  sold  away  from  him.  These 
thoughts  Jim  had  revolved  in  his  mind  for  some 
time,  and  he  now  resolved  to  make  a  bold  stroke 
for  freedom.  He  also  had  a  plan  for  aiding  one 
of  his  friends,    a  slave,   whom  I  will  call  Joe. 

Joe  was  the  property  of  a  man  living  about  thirty 
miles  from  Louisville,  but  being  cruelly  treated  by 
his  master  he  ran  away,  and  secreted  himself  among 
some  colored  friends  in  that  city.  Jim's  plan  for 
aiding  Joe  was  to  nail  him  up  in  a  goods  box,  and 
ship  him  to  New  Richmond,  pretending  that  the 
box  contained  some  things  which  he  was  taking  to 


414 


REMINISCENCES. 


his  parents  at  that  place.  By  the  aid  of  some  of  his 
colored  friends  this  was  accomplished  without  at- 
tracting suspicion.  Joe  disposed  himself  as  com- 
fortably as  he  could  in  the  box,  the  cover  was  nailed 
on,  and  it  was  directed  to  Jim's  father  at  New 
Richmond,  in  care  of  Jim  himself.  Then  it  was 
conveyed  to  the  wharf  on  a  dray,  to  be  placed  on 
board  the  Cincinnati  packet  as  freight  for  New 
Richmond.  Jim  had  gone  to  the  boat  before  and 
paid  the  price  of  passage  for  himself  and  little 
brother  to  Cincinnati.  He  showed  his  pass  to  the 
captain  and  informed  him  that  he  had  a  box  to  take 
with  him  to  his  father,  on  which  he  wished  to  pay 
the  freight  to  Cincinnati  in  advance.  This  was  sat- 
isfactory to  the  captain,  and  the  weight  being 
marked  on  the  box,  which  was  now  on  the  wharf, 
Jim  paid  the  freight  required.  The  mate  ordered 
the  box  to  be  rolled  on  board,  but  Jim  took  hold 
and  helped  the  deck  hands  carry  it  on  deck,  and 
saw  that  it  was  placed  right  side  up.  The  boat 
arrived  at  Cincinnati  before  daylight  next  morning, 
and  landed  at  the  foot  of  Main  Street.  Jim  wished 
to  know  if  his  friend  was  all  right,  and  wratching  his 
opportunity  when  the  deck  hands  were  engaged  in 
another  part  of  the  boat,  he  leaned  down  and  whis- 
pered through  a  crack  in  the  box,  "Joe,  is  you 
dar?" 

The  answer  came  back,  in  muffled  tones:  "  I\s 
hyar,  all  right." 

The  wharf  of  the  Maysville  packet  line,  where 
Jim  was  to  take  passage  for  New  Richmond,  was  at 
the  foot  of  Broadway,  two  squares  above,  but  the 


SCEiXES  AT  THE  DEPOT. 


415 


boat  was  not  yet  in.  Jim  had  the  box  containing 
his  friend  conveyed  on  a  dray  to  the  upper  wharf, 
where  it  had  to  lay  several  hours  in  the  hot  sun- 
shine. As  soon  as  the  boat  ai  rived  and  her  freight 
was  discharged,  Jim  had  the  box  put  on  board, 
watching  carefully  to  see  that  it  was  right  side  up. 
At  four  in  the  afternoon  the  Maysville  boat  started. 
Jim  walked  the  deck  impatiently,  feeling  much 
anxiety  about  Joe,  and  watching  eagerly  for  the 
sight  of  his  destination.  The  boat  reached  New 
Richmond  about  sunset,  and  Jim  paid  the  charges 
on  his  box  of  live  freight,  and  had  it  rolled  off  on 
the  wharf.  Waiting  till  the  boat  had  gone  on  her 
way,  Jim  ascertained  that  Joe  was  still  alive,  and  then 
looked  around  for  a  dray.  Seeing  none,  he  hired  a 
wood  wagon  to  transport  the  box  to  the  house 
where  his  father  and  mother  lived,  in  the  outskirts 
of  the  village.  Jim  was  glad  to  meet  his  father  and 
mother,  but  was  so  anxious  to  release  Joe  from  his 
confinement  that  he  hardly  waited  to  speak  to  them. 
When  the  box  was  unloaded,  and  the  man  who 
drove  the  wagon  was  gone,  Jim  took  a  hatchet  and 
knocked  off  the  box-lid,  and  Joe  crawled  out  of  the 
narrow  quarters  where  he  had  been  confined  for 
thirty-six  hours,  without  food  or  drink,  except  a 
crust  of  corn  bread.  He  appeared  to  be  in  good 
condition,  and  was  thankful  to  breathe  the  free  air 
of  Ohio,  which  he  said  was  sweet.  Jim  was  much 
rejoiced  at  the  success  of  his  plan  and  his  friend's 
safe  arrival. 

A  few  abolitionists — white  men — who  lived  near, 
were   called  in  to  see  the  fugitive,  and  to  advise  in 


416 


REMINISCENCES. 


regard  to  his  safety.  It  was  decided  that  he  must 
go  to  Canada  immediately,  via  the  Underground 
Railroad,  and  that  the  line  leading  through  Cincin- 
nati was  the  best  for  him  to  take.  One  of  the  abo- 
litionists who  knew  me  offered  to  bring  Joe  to  my 
house  the  next  evening  in  his  buggy.  He  had  a 
swift  horse,  and  by  starting  early  in  the  evening  he 
reached  my  house  about  ten  o'clock  at  night.  The 
next  day  I  obtained  a  ticket  to  Sandusky  for  Joe, 
and  put  him  aboard  the  night  train.  I  learned  after- 
ward that  he  arrived  safely  in  Canada. 

Jim  remained  a  few  days  with  his  parents  at  New 
Richmond,  then  came  to  Cincinnati,  and  called  at 
my  house  to  inquire  about  his  friend.  He  told  me 
the  particulars,  which  I  have  given,  of  Joe's  journey 
in  the  box,  and  also  confided  to  me  his  own  inten- 
tions. He  said  that  the  time  for  which  his  pass  was 
good  had  not  yet  expired ;  he  had  several  days  to 
spare,  and  he  thought  of  taking  a  trip  to  Canada  to 
see  how  his  friend  Joe  was  prospering.  If  he  liked 
the  country  himself,  he  thought  he  would  not 
return.  I  asked  him  about  his  wife  and  child; 
would  he  leave  them  in  slavery  ? 

He  replied:  "I  hope  to  get  them  to  Canada  be- 
fore long.  I  have  been  talking  with  the  steward  on 
board  the  Cincinnati  and  Louisville  packet.  He  is 
a  trusty  fellow,  and  well  acquainted  with  my  wife. 
He  will  go  to  see  her  and  tell  her  that  I  have  gone 
to  Canada  to  prepare  a  home  for  us,  and  that  she 
must  try  to  join  me." 

I  said:  "But  it  may  be  difficult  for  her  to  get 
away  with  her  child." 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT. 


417 


Jim  replied:  "We  have  a  white  friend  living  in 
Louisville  who  will  plan  for  her  if  she  will  apply  to 
him." 

Jim  then  went  to  the  Louisville  packet,  where  he 
had  left  his  little  brother.  He  paid  the  fare  of  his 
brother  to  Louisville,  and  had  a  private  understand- 
ing with  the  colored  steward;  then  a  short  time 
before  the  hour  for  the  boat  to  start,  he  told  his 
brother  that  he  had  some  business  up  town  that  he 
must  attend  to  before  starting,  and  hastily  left  the 
boat.  His  brother  supposed  that  he  would  soon 
return,  but  the  boat  went  off  without  Jim. 

Jim  returned  to  my  house  and  took  the  train  that 
evening  for  Sandusky.  I  told  him  that  according 
to  the  laws  of  Ohio  he  was  already  free  ;  that  when 
a  slave  was  brought  into  this  State  by  his  master, 
or  came  here  with  his  master's  permission,  the  law 
would  protect  him  if  he  chose  to  remain.  But  if 
Jim's  wife  ran  away  and  came  to  him  here,  the  law 
could  not  protect  her;  she  would  be  liable  to  be 
captured  and  taken  back  to  slavery. 

Jim  concluded  that  he  would  try  the  English  do- 
minions, and  reached  Canada  in  safety.  When  his 
wife  received  the  message  that  he  had  sent  her,  she 
resolved  to  follow  him  as  soon  as  she  could  find  an 
opportunity  to  make  her  escape.  She  consulted  with 
Jones,  of  Louisville,  and  a  few  months  afterward  he 
managed  to  get  her  safely  on  board  the  packet  for 
Cincinnati,  and  telegraphed  to  me  to  go  to  box  73 
and  take  charge  of  his  papers  till  called  for.  I  knew 
by  the  number  that  the  state-room  designated  was 


4i8 


REMINISCENCES. 


in  the  ladies'    cabin,    and    that  the  fugitive  was  a 
woma'n. 

According  to  arrangements  previously  explained, 
she,  with  her  child,  was  brought  to  our  house,  and 
the  next  night  was  forwarded  to  Canada,  where  she 
joined  her  husband  in  safety. 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT. 


419 


CHAPTER  All. 

LOUISA  PICQUET,  THE  OCTOROON — JOHN  FAIRFIELD,  THE 
SOUTHERN  ABOLITIONIST — JOHN  AND  MARY — NAR- 
ROW ESCAPES  OF  FUGITIVES. 

MONG  the  many  interesting  cases  that  came 
under  my  personal  notice  while  engaged  in 
efforts  to  aid  the  slave,  that  of  Louisa  Picquet,  the 
octoroon,  is  recalled  to  memory.  Her  story  as  told 
by  herself  has  been  written  by  Rev.  H.  Mattison, 
pastor  of  Union  Chapel,  New  York,  and  published 
in  pamphlet  form.  I  refer  to  it  for  the  particulars 
given  below. 

Louisa  was  born  in  Columbia,  South  Carolina, 
where  her  mother  was  a  slave  in  the  family  of  John 
Randolph,  not  the  celebrated  John  Randolph,  of 
Roanoke,  but  probably  one  of  the  same  family.  As 
little  Louisa  strongly  resembled  the  Randolph  chil- 
dren, Madame  R.  became  much  dissatisfied,  and 
caused  her  and  her  mother  to  be  sold.  They  were 
bought  by  a  Mr.  Cook,  of  Georgia,  in  whose 
family  they  remained  for  some  time — Louisa  as  nurse 
girl,  her  mother  as  cook.  Their  master  had  a  large 
cotton  plantation,  warehouses,  stores,  etc.,  but  was 
not  a  good  manager  and  became  deeply  involved  in 
debt.     His  creditors  came  to  take  possession  of  his 


420  REMINISCENCES. 

property,  and  he  ran  off  to  Mobile,  taking  seven 
of  his  slaves,  including  Louisa  and  her  mother,  and 
hired  them  out.  Louisa  was  in  the  family  of  a  Mr. 
English,  where  she  was  well  treated.  She  was  at 
this  time  a  beautiful  girl  of  fourteen,  with  dark  eyes 
and  hair,  rosy  cheeks  and  brunette  complexion,  but 
with  no  indication  of  a  drop  of  African  blood  in  her 
veins.  She  attracted  the  attention  and  gained  the 
affection  of  a  young  man  of  nineteen  or  twenty, 
white  in  appearance,  but  the  slave  of  a  man  in  the 
city  of  Mobile.  He  was  a  coachman  and  used  to 
drive  when  his  master's  young  sisters  went  out  rid- 
ing. They  frequently  called  at  Mr.  English's,  and 
when  the  coachman  rang  the  bell,  it  was  answered 
by  Louisa.  In  this  way  the  acquaintance  was 
made.  He  called  to  see  her  on  Sundays,  and 
finally  asked  her  to  marry  him.  She  loved  him  in 
return,  and  would. have  been  his  wife,  with  all  the 
sanction  that  the  law  allowed  to  slaves,  had  not 
circumstances  separated  them.  Her  lover  was  ac- 
cused to  his  master  of  an  offense  of  which  he  was 
innocent,  and  when  he  denied  it  he  received  a 
severe  whipping,  which  made  him  resolve  to  run 
away.  He  was  strengthened  in  this  resolve  by  the 
advice  of  his  master's  partner,  an  Englishman,  who 
abhorred  the  cruelties  of  slavery. 

This  gentleman  said :    "I  would  go  away  if  I  were 
you." 

The  reply  was:    "I  have  no  money,  and  I  love  a 
girl  here  I  don't  want  to  leave." 

The  gentleman  then  inquired  concerning  Louisa, 
and  learning  that  she  was  white,  said :  ' '  There  will 


THE  HORRORS  OF  THE  SYSTEM. 


421 


be  no  difficulty  in  your  going  away  ;  neither  of  you 
will  be  taken  for  slaves.  As  to  the  other  excuse, 
here  is  money  enough  for  your  traveling  expenses.' 

The  young  lover  hastened  to  Louisa  and  unfolded 
these  plans.  But  she  was  afraid  to  venture.  She 
knew  that  they  could  not  read  or  write,  and  was 
afraid  that  they  would  be  questioned  and  discov- 
ered. When  she  made  known  her  decision,  her 
lover  was  sorry  to  part  from  her,  but  all  his  arrange- 
ments were  made  and  he  had  resolved  to  go.  So 
after  a  long  talk  they  bade  each  other  good-by — 
destined  to  meet  again  under  very  different  circum- 
stances. 

Mr.  Cook's  creditors  traced  him  to  Mobile,  took 
possession  of  his  slaves,  and  sold  them  to  satisfy  his 
debts.  Louisa  was  taken  to  the  public  auction 
rooms,  and  her  merits  discussed  by  various  pur- 
chasers. The  auctioneer  recommended  her  as  a 
good-looking  girl,  a  good  nurse,  kind  and  affection- 
ate to  children  ;  she  had  never  been  put  to  hard 
work,  as  they  could  see  by  her  white  hands,  etc. 
He  even  noticed  her  hair,  which  had  lately  been  cut 
off  because  it  was  prettier  than  that  of  her  master's 
daughter,  and  said,  "  You  see  it  is  good  quality,  and 
in  a  short  time  it  will  grow  out  fine  and  long."  The 
bidding  commenced  at  six  hundred  dollars,  and 
mounted  by  hundreds  and  fifties  to  fourteen  hundred. 
The  rival  bidders  were  a  Mr.  Horton,  from  Texas, 
who  had  bought  Louisa's  mother,  and  a  Mr.  Will- 
iams, of  New  Orleans.  The  former  gentleman  said 
that   Louisa  should  go  with    her  mother,    but  the 


42: 


REMINISCENCES. 


latter  declared  that  he  would  have  her  at  any  price, 
and  bidding  fifteen  hundred  she  was  sold  to  him. 

As  Louisa  was  being  led  away,  she  heard  some 
one  crying  and  praying,  and  saw  her  mother 
on  her  knees  in  the  midst  of  the  crowd,  with 
her  hands  lifted  up  and  her  eyes  raised  toward 
heaven,  streaming  with  tears.  All  the  people  were 
looking  at  her,  but  she  did  not  think  of  them,  she 
was  asking  the  Lord  to  go  with  her  only  daughter 
and  protect  her. 

This  scene  made  a  deep^  impression  on  Louisa, 
and  she  remembered  it  years  afterward  in  waking 
hours  and  in  dreams.  There  was  no  time  allowed 
for  saying  good-by.  The  slaveholders  did  not  recog- 
nize the  claims  of  natural  affection  between  mother 
and  daughter,  but  led  them  away — one  to  hard 
work  in  Texas,  the  other  to  a  home  in  New  Orleans, 
where  she  was  to  live  in  daily  violation  of  God's 
command.  Mr.  Williams  told  Louisa  of  her  destina- 
tion, and  the  fate  in  store  for  her,  as  he  took  her  on 
the  boat  to  New  Orleans.  He  said  he  was  getting 
old,  and  when  he  saw  her  he  thought  he  would  buy 
her  and  end  his  days  with  her.  He  told  her  that 
if  she  behaved  herself  she  would  be  treated  well, 
but  if  not,  he  would  whip  her  almost  to  death.  He 
was  about  fifty  years  old,  and  gray-headed,  and  was 
very  jealous  of  Louisa  lest  she  should  find  a  lover 
of  her  own  race.  He  never  allowed  her  to  go 
out ;  when  she  begged  to  go  to  church,  he  accused 
her  of  having  some  object  in  view,  and  said  there 
were  too  many  opportunities  for  rascality  there. 

He  would  sometimes  say:  "Goon,  I  guess  you've 


THE  HORRORS  OF  THE  SYSTEM. 


423 


made  your  arrangement ;  go  on,  I'll  catch  up  with 
you."  But  Louisa  knew  his  watchful,  suspecting 
disposition  and  never  ventured  out. 

She  had  four  children  while  living  with  Mr.  Will- 
iams, two  of  whom  died.  She  was  known  as  his 
housekeeper  and  did  all  the  work.  He  never 
brought  guests  to  the  house,  but  if  he  had  company 
took  them  to  the  hotel  and  entertained  them.  He 
finally  became  so  harsh  and  strict  with  Louisa,  and 
so  disagreeable  in  his  Ways,  that  she  begged  him  to 
sell  her,  saying  that  she  would  rather  die  than  live 
in  that  manner.  He  became  much  enraged,  and 
said  that  nothing  but  death  should  separate  them, 
and  that  if  she  attempted  to  escape,  he  would  blow 
her  brains  out. 

Louisa  knew  that  it  was  wrong  to  live  as  she  lived 
with  Mr.  Williams,  for  in  early  childhood  Mrs. 
Cook  had  explained  to  her  the  meaning  of  the  com- 
mandments. She  had  this  trouble  in  her  soul  all 
the  time,  and  said  to  herself:  "  There's  no  chance 
for  me:  I'll  have  to  die  and  be  lost."  She  some- 
times spoke  to  Mr.  Williams  of  these  scruples,  but 
he  only  swore  about  it,  and  told  her  he  had  that  to 
answer  for  himself,  and  that  if  she  was  only  true  to 
him  she  could  get  religion.  But  Louisa  felt  there 
was  no  use  trying  to  be  religious  when  she  was 
living  in  sin,  and  not  knowing  what  else  to  do, 
began  praying  that  Mr.  Williams  might  die. 

She  said  in  relating  her  story:  "I  promised  the 
Lord  one  night,  faithful  in  prayer,  if  he  would  just 
take  him  out  of  the  way;  I'd  get  religion  and  be 
true  to   Him  as  long  as  I  lived.      If  Mr.    Williams 


424 


REMINISCENCES. 


only  knew  that  and  could  get  up  out  of  his  grave, 
he  would  beat  me  half  to  death.  Finally  he  did  get 
sick,  and  was  sick  nearly  a  year.  Then  he  began 
to  get  good  and  talked  kind  to  me.  I  could  see 
there  was  a  change  in  him.  He  was  not  all  the 
time  accusin'  me  of  other  people.  Then  when  I 
saw  that  he  was  sufferin'  so,  I  began  to  get  sorry 
and  to  pray  that  he  might  get  religion  before  he 
died.  It  seems  he  did  get  religion,  for  he  was  so 
changed." 

A  short  time  before  his  death,  Mr.  Williams 
willed  Louisa  and  her  children  free,  and  told  her, 
when  he  was  dead,  to  go  to  the  North  and  live  a 
new  life.  He  also  willed  her  the  household  goods, 
all  that  he  had  in  the  way  of  property — the  house 
he  lived  in  was  rented.  After  his  death  Louisa 
felt  a  new  peace  and  happiness,    for  she  was  free. 

On  Sunday  she  went  to  church  for  the  first  time 
in  six  years,  and  was  much  impressed  with  the 
words  of  the  preacher.  Mr.  Williams'  brother  soon 
afterward  told  her  that  she  must  leave  the  house,  as 
he  could  not  pay  the  rent,  and  a  colored  woman, 
who  took  in  washing,  kindly  received  Louisa  and 
her  children  and  cared  for  them  till  she  could  make 
other  arrangements.  One  day  she  met  her  late 
master's  brother  and  he  asked  her  what  she  was 
doing.  She  replied,  "  Nothing,"  and  he  then  said 
that  rightly  she  belonged  to  him,  because  his 
brother  had  not  paid  him  the  money  he  had  bor- 
rowed to  buy  her.  He  asked  her  why  she  did  not 
go  North  as  her  master  had  told  her  to  do.  She 
told  him   it   was  because   she   had  no  money,   and 


THE  HORRORS  OF  THE  SYSTEM.  425 

asked  him  to  give  her  some.  He  replied  that  she 
had  better  thank  God  for  her  freedom,  without 
asking  favors,  and  that  his  brother  had  got  enough 
from  him.  Louisa  related  this  conversation  to  the 
humble  friend  who  had  kindly  taken  her  in,  and  was 
advised  to  get  away  as  soon  as  possible. 

The  furniture  left  to  Louisa  by  her  master  was 
sent  to  a  second-hand  furniture  store  and  sold,  and 
Avith  the  money  thus  realized,  Louisa  and  her  chil- 
dren came  to  Cincinnati,  having  little  money  left 
after  paying  traveling  expenses.  On  her  arrival 
here,  Louisa  went  to  the  house  of  a  colored  woman 
named  Nelson,  once  a  slave  in  Georgia,  whom  she 
had  known  in  former  years.  She  found  friends 
among  the  colored  and  white  people,  and  was 
respected  by  all.  Two  or  three  years  after  coming 
to  Cincinnati,  Louisa  married  Henry  Picquet,  a 
mulatto,  formerly  a  slave  and  the  son  of  a  French- 
man in  Georgia.  He  had  been  married  once  before, 
but  his  wife  was  sold  away  from  him.  Louisa  had 
thought  of  her  mother  during  the  long  years  of  sep- 
aration, and  in  that  time  had  heard  from  her  once. 
She  now  endeavored  to  learn  in  what  part  of  Texas 
her  mother  was,  and  to  ascertain  if  she  could  be 
purchased.  She  had  letters  written  to  different 
parts  of  Texas,  making  inquiries,  and  succeeded  in 
learning  the  address  of  her  mother's  master.  Nego- 
tiations were  then  opened,  relative  to  her  mother's 
purchase,  and  the  master  agreed  to  dispose  of  her 
for  one  thousand  dollars.  Louisa's  next  concern 
was,  "How  shall  I  raise  this  money?"  She 
thought  of  selling  everything  she  had,  but  her 
36 


426 


REMINISCENCES. 


entire  worldly  possessions  would  amount  to  but  a 
small  sum.  She  then  talked  with  friends  on  the 
matter,  and  was  advised  by  them  to  go  out  and 
solicit  money  for  the  purpose.  She  was  at  first 
reluctant  to  do  this,  as  she  had  a  family  to  care  for, 
had  never  traveled,  except  from  New  Orleans  to 
Cincinnati,  and  feared  that  her  efforts  would  be 
vain,  as  there  were  so  many  abroad  on  similar 
errands,  but  she  finally  resolved  to  make  the 
attempt. 

I  gave  her  a  recommendation.  Joseph  Emery, 
known  for  many  years  as  city  missionary,  did  like- 
wise, and  she  received  several  encouraging  notices 
from  the  press.  With  these  pasted  in  her  book  she 
started  out,  first  in  Cincinnati,  where  she  obtained 
subscriptions  to  the  amount  of  about  three  hundred 
dollars,  and  then  made  her  way  to  other  cities  and 
towns  in  the  State  of  Ohio,  where  she  received 
various  sums.  At  Cleveland  she  was  advised  to 
visit  Buffalo,  where  the  General  Conference  of  the 
Methodist  Episcopal  Church  was  in  session.  She 
received  letters  of  introduction  to  a  minister  settled 
at  Buffalo,  and  to  another  who  was  there  temporarily, 
as  delegate  to  the  Conference,  and  went  to  that  city. 
She  presented  her  claims,  but  received  so  little 
encouragement  that  she  decided  to  go  on  to  New 
York,  having  letters  to  Henry  Ward  Beecher  and 
others  in  that  city.  She  did  so,  and  met  with 
excellent  encouragement,  her  collections  amounting 
to  two  hundred  and  twenty-three  dollars,  in  a  few 
days.  One  day  in  New  York  she  was  passing  along 
a  street  near  the   Park,   when  she  saw  a  man   on 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT. 


427 


top  of  an  omnibus  who  looked  at  her  earnestly  and 
seemed  to  know  her.  She  recognized  him  instantly 
as  the  young  man  who,  years  before  in  Mobile,  had 
asked  her  to  marry  him  and  run  away  from  slavery. 
He  got"  down  from  the  omnibus,  and  came  and 
spoke  to  her.  After  some  conversation,  in  which 
she  explained  how  she  happened  to  be  there,  he 
told  her  that  he  had  been  in  New  York  ever  since 
he  ran  away,  that  he  had  married  a  white  woman, 
and  that  no  one  suspected  him  of  having  a  drop  of 
African  blood  in  his  veins.  He  afterward  brought 
his  three  children  to  the  Park  for  Louisa  to  see,  and 
she  says  they  were  very  pretty,  and  prettily  dressed 
— the  two  little  girls,  white  and  fair,  the  little  boy  a 
brunette.  "Ah,"  said  she,  laughing,  "that  one  has 
the  stain  on  it."  She  promised  to  keep  the  matter 
secret — the  early  history  of  her  friend — lest  it  might 
break  up  a  family,  or  cause  a  white  citizen  of  New 
York  to  be  remanded  back  to  slavery. 

Louisa  returned  to  Buffalo,  where  for  the  first 
time  in  her  travels  she  was  treated  with  doubt  and 
suspicion.  Calling  on  a  minister,  who  was  a  dele- 
gate to  the  Conference,,  from  Baltimore,  and  stating 
her  business,  she  was  received  coldly.  After  look- 
ing over  her  papers  and  listening  to  her  story,  he 
expressed  his  opinion  that  she  was  not  a  colored 
woman,  and  that  the  money  collected  was  not  for 
the  specified  purpose;  consequently,  that  her  claims 
were  false  and  she  was  an  impostor. 

Another  gentleman  in  Buffalo,  learning  of  this 
incident,  kindly  undertook  to  aid  Louisa  and  sub- 
stantiate  her  claims,    for   the   benefit  of  those   dis- 


428 


REMINISCENCES. 


posed  to  doubt  her.  He  telegraphed  to  the  banking 
firm  of  Evans  and  Company,  of  Cincinnati,  to  whom 
Louisa  referred  him,  making  inquiries  in  regard  to 
her,  and  received  by  mail  a  full  indorsement  of  her 
and  her  representations. 

About  this  time  Louisa  received  news  that  the 
master  of  her  mother  had  decreased  the  price  he 
demanded  from  one  thousand  dollars  to  nine  hun- 
dred, which  was,  of  course,  cheering  news,  as  it 
obviated  much  labor  and  anxiety.  Louisa  returned 
to  Cincinnati,  and,  after  some  discouragement,  suc- 
ceeded in  completing  her  collections  and  making  up 
the  sum  required.  The  money  was  sent  to  the  mas- 
ter in  Texas,  per  Adams  Express  Company,  and 
Louisa's  mother  was  brought  to  Cincinnati  by  the 
same  Company  at  an  expense  of  eighty  dollars. 
To  obtain  this  sum  Louisa  had  to  sell  some  of  her 
household  goods.  The  old  woman,  who  had  toiled 
all  her  life  in  bondage,  was  free  at  last — thanks  to 
the  efforts  of  her  daughter  and  the  kindness  of 
Northern  friends. 

There  was  a  joyful  reunion  of  mother  and  daughter 
after  the  long  separation  of  years.  They  parted  in 
wretchedness,  at  a  slave  auction  in  Mobile,  with  the 
hopelessness  of  a  life  of  bondage  before  them  ;  they 
met  on  a  free  soil,  rejoicing  in  the  possession  of 
freedom,  and  full  of  thanksgiving  and  joy  too  great 
for  utterance. 

JOHN  FAIRFIELD,   THE  SOUTHERN  ABOLITIONIST. 

It  is  seldom  that  one  hears  of  a  person  who  has 
been  brought  up  in  the  midst  of  slavery,  surrounded 


JOHN  FAIRFIELD'S  WORK. 


429 


by  its  influences  from  his  earliest  recollection,  being 
a  hater  of  the  "peculiar  institution,"  but  there  are 
several  such  cases  on  record.  Among  them  is  that 
of  John  Fairfield,  who  has  already  figured  in  these 
pages  in  connection  with  a  party  of  twenty-eight 
fugitives,  whom  he  conducted  to  Cincinnati  from 
their  homes  in  Kentucky. 

His  early  home  was  in  Virginia,  east  of  the  moun- 
tains, where  he  imbibed  anti-slavery  sentiments — 
from  what  source  it  is  unknown,  certainly  not  from 
his  relatives,  who  were  all  slaveholders.  When 
quite  a  young  man,  he  decided  to  make  a  visit  to 
the  State  of  Ohio,  and  seek  his  fortunes  in  a  free 
State.  Thinking  that  it  would  be  a  good  opportu- 
nity to  put  his  anti-slavery  principles  into  practice, 
he  planned  to  take  with  him  one  of  his  uncle's 
slaves,  a  bright,  intelligent  young  man,  about  his 
own  age,  to  whom  he  was  much  attached.  John 
and  this  young  colored  man  had  played  together 
when  boys,  and  had  been  brought  up  together. 
They  had  often  discussed  plans  by  which  Bill,  the 
slave,  could  make  his  escape  to  Canada,  but  no 
attempt  had  been  made  to  carry  them  out,  until 
young  Fairfield  determined  to  visit  Ohio.  The 
arrangement  was  then  made  for  Bill  to  take  one  of 
his  master's  horses,  and  make  his  escape  the  night 
before  Fairfield  started,  and  wait  for  him  at  a  ren- 
dezvous appointed.  This  plan  was  carried  out,  and 
Bill  traveled  as  Fairfield's  servant  until  they  reached 
Ohio.  Not  feeling  safe  in  that  State,  he  went  on  to 
Canada,  accompanied  by  Fairfield,  who  spent  sev- 
eral weeks  there  looking  at  the  country.      Bill,  in 


43Q 


REMINISCENCES. 


the  meanwhile,  found  a  good  situation,  and  when 
Fairfield  left  him  he  was  rejoicing  in  his  newly 
achieved  liberty  and  prosperity. 

When  Fairfield  told  me  the  story,  some  years 
afterward,  I  asked  him  if  he  did  not  feel  guilty  of 
encouraging  horse-stealing,  as  well  as  negro-stealing. 
I  knew  that  death  was  the  penalty  for  each  of  these 
crimes,  according  to  the  laws  of  Virginia  and  North 
Carolina. 

The  reply  was :  ' :  No  !  I  knew  that  Bill  had  earned 
several  horses  for  his  master,  and  he  took  only  one. 
Bill  had  been  a  faithful  fellow,  and  worked  hard  for 
many  years,  and  that  horse  was  all  the  pay  he  got. 
As  to  negro-stealing,  I  would  steal  all  the  slaves  in 
Virginia  if  I  could." 

After  spending  several  months  in  Ohio,  John 
Fairfield  returned  to  Virginia,  but  did  not  remain 
long.  His  uncle  suspected  him  of  having  helped 
his  able-bodied  and  valuable  servant  to  escape,  and 
having  obtained  evidence  from  some  source — proba- 
bly from  Ohio — he  set  about  procuring  a  writ  and 
having  his  nephew  arrested. 

Fairfield  learned  of  his  uncle's  intention,  and 
concluded  to  leave  that  part  of  the  country.  Ac- 
tuated by  a  feeling  of  spite,  or  some  other  motive, 
he  resolved  to  take  other  slaves,  as  he  had  taken 
Bill,  and  succeeded  in  getting  away  with  several, 
some  of  whom  belonged  to  his  uncle.  They  trav- 
eled during  the  night  and  hid  themselves  during  the 
clay.  Sometimes  when  they  were  safely  secreted 
for  the  day,  Fairfield  went  forward  a  few  miles  and 
purchased  provisions,  under  the  pretense  of  buying 


JOHN  FAIRFIELD'S  WORK. 


431 


for  movers  in  camp ;  then  returned  and  supplied  the 
party  of  fugitives.  They  finally  arrived  safely  in 
Canada,  and  Fairfield,  liking  the  country,  concluded 
to  make  his  heme  there.  Bill  was  now  married  and 
comfortably  settled. 

Fairfield's  success  in  conducting  the  slaves  from 
Virginia  to  Canada  was  soon  known  to  many  of  the 
fugitives  settled  in  that  country,  and  having  confi- 
dence in  him,  they  importuned  him  to  bring  away 
from  slavery  the  husbands,  wives,  children,  or  other 
relatives  which  they  had  left  behind  them  in  various 
parts  of  the  South.  Some  of  them  had  accumulated 
small  sums  of  money,  and  offered  to  pay  him  if  he 
would  undertake  the  mission. 

Fairfield  was  a  young  man  without  family,  and 
was  fond  of  adventure  and  excitement.  He  wanted 
employment,  and  agreed  to  take  the  money  offered 
by  the  fugitives  and  engage  in  the  undertaking.  He 
obtained  the  names  of  masters  and  slaves,  and  an 
exact  knowledge  of  the  different  localities  to  be 
visited,  together  with  other  information  that  might 
be  of  use  to  him ;  then  acted  as  his  shrewd  judg- 
ment dictated,  under  different  circumstances.  He 
would  go  South,  into  the  neighborhood  where  the 
slaves  were  whom  he  intended  to  conduct  away, 
and,  under  an  assumed  name  and  a  false  pretense  of 
business,  engage  boarding,  perhaps  at  the  house  of 
the  master  whose  stock  of  valuable  property  he 
intended  to  decrease.  He  would  proclaim  himself 
to  be  a  Virginian,  and  profess  to  be  strongly  pro- 
slavery  in  his  sentiments,  thus  lulling  the  suspicions 
of  the    slaveholders    while    he    established  a  secret 


432  REMINISCENCES. 

understanding  with  the  slaves — gaining  their  confi- 
dence and  making  arrangements  for  their  escape. 
Then  he  would  suddenly  disappear  from  the  neigh- 
borhood, and  several  slaves  would  be  missing  at  the 
same  time. 

Fairfield  succeeded  well  in  his  daring  adventures, 
and  in  many  instances  brought  members  of  fami- 
lies together  in  Canada,  who  had  been  separated 
for  several  years.  Husbands  and  wives  were  again 
united,  and  there  were  joyful  meetings  between 
parents  and  children.  The  fugitives  settled  in  Can- 
ada had  unbounded  confidence  in  Fairfield,  and 
were  constantly  begging  him  to  bring  away  their 
friends  and  relatives  from  slavery.  He  continued 
this  unique  business  for  more  than  twelve  years, 
and  during  that  time  aided,  it  is  said,  several  thou- 
sand slaves  to  escape  from  bondage  and  reach 
Canada.  He  was  a  wicked  man,  daring  and  reckless 
in  his  actions,  yet  faithful  to  the  trust  reposed  in 
him,  and  benevolent  to  the  poor.  He  seemed  to 
have  no  fear  for  his  personal  safety — was  always 
ready  to  risk  his  life  and  liberty  in  order  to  rescue 
the  slaves  from  bondage. 

He  was  an  inveterate  hater  of  slavery,  and  this 
feeling  supplied  a  motive  for  the  actions  of  his  whole 
life.  He  believed  that  every  slave  was  justly  entitled 
to  freedom,  and  that  if  any  person  came  between  him 
and  liberty,  the  slave  had  a  perfect  right  to  shoot 
him  down.  He  always  went  heavily  armed  himself, 
and  did  not  scruple  to  use  his  weapons  whenever  he 
thought  the  occasion  required  their  use.  He  resorted 
to  many  stratagems  to  effect  his  object  in  the  South, 


JOHN  FAIRFIELD'S  WORK. 


433 


and  brought  away  numbers  of  slaves  from  nearly 
every  slave  State  in  the  Union.  He  often  stopped 
at  Cincinnati,  on  his  way  South,  and  generally  made 
his  home  among  the  colored  people.  He  frequently 
called  to  see  me,  and  told  me  of  his  daring  exploits 
and  plans  of  operation,  to  all  of  which  I  objected. 
I  could  have  no  sympathy  with  his  mode  of  action, 
and  at  various  times  urged  him  to  cease  his  opera- 
tions in  the  South  and  return  to  his  home  in  Canada 
and  remain  there.  I  would  have  nothing  to  do  with 
aiding  him  to  carry  out  his  plans,  for  I  could  not 
indorse  the  principles  he  acted  upon. 

At  the  time  I  did  not  believe  half  the  stories 
that  he  told  me  ;  but  afterward,  learning  from  other 
sources  of  the  many  instances  of  his  wonderful 
success,  and  knowing  several  of  them  from  personal 
observation,  and  hearing  stories  from  fugitives  of 
their  deliverance  by  his  aid,  I  began  to  think  that 
most  of  his  stories  might  be  true. 

Fairfield  was  always  ready  to  take  money  for  his 
services  from  the  slaves  if  they  had  it  to  offer,  but 
if  they  did  not  he  helped  them  all  the  same.  Some- 
times the  slaves  in  the  South  had  accumulated  a 
little  money,  which  they  gave  gladly  to  any  one  who 
would  conduct  them  out  of  the  house  of  bondage; 
and  sometimes  the  fugitives  in  the  North  gave  their 
little  hoard  to  Fairfield,  and  begged  him  to  rescue 
their  relatives  from  slavery.  Though  always  willing 
to  take  money  for  his  services,  he  was  equally  ready 
to  spend  it  in  the  same  cause,  and,  if  necessary, 
would  part  with  his  last  dollar  to  effect  his  object. 
Fairfield  had  various  methods  of  carrying  out  his 
37 


434 


REMINISCENCES. 


plans  When  he  had  obtained  a  list  of  the  names 
of  the  slaves  he  wished  to  bring  away,  together  with 
the  names  of  their  masters,  and  an  exact  knowledge 
of  the  different  localities  he  was  to  visit  in  various 
parts  of  the  South,  he  went  to  work  without  any 
hesitation,  relying  on  his  intimate  knowledge  of 
Southern  customs  to  bear  him  safely  through  his 
perilous  mission,  and  on  his  ingenuity  and  daring 
to  extricate  him  from  any  difficulty  he  might  fall 
into.  Sometimes  he  engaged  in  some  trading  busi- 
ness and  remained  in  the  South  six  or  twelve 
months  at  a  time,  familiarizing  himself  with  differ- 
ent localities,  making  the  acquaintance  of  the 
slaves  and  maturing  his  plans.  At  other  times  he 
would  enter  a  neighborhood  where  he  was  an  entire 
.  stranger,  represent  himself  as  a  slave-dealer,  and 
gain  a  knowledge  of  the  slaves  he  wished  to  take 
away.  He  would  make  known  his  plans  to  them 
secretly,  and  some  night  they  would  leave  their 
homes,  and  intrust  themselves  to  his  guidance. 
Fairfield  would  conduct  them  safely  across  the  Ohio 
River,  and  after  placing  them  on  some  branch  of 
the  Underground  Railroad,  and  seeing  them  started 
toward  Canada,  he  would  return  to  the  South, 
assume  another  name,  and  enter  another  neighbor- 
hood, to  enact  the  same  over  again. 

At  one  time  he  took  a  company  of  slaves  from 
the  northwestern  part  of  Kentucky,  and  to  elude 
pursuit  made  directly  toward  Nashville,  Tennessee. 
The  company  consisted  of  able-bodied  men,  who 
were  all  well  armed.  They  took  horses  belonging 
to  their  masters,  and  rode  as  far  as  they  could  the 


JOHN  FAIRFIELD'S  WORK.  435 

first  night,  then  turned  the  horses  loose  and  hid 
themselves  during  the  day.  The  next  night  they 
took  other  horses,  and  so  on,  night  after  night, 
until  they  reached  the  Ohio  River,  near  Maysville, 
Kentucky.  Fairfield  managed  to  get  the  men  over 
the  river  and  started  safely  on  their  way  to  Canada, 
then  he  returned  to  the  South  to  continue  his 
adventurous  business. 

At  one  time  when  he  went  South  he  had  a  few 
horses  to  sejl,  and  took  with  him  two  able-bodied, 
free,  colored  men,  whom  he  treated  as  his  slaves, 
ordering  them  about  in  a  peremptory  manner. 
These  men  were  shrewd  and  intelligent,  and  under- 
stood his  plans,  They  ingratiated  themselves  with 
the  slaves  Fairfield  had  come  to  rescue,  gained  their 
confidence  and  ran  off  with  them  one  dark  night, 
steering  their  course  to  Canada  by  the  north  star. 
At  other  times  Fairfield  assumed  to  be  returning 
from  Louisiana,  where  he  had  been  with  a  drove  of 
slaves.  He  had  with  him,  on  such  occasions,  a  body 
servant  whom  he  professed  to  treat  with  great 
harshness,  but  who  was  really  his  confidant  and 
accomplice.  Through  this  servant  he  gained  access 
to  the  slaves  he  wished  to  rescue. 

Fairfield  was  several  times  betrayed  and  arrested, 
in  the  South,  and  put  in  prison,  but  being  a  Free 
Mason,  high  in  the  Order,  he  managed  to  get  out 
of  prison  without  being  tried.  He  broke  jail  once 
or  twice  and  escaped.  He  often  had  to  endure 
privation  and  hardship,  but  was  ready  to  undergo 
any  suffering,  for  the  sake  of  effecting  his  object. 
He  sometimes  divided  his  clothing"  with  a  destitute 


436 


REMINISCENCES. 


fugitive,  and  was  willing  to  make  any  sacrifice  of 
personal  comfort.  We  often  heard  of  his  arrival  in 
Canada  with  large  companies  of  fugitives,  whom  he 
had  conducted  thither  by  some  line  of  the  Under 
ground  Railroad. 

Fairfield  was  once  betrayed  and  captured  in 
Bracken  County,  Kentucky,  and  put  in  prison, 
where  he  remained  through  a  winter  of  unusual 
severity.  Before  the  time  for  his  trial  came,  he 
escaped  from  jail  by  the  aid  of  some  of  his  friends, 
and  crossed  the  Ohio  River  to  Ripley.  At  the 
house  of  a  noted  abolitionist  of  that  place,  Fairfield 
lay  sick  for  two  weeks,  having  taken  a  deep  cold 
while  confined  in  jail.  When  he  became  well 
enough  to  travel  he  came  to  Cincinnati,  and  stopped 
at  the  house  of  a  colored  friend.  I  went  to  see  him 
and  had  a  long  talk  with  him.  I  again  advised  him, 
to  quit  his  hazardous  work,  in  which  he  constantly 
risked  his  life  and  liberty.  I  told  him  I  had  no 
sympathy  with  his  mode  of  operation,  and  urged 
him  strongly  to  go  home  to  Canada,  and  never  cross 
Mason  and  Dixon's  line  again.  He  did  not  accept 
my  advice,  but  swore  that  he  would  liberate  a  slave 
for  every  day  that  he  had  lain  in  prison.  Although 
a  man  of  strong  constitution  he  appeared  to  be 
much  broken  in  health  by  the  hardships  he  had 
undergone.  After  resting  a  few  weeks  and  recruit- 
ing his  strength,  he  disappeared  from  the  city,  and 
no  one  knew  where  he  had  gone. 

The  next  news  we  had  concerning  him  was  that 
he  had  crossed  the  Ohio  River,  near  Lawrenceburg, 
with  a  party  of  twenty-eight   fugitives,    from  Ken- 


JOHN  FAIRFIELD'S  WORK.  437 

tucky.  The  story  of  this  party  I  have  previously 
related.  After  that,  we  heard  nothing  more  of 
Fairfield  for  some  time.  The  following  autumn  I 
received  a  letter  from  George  D.  Baptist,  of  Detroit, 
stating  that  Fairfield  had  just  arrived  there  with  a 
company  of  thirty  fugitives  from  the  State  of  Mis- 
souri. 

Free  colored  people  in  the  Northern  States  who 
had  relatives  in  slavery  heard  of  Fairfield's  success- 
ful efforts,  and  applied  to  him  to  bring  their  friends 
out  of  bondage,  sometimes  offering  him  several 
hundred  dollars.  At  one  time  I  was  told  of  one  of 
Fairfield's  adventures  up  the  Kanawha  River,  near 
Charleston,  Virginia.  Several  colored  people  in 
Ohio,  who  had  relatives  in  slavery  at  and  near  the 
salt  works,  importuned  Fairfield  to  bring  them 
away,  and  he  at  last  yielded  to  their  frequent  solic- 
itations, and  promised  to  make  the  attempt.  He 
knew  that  it  would  require  some  time  to  accomplish 
his  object,  as  there  were  several  slaves  to  be  res- 
cued, and  he  laid  his  plans  accordingly.  He  chose 
the  early  spring  for  the  time  of  his  action,  as  the 
water  was  then  flush  in  the  Kanawha.  Taking  two 
free  colored  men  with  him,  whom  he  claimed  as  his 
slaves,  he  went  to  the  salt  works  on  the  Kanawha, 
and  professing  to  be  from  Louisville,  Kentucky, 
said  that  he  had  come  to  engage  in  the  salt  trade. 
He  contracted  for  the  building  of  two  boats  and  for 
sail  with  which  to  load  them  when  finished.  These 
arrangements  afforded  time  for  his  colored  men  to 
become   acquainted    with    the  slaves  he  wished    to 


438  REMINISCENCES. 

rescue,  gain  their  confidence,   and  mature  the  plans 
for  their  escape. 

Some  of  the  slaves  were  good  boatmen,  as  also 
were  Fairfield's  men,  and  it  was  planned  that  when 
the  first  boat  was  finished,  one  of  the  slaves  and  one 
of  Fairfield's  men  should  get  into  it  on  Saturday 
night,  and  float  down  the  river  a  short  distance  to  a 
point  agreed  upon,  and  take  in  a  company  of  slaves, 
both  men  and  women.  They  were  then  to  take 
advantage  of  the  high  water  and  swift  current  of  the 
Kanawha,  and  make  all  possible  speed  to  the  Ohio 
River.  This  plan  was  carried  out  successfully. 
Search  was  made  in  the  neighborhood  on  Sabbath 
for  some  of  the  missing  slaves,  but  no  clue  was 
gained.  The  loss  of  the  boat  was  not  discovered 
till  Monday  morning. 

When  Fairfield  learned  that  one  of  his  boats  and 
one  of  his  men  were  gone,  he  affected  to  be  much 
enraged,  and  accused  his  other  man  of  having  some 
knowledge  of  the  affair,  and  threatened  him  with 
severe  punishment.  The  man  denied  having  any 
part  in  the  plot,  but  Fairfield  professed  to  doubt 
him,  and  said  that  he  should  watch  him  closely. 

When  the  owners  of  the  missing  slaves  learned 
that  the  boat  was  gone,  they  at  once  surmised  that 
their  servants  had  made  their  escape  by  that  means, 
and  as  there  was  no  steamboat  going  down  the  river 
that  day,  they  sent  horsemen  in  pursuit,  hoping  that 
the  boat  might  be  intercepted  at  the  mouth  of  the 
river.  But  when  the  pursuers  reached  that  point, 
they  found  the  new  boat  tied  on  the  opposite  side 


JOHN  FAIRFIELD'S  WORK.  439 

of  the  river;  the  fugitives  were  gone,  and  no  clue 
to  their  course  could  be  obtained. 

Fairfield  remained  at  the  salt  works  to  await  the 
completion  of  his  other  boat,  and  to  watch  his 
other  negro  servant,  of  whom  he  professed  to  be 
very  distrustful.  In  a  few  days  the  boat  was  com- 
pleted, and  the  next  Saturday  night  it  disappeared, 
together  with  Fairfield's  negro  man  and  ten  or 
twelve  slaves.  Fairfield  was  now  ruined  !  Both  his 
boats  and  both  his  slaves  were  gone;  and  the  loss 
of  his  property  made  him  almost  frantic.  He 
started  in  hot  pursuit,  accompanied  by  several  men, 
determined  to  capture  the  fugitives  at  any  hazard. 
When  they  reached  the  Ohio  River  they  found  the 
boat  tied  to  the  bank  on  the  Ohio  side,  but  the 
fugitives  were  gone. 

The  pursuers  ferried  across  the  river,  and,  ac- 
cording to  Fairfield's  suggestion,  divided  company 
and  took  different  routes,  with  the  understanding 
that  they  were  all  to  meet  at  a  point  designated. 
But  Fairfield  never  met  them,  and  was  never  seen 
at  the  salt  works  afterward.  He  well  knew,  how- 
ever, where  to  meet  the  fugitives;  all  that  had  been 
previously  arranged.  After  the  search  was  over, 
he  conducted  them  safely  to  Canada,  via  the  Un- 
derground Railroad. 

Soon  afterward  Fairfield  performed  another  dar- 
ing feat,  east  of  the  mountains.  There  were  a 
number  of  fugitives  in  Canada,  nearly  white,  who 
had  come  from  Maryland,  the  District  of  Columbia 
and  Virginia,  and  who  had  a  number  of  relatives  of 
the  same  complexion  in  the  localities  they  had  left. 


440 


REMINISCENCES. 


There  were  also  some  free  people  living  in  Detroit, 
who  had  mulatto  and  quadroon  relatives  in  the  local- 
ities mentioned.  Fairfield  had  often  been  solicited 
by  these  fugitives  and  free  people  to  bring  their 
friends  out  of  slavery,  and  he  finally  agreed  to  make 
the  attempt  if  a  sum  of  money  was  raised  for  him, 
sufficient  to  justify  it.  The  amount  was  made  up 
and  paid  to  him,  and  he  went  East  on  his  hazardous 
mission. 

He  spent  some  time  making  the  acquaintance 
of  these  mulattoes  and  quadroons  in  the  different 
neighborhoods,  and  maturing  his  plans  for  their 
escape.  Most  of  them  were  bright  and  intelligent, 
and  some  of  them  had  saved  enough  money  to  pay 
their  passage  to  Canada.  After  gaining  their  confi- 
dence and  making  them  acquainted  with  his  plans, 
Fairfield  went  to  Philadelphia  and  bought  wigs  and 
powder.  These  cost  him  eighty  dollars — I  after- 
ward saw  the  bill.  His  first  experiment  with  these 
articles  of  disguise  was  made  at  Baltimore.  Having 
secretly  collected  the  mulatto  slaves  of  that  city 
and  vicinity,  whom  he  had  arranged  to  conduct  to 
the  North,  he  applied  the  powder  and  put  on  the 
wigs.  The  effect,  was  satisfactory ;  the  slaves  looked 
like  white  people. 

Fairfield  bought  tickets  for  them  and  they  took 
the  evening  train  to  Harrisburg,  where  he  had  made 
arrangements  for  another  person  to  meet  them, 
who  would  accompany  them  to  Cleveland  and  put 
them  aboard  the  boat  for  Detroit. 

Fairfield,  having  seen  this  party  safely  on  the 
ivay,  returned  immediately  to  Washington  City  for 


JOHN  FAIRFIELD'S  WORK. 


441 


another  company,  who,  by  the  aid  of  wigs  and 
powder,  passed  for  white  people.  He  put  these 
fugitives  on  the  train,  and  accompanied  them  to 
Pittsburg.  I  received  a  letter  from  a  friend  in  Cleve- 
land, informing  me  of  the  arrival  of  both  these  par- 
ties, through  Fairfield's  agency,  which  was  the  first 
intelligence  I  had  of  his  operations  in  the  East. 
From  Pittsburg,  Fairfield  returned  to  Philadelphia, 
and  finding  that  he  had  not  enough  money  to  com- 
plete his  work,  he  applied  to  the  abolition  society  of 
that  city  for  assistance,  but,  as  he  was  a  stranger  to 
them,  they  hesitated  about  granting  his  request. 

He  told  them  that  Levi  Coffin,  of  Cincinnati, 
knew  him  well.  George  W.  Taylor  telegraphed 
to  me  at  once — "John  Fairfield  wants  money;  shall 
we  give  it  to  him?" 

I  replied:  "If  John  Fairfield  needs  money,  give 
it  to  him." 

He  was  then  furnished  with  the  amount  he  called 
for,  and  made  his  way  at  once  into  Virginia,  near 
Harper's  Ferry,  for  the  third  company  of  slaves. 
One  of  this  company  was  too  dark  to  be  transformed 
into  a  white  person  by  means  of  a  wig  and  powder, 
and  Fairfield  was  compelled  to  leave  him  behind. 
He  regretted  to  do  so,  but  feared  that  his  appear- 
ance would  betray  the  others.  Fairfield  got  the 
rest  of  the  party  to  the  railroad  and  took  the 
express  train  for  Pittsburg,  but  they  were  soon 
missed  and  the  course  they  had  taken  was  discov- 
ered. Their  pursuers  engaged  an  engine  and  one 
car,  and  followed  the  express  train  at  full  speed, 
hoping  to  overtake  it  and  capture  them  before  they 


442 


REMINISCENCES. 


reached  Pittsburg.  The  engine  overtook  the  train 
just  as  it.  was  entering  Pittsburg,  but  before  the 
cars  were  fairly  still,  Fairfield  and  the  fugitives 
sprang  out  and  scattered,  and  ran  in  various  direc- 
tions through  the  city.  The  pursuers  spang  out  and 
gave  chase,  but  did  not  succeed  in  capturing  any 
of  them.  The  fugitives  soon  found  safe  quarters 
among  the  abolitionists,  and  lay  still  for  several 
days.  Great  efforts  were  made  to  find  them,  but 
they  were  unsuccessful,  and  the  pursuers  finally 
gave  up  the  hunt  and  returned  home.  I  received  a 
letter  from  a  friend  in  Pittsburg  giving  me  these  par- 
ticulars, and  shortly  after  learned  that  the  fugitives 
had  arrived  in  Cleveland.  I  also  heard  of  their  safe 
arrival  in  Detroit.  A  friend  in  that  city  wrote  me 
that  Fairfield  had  just  reached  there  with  the  best 
looking  company  of  fugitives  that  had  ever  passed 
through  Detroit. 

Thus,  in  numerous  ways,  John  Fairfield  was 
instrumental  in  rescuing  hundreds  of  slaves  from 
bondage,  and  in  bringing  together,  in  Canada,  hus- 
bands and  wives,  parents  and  children,  who  had 
long  been  separated.  He  seemed  to  glory  in  the 
work,  much  as  a  military  commander  would  in  a 
victory  over  his  enemies. 

Although  I  could  not  sympathize  with  or  encour- 
age Fairfield's  mode  of  operation,  yet  I  often  took 
in  the  fugitives  whom  he  aided  to  escape.  Some  he 
brought  himself;  others  traveled  by  his  special 
directions,  secreting  themselves  on  steamboats  or 
making  the  journey  on  foot.  They  generally 
reached  our  house  in  a  state  of  destitution  and  dis- 


JOHN  FAIRFIELD'S  WORK.  443 

tress,  and  we  were  always  ready  to  succor  them. 
In  one  instance  John  Fairfield  came  from  a  great 
distance,  bringing  a  company  of  fugitives.  They 
did  encounter  many  dangers  and  hardships  on  the 
way,  and  had  suffered  much  from  hunger  and 
exposure.  Fairfield's  money  had  all  been  expended, 
and  his  clothes  were  ragged  and  dirty ;  he  looked 
like  a  fugitive  himself.  I  took  him  and  his  com- 
pany in,  and  after  the  fugitives  rested  and  Were 
fitted  for  the  journey  they  were  forwarded  to 
Canada,  via  the  Underground  Railroad. 

Fairfield  remained  in  the  city  to  recruit  his 
strength  and  renew  his  clothing;  he  had  left  some 
money  and  clothing  here  when  on  his  way  South. 
The  company  referred  to  consisted  of  eight  or  ten 
brave,  intelligent-looking  slaves,  who  had  deter- 
mined to  reach  a  land  of  liberty  under  the  leader- 
ship of  John  Fairfield,  or  die  in  the  attempt.  Fair- 
field had  spent  some  time  in  their  neighborhood, 
buying  eggs  and  chickens  and  shipping  them  to 
some  point  on  the  river.  This  was  his  ostensible 
business :  his  real  errand  was  to  get  acquainted  with 
the  slaves.  He  had  private  interviews  with  them 
at  night,  in  some  secluded  spot  in  the  woods,  and 
made  all  the  plans  and  arrangements  for  the  journey. 
Each  one  of  the  party  he  furnished  with  a  revolver 
and  plenty  of  ammunition. 

One  of  the  most  intelligent  of  the  fugitives  said 
to  me  :  "I  never  saw  such  a  man  as  Fairfield.  He 
told  us  he  would  take  us  out  of  slavery  or  die  in 
the  attempt,  if  we  would  do  our  part,  which  we 
promised  to  do.       We  all    agreed    to  fight  till  we 


444  REMINISCENCES. 

died,  rather  than  be  captured.  Fairfield  said  he 
wanted  no  cowards  in  the  company ;  if  we  were 
attacked  and  one  of  us  showed  cowardice  or  started 
to  run,  he  would  shoot  him  down." 

They  were  attacked  several  times  by  patrolers, 
and  fired  upon,  but  always  succeeded  in  driving  the 
enemy  and  making  their  escape,  keeping  near  their 
leader  and  obeying  his  commands.  Fairfield  said 
that  they  had  a  desperate  battle  one  moonlight 
night  with  a  company  of  armed  men.  They  had 
been  discovered  by  the  patrolers,  who  had  gathered 
a  party  of  men  and  waylaid  them  at  a  bridge. 

Fairfield  said:  "They  were  lying  in  ambush  at 
each  end  of  the  bridge,  and  when  we  got  fairly  on 
the  bridge  they  fired  at  us  from  each  end.  They 
thought,  no  doubt,  that  this  sudden  attack  would 
intimidate  us  and  that  we  would  surrender,  but  in 
this  they  were  mistaken.  I  ordered  my  men  to 
charge  to  the  front,  and  they  did  charge.  We  fired 
as  we  went,  and  the  men  in  ambush  scattered  and 
ran  like  scared  sheep." 

"  Was  anybody  hurt  ?  "   I  asked. 

In  reply  Fairfield  showed  me  several  bullet  holes 
in  his  clothes,  a  slight  flesh  wound  on  one  arm,  and 
a  slight  flesh  wound  on  the  leg  of  one  of  the  fugi- 
tives. 

"  You  see,"  he  said,  "  we  were  in  close  quarters, 
but  my  men  were  plucky.  We  shot  to  kill,  and  we 
made  the  devils  run." 

I  reproved  him  for  trying  to  kill  any  one.  I  told 
him  it  was  better  to  suffer  wrong  than  to  do  wrong, 
and  that  we  should  love  our  enemies. 


JOHN  FAIRFIELD'S  WORK.  445 

"Love  the  devil !  "  he  exclaimed.  "Slaveholders 
are  all  devils,  and  it  is  no  harm  to  kill  the  devil.  I 
do  not  intend  to  hurt  people  if  they  keep  out  of  the 
way,  but  if  they  step  in  between  me  and  liberty, 
they  must  take  the  consequences.  When  I  under- 
take to  conduct  slaves  out  of  bondage  I  feel  that  it 
is  my  duty  to  defend  them,  even  to  the  last  drop 
of  my  blood." 

I  saw  that  it  was  useless  to  preach  peace  principles 
to  John  Fairfield.  He  would  fight  for  the  fugitives 
as  long  as  his  life  lasted.  When  Fairfield  left  Cin- 
cinnati I  knew  not  where  he  went,  and  did  not  hear 
any  news  of  him  until  some  time  the  next  year.  I 
then  learned  that  in  the  interval  he  had  rescued  slaves 
from  Louisiana,  Alabama,  Mississippi  and  Georgia, 
who  had  been  forwarded  to  Canada  on  the  lines  of 
the  Underground  Railroad  leading  through  Illinois 
and  Michigan,  and  that  he  had  just  arrived  in  Canada 
himself  with  a  company  of  fugitives  from  the  State 
of  Missouri.  Not  long  afterward  Fairfield  arrived 
in  Cincinnati,  bringing  with  him  a  party  of  slaves 
from  Kentucky.  He  forwarded  them  on  to  Canada, 
and  remained  in  the  city  to  have  the  benefit  of 
medical  treatment.  He  had  a  hard  cough,  con- 
tracted, no  doubt,  by  exposure  and  hardship,  and 
his  general  health  seemed  shattered.  I  again  urged 
him  to  quit  the  perilous  business  he  had  been 
engaged  in,  and  he  seemed  inclined  to  accept  my 
advice.'  He  bought  a  few  goods  and  opened  a  small 
store  in  Randolph  County,  Indiana,  in  the  midst  of  a 
large  settlement  of  free  colored  people,  where  he 
was  well  known. 


446  REMINISCENCES. 

He  remained  here  for  a  year  or  two,  then  closed 
up  his  business  and  disappeared.  It  was  thought 
in  that  neighborhood  that  he  had  gone  to  Canada, 
but  we  could  never  learn  that  he  had  been  seen  in 
Canada  afterward.  We  supposed  that  when  he  left 
Indiana  he  went  South.  This  was  a  short  time 
before  the  Rebellion  in  1861,  and  from  that  time  to 
the  present  no  news  of  Fairfield  has  been  received 
by  any  of  his  friends.  The  conjecture  is  that  he 
was  killed  in  Tennessee,  near  the  iron-works,  on  the 
Cumberland  River.  It  was  reported  through  the 
papers  that  there  was  an  insurrectionary  movement 
among  the  slaves  in  that  locality  ;  that  a  number  of 
them  had  obtained  arms ;  and  an  alarm  started  that 
the  negroes  were  about  to  rise.  This  was  sufficient 
to  create  great  excitement  in  the  whole  neighbor- 
hood, and  to  bring  out  a  little  army  of  armed 
men  to  hunt  the  suspected  negroes.  Several 
negroes  who  attempted  to  defend  themselves  were 
shot ;  others  were  captured  and  hung  by  the  infu- 
riated mob.  It  was  reported  that  a  white  man, 
supposed  to  be  the  instigator  of  the  movement  and 
the  leader  of  the  negroes,  was  found  among  them, 
and  that  he  was  killed.  He  was  a  stranger  in  that 
neighborhood,  and  his  name  was  not  known.  I  have 
always  supposed  that  this  man  was  John  Fairfield, 
and  that  in  this  way  his  strange  career  was  ended  by 
a  violent  death.  With  all  his  faults  and  misguided 
impulses,  and  wicked  ways,  he  was  a  brave  man  ;  he 
never  betrayed  a  trust  that  was  reposed  in  him,  and 
he  was  a  true  friend  to  the  oppressed  and  suffering 
slave. 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT.  447 

JOHN    AND    MARY. 

There  lived  near  Lexington,  Kentucky,  a  slave  man 
of  unusual  intelligence,  whose  master  was  in  the 
habit  of  buying  horses  and  mules  and  taking  them 
to  Georgia  and  South  Carolina  to  sell.  The  slave, 
whom  I  will  call  John,  was  such  a  trusty  servant 
that  he  was  always  taken  on  the  expeditions  to  the 
South  to  aid  his  master,  and  was  of  great  service  on 
such  occasions.  His  master  treated  him  kindly,  and 
allowed  him  some  privileges  of  which  slaves  are 
usually  deprived. 

John  had  a  wife,  an  intelligent  negro  woman, 
named  Mary,  who  belonged  to  a  man  in  the  vicinity, 
and  hired  her  time  of  her  master,  as  was  sometimes 
the  custom.  By  this  arrangement  John  and  Mary 
lived  together  in  a  snug  little  house  on  his  master's 
premises,  which  they  had  comfortably  furnished  by 
means  of  their  joint  industry.  They  had  everything 
they  could  hope  for  in  their  station  of  life,  and  were 
so  happily  situated  that  it  seemed  they  were  not  to 
know  the  darker  side  of  slavery.  But  their  happi- 
ness was  rudely  disturbed  by  the  intelligence  that 
John's  master  had  become  involved  in  debt  and  had 
concluded  to  sell  him  on  the  next  trip  South.  This 
news  reached  John  shortly  before  the  time  fixed  to 
start,  and  he  lost  no  time  in  communicating  it  to 
Mary,  and  consulting  with  her  as  to  what  should  be 
done.  They  decided  that  they  would  make  the 
attempt  to  escape.  John  had  some  free  colored 
friends  in  Cincinnati — one  of  whom  was  on  a  visit  to 
that  neighborhood  at  that  time,  and  to  him  he  com- 


448 


REMINISCENCES. 


municated  his  resolve,  requesting'  him  when  he 
returned  to  Cincinnati  to  send  some  one  who  would 
conduct  them  out  of  Kentucky  and  across  the  Ohio 
River.  He  had  saved  some  money,  and  authorized 
his  friend  to  offer  fifty  dollars  to  some  suitable  per- 
son who  would  thus  run  the  risk  of  aiding  slaves#to 
escape.  The  services  of  a  young  white  man,  who 
was  no  stranger  to  the  business,  were  secured,  and 
in  due  time  he  came  into  the  neighborhood  and 
made  himself  known  to  them.  Mary  had  been  sick  ; 
she  was  just  then  recovering,  and  hardly  able  to 
travel;  but  not  willing  to  jeopardize  her  husband's 
safety  by  waiting  any  longer,  she  resolved  to  start 
with  them  immediately. 

They  left  their  house  in  order;  bed  neatly  made, 
and  everything  arranged  that  no  one  might  suspect 
their  real  intentions  in  case  their  place  was  visited 
shortly  after  their  departure. 

They  traveled  on  foot  all  that  night,  and  hid  them- 
selves during  the  following  day  in  the  thick  bushes, 
subsisting  on  the  scanty  food  they  carried  with  them. 
They  proceeded  thus  for  nearly  a  week,  traveling  at 
night  and  hiding  as  best  they  could  in  the  daytime. 
Their  progress  was  slow,  on  account  of  Mary,  who 
was  hardly  able  to  walk.  She  became  very  weak, 
and  the  last  night  she  was  so  exhausted  that  her 
husband  and  the  guide  had  to  walk  one  on  each  side 
of  her,  and  support  her.  They  reached  the  Ohio 
River  before  daylight  at  a  point  where  the  guide  had 
arranged  for  a  skiff  to  be  placed,  and  in  this  they 
crossed  the  river.  Reaching  Cincinnati,  they  went 
to  the   house   of  their   colored   friends.      I  was  sent 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT. 


449 


for,  and  when  I  visited  them  I  found  Mary  very  ill 
and  weak,  and  unable  to  take  any  food.  In  the 
evening  I  visited  her  again,  and  finding  her  no  better, 
I  went  to  the  office  of  Dr.  W.  H.  Mussey,  that  noble 
philanthropist,  who  was  always  ready  to  minister  to 
the  needs  of  the  poor  fugitives.  The  doctor  was  out, 
and  I  left  a  note  requesting  him  to  call  at  my  resi- 
dence as  soon  as  he  returned,  at  any  hour  of  the 
night,  adding,  in  a  postscript,  "None  of  my  family 
are  ill."  I  knew  that  the  doctor  would  understand, 
for  he  had  been  called  upon  in  such  instances  before. 

Dr.  Mussey  came  at  midnight,  and  together  we 
went  to  see  Mary,  who  seemed  to  be  sinking  fast. 
The  doctor  remained  with  her  some  time  that  night, 
and  attended  on  her  closely  for  more  than  a  week, 
doing  everything  in  his  power  to  relieve  her.  For 
several  days  her  recovery  seemed  doubtful,  but  we 
at  last  had  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  her  improve. 
At  the  end  of  two  weeks  she  was  so  far  restored  as 
to  be  able  to  be  removed,  and  for  greater  safety  was 
brought  to  our  house,  where  she  received  every  care 
and  attention,  and  remained  until  strong  enough  to 
travel. 

I  was  going  to  Newport,  Indiana,  on  business, 
about  that  time,  and  concluded  to  travel  in  my 
carriage  that  I  might  take  John  and  Mary  with  me. 
I  said  to  my  wife,  "It  is  fashionable  to  have  a 
colored  driver,  and  nobody's  business  who  sits  on 
the  seat  with  me  behind,"  so  when  the  carriage  was 
brought  around,  John  took  the  lines  and  I  occupied 
the  back  seat  by  the  side  of  Mary,  who  was  well 
dressed  and  heavily  vailed. 
38 


45  o  REMINISCENCES. 

We  started  about  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,' 
and  drove  across  Mt.  Auburn,  through  Clifton,  and 
along  the  Winton  road  to  Hamilton.  We  arrived 
that  night  at  a  Friends'  settlement  at  West  Elkton, 
and  stopped  at  the  house  of  'Squire  Stubbs,  a  well- 
known  abolitionist. 

The  next  day  being  Sabbath,  I  attended  Friends' 
meeting,  and  remained  till  about  three  in  the  after- 
noon. At  that  hour  we  pursued  our  journey  by 
way  of. Camden,  taking  a  country  road  leading  up 
Paint  Creek,  and  coming  into  the  Darrtown  and 
Richmond  pike,  some  distance  below  Boston,  be- 
fore dark.  The  moon  afforded  us  light,  and  we 
traveled  on  very  pleasantly  until  about  ten  o'clock, 
when  we  reached  the  house  of  my  friend  Daniel 
Clark,  who  lived  on  Elkhorn,  about  five  miles  below 
Richmond.  We  halted  in  the  road  opposite  the 
house,  which  stood  a  few  rods  back  from  the  high- 
way, and  I  hallooed  to  arouse  the  inmates.  Clark's 
son-in-law,  T.  Hill,  came  out  into  the  >ard,  and, 
not  recognizing  me,  asked  what  was  wanted. 

I  replied:  "I  want  to  know  if  you  take  Under- 
ground Railroad  passengers  here." 

Daniel  Clark  had  opened  the  window  of  his  room, 
which  fronted  the  road,  and  recognizing  my  voice, 
he  cried  out:    "Yes!   drive  in." 

T.  Hill  opened  the  large  gate,  and  I  drove  into 
the  yard.  By  this  time  Daniel  had  dressed  and 
came  out  to  meet  us  ;  we  had  a  hearty  welcome. 
After  some  conversation  and  refreshment,  we  all 
retired  to  rest,  but  before  we  got  to  sleep  we  heard 
a  knocking  at  the  door.      T.  Hill  rose  and  opened 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT.  ^g| 

the  door.  I  looked  out  of  the  window  and  saw  a 
wagon  standing  in  the  road,  and  heard  the  man  at 
the  door  ask  for  quarters  for  a  company  of  fugitives. 
As  they  had  just  received  one  company,  Hill 
thought  that  they  could  not  accommodate  more, 
and  accompanied  this  party  to  the  next  house,  a 
few  hundred  yards  ahead,  where  James  Hayworth 
then  lived,  in  Daniel  Clark's  former  residence.  The 
fugitives  were  comfortably  quartered  here  for  the 
night. 

James  Hayworth,  having  learned  that  I  was  at  the 
other  house  with  a  company  of  fugitives,  came  over 
early  the  next  morning  to  see  me  and  inquire  what 
must  be  done  with  those  at  his  house.  He  said 
there  were  four  in  the  company,  three  men  and  one 
woman.  I  told  him  that  I  knew  all  about  them.  I 
had  forwarded  them  from  my  house  in  Cincinnati, 
on  this  route,  a  night  or  two  before  I  left  home.  J 
supposed  that  they  were  ahead  of  me,  but  as  I  had 
traveled  part  of  the  time  in  daytime,  and  they  only 
at  night,  I  had  got  ahead  of  them.  I  said:  "They 
left  West  Elkton  night  before  last  and  were  con- 
veyed to  Friend  Brown's,  on  Paint  Creek;  he  ac- 
companied them  last  night  to  thy  house.  They  are 
valuable  property,  and  good  care  must  be  taken  of 
them.  I  want  thee  to  get  thy  carriage  ready,  and 
lake  them  on  to  Newport  with  me." 

"Not  in  daytime  !"  he  exclaimed. 

"Yes,"  I  said,  "in  daytime;  I  expect,  to  start  as 
soon  as  breakfast  is  over,  and  I  want  thee  to  be 
ready  with  thy  carriage  to  go  with  us." 

"But  there  are  four  in  the  company,"  he  replied, 


452 


REMINISCENCES. 


"and  that  will  make  an  overload   in  my  carriage." 
"I  will  take  one  of  them  in  my  carriage,"  I  said, 
"which  will  make  four  in  each." 

After  breakfast  I  drove  on  to  James  Hayworth's, 
and  found  them  all  ready.  I  took  one  of  the  com- 
pany in  my  carriage  and  led  the  way.  When  we 
arrived  at  Richmond,  James  seemed  reluctant  to 
pass  through  the  main  part,  so  we  bore  to  the  right 
and  passed  through  the  eastern  edge  of  the  town, 
by  way  of  Moffat's  mill,  on  the  east  fork  of  White- 
water. The  mill  then  belonged  to  William  Ken- 
worthy  and  Benjamin  Fulghum,  of  Richmond,  and 
as  we  drew  near  it,  I  discovered  them  among  a 
company  of  men  who  were  raising  an  addition  to 
the  building,  and  noticed  that  their  attention  was 
attracted  to  us.  When  we  got  opposite  the  com- 
pany, perhaps  fifty  yards  distant,  I  sang  out  at  the 
top  of  my  voice  the  words  of  an  old  anti  slavery 
song, 

"Ho!   the  car  Emancipation, 
Moves  majestic  through  the  nation." 

The  men  suspended  work  to  cheer  us  in  reply. 
They  recognized  the  President  of  the  Underground 
Railroad  at  work,  and  came  out  in  a  body  to  greet 
us  and  wish  us  God-speed.  They  were  mostly 
Friends,  and  well  known  to  me  ;  we  felt  no  fear. 
Pursuing  our  journey,  we  turned  into  the  Newport 
pike  and  soon  came  to  a  toll-gate,  with  the  keeper 
of  which  I  was  acquainted.  I  said  to  him  :  "I  sup- 
pose you  allow  the  Underground  Railroad  cars  to 
pass  free  on  this  road." 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT. 


453 


"Yes,"  he  replied;  so  we  passed  on  without 
paying. 

Just  before  reaching  Newport  we  came  to  another 
toll-gate,  kept  by  an  old  man  named  Hockett,  lately 
from  North  Carolina.  He  had  lately  been  placed 
here  as  gate-keeper,  and  I  was  not  acquainted  with 
him.  I  halted,  and  said  to  him:  "I  suppose  you 
charge  nothing  for  the  cars  of  the  Underground 
Railroad  that  pass  through  this  gate." 

"Underground  Railroad  cars?"  he  drawled, 
sleepily. 

"Yes,"  I  said;  "didn't  they  give  thee  orders 
when  they  placed  thee  here  to  let  such  cars  pass 
free?" 

' '  No, "  he  replied ;    ' '  they  said  nothing  about  it. " 

"Well,  that's  strange.  Most  of  the  stockholders 
of  this  road  are  large  stockholders  in  the  Under- 
ground Railroad,  and  we  never  charge  anything  on 
that  road.  I  am  well  acquainted  with  the  president 
of  this  road,  and  I  know  that  he  holds  stock  in  our 
road.  I  expect  to  see  him  to-day,  and  several  of  the 
directors,  and  I  shall  report  thee  for  charging  Un- 
derground Railroad  passengers  toll." 

The  gate-keeper  seemed  much  confused,  and  said 
that  he  knew  nothing  about  the  Underground  Rail- 
road. 

"Why!"  I  exclaimed,  with  apparent  surprise, 
"what  part  of  the  world  art  thou  from?" 

"North  Carliny, "  he  drawled. 

"I  thought  thee  was  from  some  dark  corner  of 
the  globe,"  I  said,  and  handed  him  the  money, 
which  I  had  been  holding  in  my  fingers  during  the 


454 


REMINISCENCES. 


conversation,  and  which  was  but  a  trifle.  I  then 
started  on,  but  had  not  gone  more  than  a  few  rods, 
when  the  gate-keeper  called  to  me,  and  asked:  "Is 
)rour  name  Levi  Coffin?" 

"Yes,"  I  replied,  "that  is  my  name,"  but  did 
not  check  my  team,  lest  he  should  follow  me  and 
give  back  the  money.  I  had  had  my  sport  with 
him,  which  was  all  I  wanted.  I  think  he  always 
knew  me  afterward.  That  day,  in  Newport,  I  met 
David  Willcuts,  who  was  the  president  of  the  road, 
and  reported  the  gate-keeper.  We  had  a  hearty 
laugh  over  my  interview  with  him. 

I  stopped  with  John  and  Mary  at  Daniel  Huff's, 
in  Newport,  and  James  Hayworth  went  on  to  Will- 
iam Hough's,  a  short  distance  further,  across  the 
creek.  The  latter  place  was  a  noted  depot  of  the 
Underground  Railroad.  The  company  of  four  fugi- 
tives were  considered  to  be  in  the  greatest  danger 
of  pursuit,  so  they  were  sent  on  toward  Canada  that 
night  by  the  Greenville  route. 

John  and  Mary  were  kept  at  Daniel  Huff's  until 
next  day,  to  wait  for  the  Richmond  and  Winchester 
stage,  which  generally  changed  horses  at  Huff's. 
I  had  decided  to  forward  them  to  Winchester  by  the 
stage  if  there  were  no  suspicious  passengers  aboard. 
I  made  out  a  regular  bill  of  lading  to  a  mercantile 
firm  in  Winchester,  with  the  members  of  which  I 
was  well  acquainted,  and  whom  I  knew  to  be  stanch 
abolitionists.      The  bill  read  thus: 

"Shipped  in  good  order  and  well  conditioned, 
two    baboons,  *    of  fine    stock    and    verv    valuable. 


*In   reference  to  the  views  of  some   slaveholders,  who   thought 
that  negroes  had  no  souls  but  were  a  species  of  baboon. 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT. 


455 


Please  receive  and  forward  the  same  to  George  D. 
Baptist,  Detroit,  Michigan,  by  way  of  Camden  and 
Fort  Wayne  ;  I  consider  that  to  be  the  safest  route. 
Take  special  care  of  them ;  do  not  allow  them  to 
run  at  large.  They  are  quite  tame,  but  bloodhounds 
sometimes  get  on  their  track,  and  might  injure 
them.  They  are  male  and  female;  the  female  is  not 
very  stout  at  present,  having  just  recovered  from  a 
spell  of  sickness.  Please  give  them  a  warm  dry 
place  in  which  to  lie,  while  at  Winchester,  and  do 
not  let  them  be  too  much  exposed  to  idle  spec- 
tators, as  it  might  annoy  them.  They  will  be  of 
little  trouble  about  feeding,  as  they  eat  the  same 
kind  of  food  that  human  beings  do,  and  seem  to 
thrive  on  it.  Put  them  in  charge  of  a  good  con- 
ductor, who  will  take  special  care  of  them.  Your 
prompt  attention  to  this  matter  will  much  oblige 
your  friend,  Levi  Coffin." 

I  sealed  this  and  gave  it  to  John,  and  told  him' 
that  when  the  stage  stopped  at  the  tavern  at  Win- 
chester, he  and  Mary  must  go  directly  across  the 
street  to  the  store  on  the  opposite  side,  and  hand 
that  letter  to  the  person  they  would  see  behind  the 
counter :  they  would  be  taken  care  of  at  once. 
They  followed  my  directions.  Dr.  Woody,  who 
had  formerly  been  salesman  in  my  store  in  New- 
port, happened  to  be  in  the  store,  and  the  letter 
was  handed  to  him.  He  read  it,  and  at  once  took 
charge  of  the  mentioned  property.  The  next  day 
I  received  a  letter  from  this  firm,  acknowledging  the 
receipt  of  the  property  in  good  order  and  well  con- 
ditioned.     The  letter  further  said  that  the  old  car 


45^ 


REMINISCENCES. 


Emancipation,  Number  One,  was  standing  ready 
with  steam  up,  and  that  my  consignment  was  put 
in  charge  of  a  special  agent  and  forwarded  accord- 
ing to  my  directions,  without  delay;  and  notified 
me  that  similar  consignments  would  always  receive 
prompt  attention. 

I  had  inclosed  a  short  note  to  'Squire  Hopkins, 
of  Camden,  Jay  County,  the  next  depot,  which  was 
delivered  to  him  by  the  agent  who  conducted  John 
and  Mary  to  that  place  from  Winchester.  In  a  short 
time  I  received  a  note  from  him,  acknowledging  the 
receipt  of  my  consignment,  stating  that  car  Eman- 
cipation, Number  Two,  was  standing  ready,  and 
that  the  freight  was  forwarded  at  once  according  to 
my  directions,  in  charge  of  a  special  agent.  The 
writer  said  he  hoped  I  would  favor  him  with  more 
such  consignments. 

I  received  intelligence  of  the  safe  arrival  of  John 
and  Mary  in  Detroit,  and  afterward  had  news  of 
their  arrival  in  Canada.  They  told  their  friends 
there  that  they  had  no  idea  there  were  such  white 
people  in  the  world  as  those  who  had  so  kindly  be- 
friended them  in  their  hour  of  need. 

All  they  had  ever  known  of  humanity  was  ex- 
hibited in  the  tender  mercies  of  the  slaveholder. 

In  this  case  and  many  others  I  have  mentioned, 
there  seems  to  have  been  no  close  pursuit ;  but 
in  many  instances  the  fugitives  narrowly  escaped 
capture  after  they  had  reached  Cincinnati.  I  will 
relate  two  or  three  incidents  of  this  kind. 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT. 


NARROW  ESCAPE    OF  A  SLAVE  WOMAN. 


457 


A  slave  woman  escaped  from  the  vicinity  of 
Maysville,  Kentucky,  with  her  two  children,  made 
her  way  to  Cincinnati,  and  went  to  a  long  tenement 
house  on  East  Alley,  where  several  colored  families 
lived.  In  about  a  week  her  master  arrived  in  search 
of  her,  and  having  learned  of  her  whereabouts — 
through  the  treachery,  it  is  supposed  of  a  negro  man 
who  betrayed  her  hiding-place — he  obtained  a  writ, 
placed  it  in  the  hands  of  officers,  and',  with  a  posse, 
went  to  capture  her  and  her  children.  A  colored 
woman,  occupying  a  separate  apartment  of  the  ten- 
ement house,  was  just  starting  down  street  when 
she  saw  the  officers  coming,  and,  divining  their 
object,  ran  quickly  round  a  back  way,  gave  the 
alarm,  and  succeeded  in  getting  the  woman  and  two 
children  secreted  and  locked  up,  in  her  part  of  the 
house,  just  as  the  party  arrived.  They  searched  the 
rooms  that  the  fugitive  had  just  left,  but  found  no 
traces  of  her,  and  began  to  hunt  in  some  of  the 
neighboring  buildings.  The  woman  who  had  given 
the  alarm,  in  the  meantime  locked  her  door,  and 
slipping  out  a  back  way,  came  to  our  house  and 
related  her  story  with  much  excitement.  While  she 
was  yet  talking,  two  more  colored  women  came  to 
tell  the  same  story,  and  ask  advice. 

I  told  them  all  to  go  back,  one  by  one,  and  show 
no  alarm.  To  the  first  one  I  gave  a  large  market 
basket  containing  a  full  suit  of  men's  clothing — 
including  an  overcoat,  as  it  was  then  cool  spring 
weather — directing  her  to  disguise  the  slave  woman 
39 


458  RE  MINIS  CENCES. 

and  send  her  out  by  some  by-way  to  the  corner  of 
Fifth  and  Central  Avenue,  where  some  one  would 
be  waiting  whom  she  would  recognize.  She  was  to 
follow  the  person  at  some  distance,  and  would  be 
conducted  to  our  house.  Then  the  children  were 
to  be  disguised  and  taken  out,  one  at  a  time,  accom- 
panied by  a  single  person,  and  brought  in  a  round- 
about way  to  the  same  place. 

These  directions  were  followed,  and  by  11  a.  m. — • 
the  alarm  had  been  given  early  in  the  morning — 
they  were  all  safe  at  our  house.  The  next  night 
they  were  conveyed  on  the  Underground  Railroad, 
thirty  miles  out  of  the  city,  in  the  care  of  a  trusty 
conductor,  and  in  a  few  days  were  beyond  the  reach 
of  pursuers.  Her  master  and  the  officers  watched 
around  the  place  she  had  left  for  more  than  a  week 
after  she  was  safe  in  Canada. 

ANOTHER  NARROW  ESCAPE. 

A  man  and  wife  escaped  from  Louisville  and 
reached  Cincinnati  by  aid  of  the  chamber-maid  on 
the  regular  packet,  who  secreted  them  during  the 
passage  and  fed  them.  They  were  acquainted  with 
a  free  colored  woman,  a  washerwoman,  who  had 
formerly  lived  in  Louisville,  and  on  their  arrival  in 
Cincinnati  made  their  way  to  her  room,  which  was 
in  the  basement  of  a  building  on  Third  Street,  near 
Walnut.  She  secreted  them,  and  they  remained 
with  her  several  days.  A  colored  woman,  a  friend 
of  hers — living  across  the  canal — learned  of  the  fugi- 
tives' hiding-place,  and  was  very  uneasy  lest  they 
should  be  discovered.       One  nisrht  she  became  so 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT.  ^g 

troubled  concerning  them  that  she  could  not  rest, 
and  about  ten  o'clock  made  ner  way  to  our  house, 
and  told  me  the  story  of  the  fugitives,  and  related 
her  premonition  of  danger.  I  told  her  that  the 
place  where  the  slaves  were  hiding  was  very  unsafe 
and  they  must  come  away  immediately  ;  that  time 
enough  had  elapsed  since  their  flight  for  their 
master  to  come  in  pursuit  of  them,  and  that  their 
hiding-place  would  probably  be  the  first  place 
searched,  as  the  master  knew  of  their  acquaint- 
ance with  the  free  colored  woman.  I  told  her 
to  conduct  me  to  the  place,  directing  her  to  walk 
ahead,  and  explaining  that  I  would  follow  a  short 
distance  behind.  We  reached  the  place  about 
eleven  o'clock.  The  woman  with  whom  they  were 
stopping  knew  me,  and  introduced  me  to  the  fugi- 
tives. I  told  them  that  they  must  leave  immedi- 
ately, directed  them  to  get  ready  at  once,  and  to 
leave  the  house  in  a  manner  which  I  explained.  I 
then  went  out  and  in  a  short  time  the  slave  man 
followed.  Turning  to  the  left  he  saw  me  on  the 
corner  of  Third  and  Walnut  Streets,  and  walking 
some  distance  behind  me,  he  reached  my  house  in 
safety.  The  slave  woman  was  disguised  in  a  dress 
and  vail  belonging  to  her  friend,  and,  accompanied 
by  the  woman  who  had  conducted  me  to  the  place, 
walked  out  of  the  house,  turned  to  the  right  and 
went  up  Main  Street.  In  a  short  time  they  reached 
the  corner  of  Franklin  and  Broadway — where  we 
then  resided — and  the  fugitives  were  secreted. 
Twenty  minutes  after  they  had  left  the  house  of  the 
washerwoman,  a  posse  of  men  entered  it,  some  at  the 


460  REMINISCENCES. 

front,  others  at  the  rear  entrance.  A  short  search 
convinced  them  that  their  prey  had  escaped,  and 
they  were  much  enraged  to  find  themselves  foiled. 
The  fugitives  remained  quiet  several  days,  until  the 
search  in  the  city  seemed  to  be  over,  and  were  then 
forwarded  via  the  Underground  Railroad  to  Canada. 

A  HAIRBREADTH  ESCAPE. 

A  slave  man  who  had  made  his  escape  from  Ken- 
tucky, and  reached  Cincinnati  in  safety,  took  refuge 
among  the  colored  people  living  on  Sixth  Street, 
near  Broadway.  He  remained  here  several  days, 
without  my  knowledge,  and  it  was  only  at  the  last 
moment  that  I  learned  of  his  presence  and  was 
able  to  warn  him  of  his  danger.  I  was  informed 
one  evening  by  a  white  man  that  a  company  of 
slave-hunters  were  in  the  city,  in  pursuit  of  a  slave 
man — that  they  had  employed  spies  who  had  been 
prowling  around  the  colored  settlements  all  day, 
under  pretense  of  business  that  concealed  their 
real  errand.  My  informer  was  not  known  as  an 
abolitionist,  but  was  friendly  to  fugitives;  being  a 
business  man,  he  kept  his  anti-slavery  principles  in 
the  dark  as  a  matter  .of  policy.  Knowing  my  prin- 
ciples, he  divulged  to  me  the  intelligence  that  had 
been  confided  to  him,  and  inquired  if  I  knew  of  such 
a  fugitive  in  the  city.  I  told  him  I  did  not,  but  that 
I  would  inquire  of  some  of  the  colored  people  and 
put  them  on  their  guard. 

That  night  I  called  at  Lloyd  Lewis',  a  colored 
family,  with  whom  fugitives  often  stopped,  and 
inquired  if  they  knew  of  a  runaway  slave   lying  in 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT.  46 1 

concealment  somewhere  in   the   city.      Louis'   wife 

said  that  she  knew  of  a  fugitive  at 's,  on  Sixth 

Street,  below  Broadway.  I  went  immediately  to 
the  place,  and  found  the  fugitive  and  the  man  of  the 
house,  sitting  out  in  the  yard,  enjoying  the  cool 
evening  breeze,  which  was  quite  refreshing  after  the 
warm  day.  They  had  no  suspicion  of  danger,  but 
I  soon  alarmed  them  by  telling  them  that  there 
were  slave-hunters  in  the  city  looking  after  such  a 
man.  I  told  the  fugitive  that  he  was  in  great 
danger,  and  must  change  his  quarters  without  a 
moment's  delay.  It  was  then  about  nine  o'clock  at 
night.  He  was  conducted,  at  once,  to  a  certain 
point  on  Mount  Auburn,  at  the  head  of  Sycamore 
Street,  where  I  sent  my  horse  and  carriage  to 
meet  him  and  conduct  him  to  the  next  depot  of  the 
Underground  Railroad. 

I  was  informed  the  next  day  that  in  less  than  ten 
minutes  after  the  fugitive  left,  the  house  was  entered 
by  his  master  and  a  posse  of  men,  who  had  pre- 
viously discovered  his  whereabouts.  They  searched 
the  house  thoroughly,  but  they  were  too  late ;  they 
soon  realized  that  their  prey  had  escaped.  I  might 
relate  many  similar  instances  that  occurred  in  the 
city.  Fugitives  were  often  spirited  away  when  all 
the  preparations  for  their  capture  had  been  made, 
and  their  foiled  and  baffled  pursuers  continued  to 
search  for  them  after  they  had  safely  reached  Can- 
ada by  way  of  the  Underground  Railroad. 


462  REMINISCENCES. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

A  PRO-SLAVERY  MAN  TURNS  ABOLITIONIST — FOURTEEN 
FUGITIVES  CROSS  ON  THE  ICE — SLAVE  CHILDREN 
PLACED  IN  OUR  CHARGE — THE  CASE  OF  WILLIAM 
THOMPSON. 

THE  merchant  to  whom  I  allude,  in  the  follow- 
ing story,  was  connected  with  a  large  commis- 
sion house  on  Walnut  Street,  below  Second.  The 
principal  business  of  the  firm  was  with  the  South. 
They  received  large  quantities  of  sugar,  molasses, 
and  cotton  from  the  slaveholders,  and  filled  the 
orders  of  their  Southern  customers  for  provisions 
of  various  kinds,  and  other  articles.  The  planters 
and  Southern  merchants  regarded  this  firm  as  all 
right  on  the  slavery  question,  otherwise  they  would 
not  have  patronized  them  and  intrusted  them  with 
their  business.  One  of  the  customers  of  this  house 
lived  in  Virginia,  but  owned  a  large  cotton  planta- 
tion in  Mississippi,  where  he  spent  a  part  of  his 
time.  On  one  occasion  he  was  taking  a  company 
of  slaves,  which  he  had  purchased  in  Virginia,  to 
his  plantation  in  Mississippi.  He  shipped  them  at 
Wheeling,  and  intended  to  keep  a  sharp  watch  on 
them  as  the  boat  passed  down  the  Ohio  River,  lest 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT.  463 

they  should  attempt  to  escape.  The  boat  arrived 
at  Cincinnati  in  the  night,  and  lay  at  the  wharf  till 
morning,  discharging  freight.  The  slaves  were  kept 
in  the  back  part  of  the  boat,  and  closely  guarded, 
but  one  of  them,  a  strong  active  man,  managed  to 
spring  on  to  another  boat  that  lay  alongside  the 
Wharf,  and  slip  ashore  under  cover  of  darkness 
without  being  discovered.  He  made  his  way 
through  the  city,  and  concealed  himself  among 
the  hills  on  the  northern  limit. 

When  the  planter  discovered  that  one  of  his  men 
had  escaped,  he  resolved  to  remain  a  few  days  and 
endeavor  to  capture  him  ;  expecting  that  his  friends 
in  Cincinnati  would,  of  course,  give  him  all  the 
assistance  in  their  power.  He  could  not  think  of 
losing  so  valuable  a  piece  of  property  without 
making  every  exertion  to  recover  it.  But  it  would 
not  do  to  detain  the  boat  and  run  the  risk  of  losing 
other  slaves, *so  he  sent  an  agent  to  take  charge  of 
his  slaves,  and  the  boat  went  on.  He  went  imme- 
diately to  the  mercantile  house,  of  which  I  have 
spoken,  to  tell  his  grievances,  and  get  assistance 
and  advice.  He  described  his  negro's  personal  ap- 
pearance very  particularly  to  the  members  of  the 
firm ;  but  they  were  too  busy  to  hunt  runaway 
slaves,  and  referred  him  to  the  police.  The  master 
related  his  story  to  the  police  and  put  them  on  the 
alert;  he  also  employed  others  to  make  a  thorough 
search  among  the  various  colored  settlements  in  the 
city.  But  no  discovery  was  made  that  day,  and  the 
master  continued  to  mourn  the  loss  of  his  valuable 
slave. 


464 


REMINISCENCES. 


The  fugitive,  whom  I  will  call  Jack,  lay  concealed 
all  that  day  and  the  following  night  among  the  hills 
north  of  the  city.  Being  unacquainted  with  the 
locality  he  knew  not  what  direction  to  take,  and 
feared  to  venture  into  the  city  to  look  for  people  of 
his  own  color.  The  weather  was  mild,  and  his 
hiding-place  among  the  woods  and  ravines  on  Vine 
Street  Hill  was  not  uncomfortable  to  one  who  had 
known  the  hardships  and  sufferings  of  slavery. 

Jack  supposed  that  his  master  would  not  stay 
long  in  the  city  to  hunt  for  him,  and  concluded  to 
lie  still  until  the  search  was  over.  But  he  had  no 
food,  and  the  second  morning  he  was  suffering  with 
hunger.  After  debating  in  his  mind  regarding  the 
best  course  of  action,  he  decided  to  venture  out 
and  inquire  for  work  at  the  few  houses  he  saw  not 
far  off,  and  beg  for  something  to  eat.  Now,  it  so 
happened  that  his  hiding-place  was  near  the  resi- 
dence of  the  merchant  of  whom  I  have  spoken,  who 
lived  on  the  top  of  Vine  Street  Hill,  and  Jack  made 
his  way  to  this  house,  little  thinking  that  the  owner 
was  his  master's  friend. 

The  merchant  had  his  horse  and  buggy  at  the 
gate  and  was  about  to  start  to  his  place  of  business, 
when  Jack  walked  up  and  inquired  for  work,  saying 
that  he  had  been  hunting  work,  but  had  not  found 
any,  and  concluded  by  begging  for  something  to 
eat..  The  merchant  instantly  recognized  him,  from 
the  description  given  by  his  master  of  his  runaway 
slave,  and  accused  him  of  being  the  negro  who  had 
made  his  escape  from  the  boat  a  short  time  before. 

Jack   confessed  that  he  was,  but  plead  earnestly 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT. 


465 


with  the  gentleman  not  to  betray  him,  and  begged 
pitifully  not  to  be  taken  back  to  slavery.  The  mer- 
chant professed  no  anti-slavery  or  abolition  senti- 
ments, but  as  he  saw  the  hunted,  famished  fugitive 
pleading  before  him,  his  humanity  gained  the 
ascendency,  and  he  promised  Jack  that  he  would  not 
betray  him.  His  next  thought  was,  "What  shall 
I  do  with  him?"  He  had  heard  of  the  Under- 
ground Railroad  but  knew  nothing  of  its  practical 
workings,  and  knew  not  where  to  apply  for  advice 
and  assistance.  He  stood  for  some  minutes  in 
thought,  while  poor  Jack  eagerly  scanned  his  face, 
longing  to  know  if  he  was  to  be  sent  back  to 
slavery,  yet  dreading  to  ask. 

The  merchant  finally  decided  what  he  should  do 
next.  He  had  some  victuals  put  into  a  tin  bucket, 
which  he  gave  to  Jack,  and  told  him  to  go  down  a 
steep  ravine,  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  yards 
north  of  the  house,  and  hide  himself  in  a  cleft  or 
small  cave  in  the  rocks — which  he  pointed  out  to 
him — and  remain  there  till  some  arrangement  for 
securing  his  freedom  could  be  made. 

A  great  load  was  lifted  from  poor  Jack's  heart. 
He  said:  "Thank  you,  massa !  God  bless  you, 
massa,"  and  did  as  he  had  been  directed.  Then  the 
merchant  stepped  into  his  buggy  and  proceeded  on 
his  way  down  town,  much  perplexed  concerning  his 
charge.  He  had  resolved  to  secure  Jack's  freedom 
if  possible,  but  knew  not  how  to  get  him  to  a  safe 
place,  or  how  to  start  him  on  that  mysterious  road 
leading  to  Canada.  Instead  of  going  directly  to  his 
office,  he  called  at  the  business  house  of  a  wholesale 


466  REMINISCENCES. 

grocery  firm  on  Columbia  Street,  east  of  Main.  He 
wished  to  see  one  of  the  firm  whom  he  knew  to  be 
an  abolitionist.  Finding  the  gentleman  in  the  office, 
he  took  him  to  one  side,  and  said  in  a  low  tone:  "I 
have  a  secret  I  would  like  to  divulge  to  you,  but  do 
not  know  whether  or  not  it  will  be  safe.  I  have  got 
myself  into  a  predicament,  and  know  not  how  to 
get  out  of  it." 

The  other  replied:  "You  need  feel  no  diffidence 
or  fear  about  divulging  any  thing  to  me  ;  what  you 
say  will  be  kept  in  confidence." 

Thus  assured,  the  merchant  related-  the  circum- 
stances that  had  occurred  that  morning,  and  asked 
for  counsel  and  assistance. 

His  confidant  laughed  and  replied:  "I  can  help 
you  out  of  that  difficulty  easily  enough.  I  can  take 
you  to  a  man  who  knows  all  about  the  Under- 
ground Railroad,  and  who  will  help  you  out  of  that 
dilemma." 

The  merchant  then  went  to  his  office,  but  soon 
returned,  and  his  friend  stepped  into  the  buggy  with 
him  and  they  drove  to  my  store.  The  grocery 
merchant,  with  whom  I  was  acquainted,  came  into 
my  counting-room,  and  told  me  that  there  was  a 
gentleman  waiting  in  his  buggy  outside,  who  wished 
to  see  me  on  some  special  business.  I  walked  out 
with  him  to  the  buggy  and  he  introduced  me  to  his 
friend.  I  knew  the  merchant  at  sight,  but  had  no 
personal  acquaintance  with  him.  He  related  the 
whole  circumstance  to  me,  and  seemed  to  regard 
it  as  a  very  serious  affair.  I  laughed,  for  I  was 
used    to    such    cases,  and  was  amused    to  see  how 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT.  467 

he  regarded  it.  I  told  him  there  need  be  no 
difficulty  in  the  matter,  and  recommended  him  to 
go  to  John  Hatfield,  a  trusty  colored  man  who  was 
used  to  such  business,  and  relate  the  circumstance 
to  him.  He  would  go  out  and  take  charge  of  the 
fugitive  and  conduct  him  to  some  safe  place  where 
he  could  remain  until  the  train  of  the  Underground 
Railroad  was  ready  to  start  for  Canada.  The  mer- 
chant said  he  was  not  acquainted  with  Hatfield  ;  he 
wished  I  would  go  myself  and  tell  him  about  the 
fugitive.  He  then  undertook  to  describe  the  place 
where  the  fugitive  was  hid,  but  I  told  him  that  I 
was  not  acquainted  in  that  locality,  and  could  not 
describe  it  to  Hatfield  so  that  he  could  find  it. 

"Well,  then,"  replied  the  merchant,  "just  step 
into  my  buggy  and  I  will  drive  out  and  show  you 
where  he  is  hid." 

So  I  took  my  seat  by  him  in  the  buggy,  and  the 
other  gentleman  returned  to  his  store.  We  drove 
hastily  out  to  the  top  of  Vine  Street  Hill,  and 
stopped  in  front  of  my  companion's  residence. 
Hitching  the  horse  at  the  gate,  we  walked  through 
the  garden  and  down  the  hill  to  the  place  where  the 
fugitive  was  trying  to  conceal  himself  among  the 
rocks.  I  saw  his  head,  as  he  peeped  out  at  us, 
while  we  were  yet  several  rods  distant.  As  we 
neared  his  place  of  concealment  I  called  out,  com- 
mandingly,  "Come  out  of  there,  Jack;  what  are 
you  doing  among  the  rocks?"  He  crawled  out, 
looking  much  alarmed  ;  he  evidently  supposed  that 
the  merchant  had  been  to  get  help  and  had  come  to 
take  him.      I  then  spoke  kindly  to  him,  telling  him 


468  REMINISCENCES. 

not  to  be  alarmed,  that  we  were  his  friends,  and 
ended  by  cordially  shaking  hands  with  him.  His 
countenance  brightened,  and  he  seemed  to  feel  that 
all  was  right. 

A  consultation  was  then  held,  and  it  was  decided 
that  he  must  be  removed  immediately.  The  place 
did  not  afford  secure  concealment,  for  people  often 
passed  over  the  hills  hunting  birds  and  other 
small  game.  I  said  :  ' '  There  are  plenty  of  safe 
places  in  the  city  if  we  can  only  get  him  to  them 
safely." 

The  merchant  replied:  "My  buggy  is  at  your 
service;  take  him  where  you  please." 

"Not  so  fast,  my  friend,"  I  answered;  "that 
would  not  do  at  all.  Thy  buggy  and  horse  are 
well  known,  and  so  am  I.  It  would  not  do  for  me 
to  appear  in  open  daylight  with  a  fugitive  slave  in 
thy  buggy  ;  we  might  meet  Jack's  hunters  in  the 
street.  It  would  probably  lead  to  his  capture,  and 
bring  both  thee  and  me  into  trouble. 

A  plan  for  getting  Jack  into  the  city  was  finally 
agreed  upon.  Bordering  on  the  west  line  of  the 
merchant's  premises  was  a  strip  of  woods  which 
opened  near  the  head  of  Elm  Street.  A  path  led 
down  this  ravine,  by  a  stone  quarry,  where  some 
men  were  at  work,  near  the  road,  quarrying  out 
stone.  These  surroundings  suggested  and  aided 
our  plan.  According  to  our  directions,  Jack  took 
off  his  coat,  rolled  up  his  sleeves,  hung  his  coat  on 
his  arm  and  took  the  tin  bucket  in  his  hand,  thus 
presenting  the  appearance  of  a  laborer.  It  was 
then  gardening  time  in  spring,  and  several  people 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT. 


469 


were  at  work  in  sight.  We  made  our  way  into 
the  merchant's  garden  and  passed  slowly  through 
it,  looking  at  the  vegetable  beds  and  appearing 
to  direct  Jack  where  to  work,  then  crossing  the 
adjoining  garden  which  belonged  to  the  merchant's 
mother-in-law,  we  made  our  way  into  the  strip  of 
woods.  Here  I  directed  the  merchant  and  the 
fugitive  to  remain  until  I  reached  the  road,  about 
a  hundred  yards  ahead,  that  led  down  the  ravine, 
then  Jack  was  to  follow  me  keeping  his  eye  on 
me  and  stopping  when  he  saw  me  stop.  I  remarked 
to  the  merchant  as  I  started,  "It  is  nobody's 
business  who  travels  the  same  road  that  I  do." 
Looking  back  in  a  few  minutes  I  saw  Jack  fol- 
lowing me,  and  the  merchant  standing  in  the 
woods,  anxiously  watching  us  as  we  passed  the 
men  working  in  the  stone  quarry.  When  he  saw  us 
pass  them  without  being  molested,  he  went  back  to 
his  buggy,  feeling  much  relieved.  I  walked  on 
leisurely,  and  Jack  followed  at  a  short  distance. 
Reaching  the  head  of  Elm  Street,  I  proceeded  on 
my  way  down  that  street  till  I  came  to  the  house 
of  Edward  Harwood,  that  ever  faithful  friend  to  the 
slave.  His  good  wife  met  me  on  the  porch  and 
invited  me  into  the  house.  To  her  invitation  I 
replied:  "Not  yet;  I  will  wait  for  a  friend  who  is 
near  by."  Jack  had  now  arrived  at  the  gate.  He 
halted  there  and  stood  irresolutely,  as  if  fearing  to 
enter.  I  said:  "Come  in,  there  is  no  danger,"  and 
Harwood's  wife,  a  meet  companion  for  her  husband 
in  all  benevolent  impulses  and  actions,  also  invited 
him  in.      It  is  no  wonder  that  Jack  was  fearful  and 


470 


REMINISCENCES. 


distrustful ;  a  fugitive  always  suspected  danger,  not 
knowing  but  that  the  plans  made  to  secure  his 
safety  were  schemes  to  betray  him. 

The  family  were  at  the  table  in  the  dining-room, 
having  just  completed  their  noon  repast.  We 
walked  into  this  room,  and  when  Harwood  rose  to 
welcome  us,  I  said:  "Edward,  here  is  a  stranger,  a 
man  seeking  liberty ;  I  want  thee  to  take  care  of 
him  till  he  is  called  for.  He  is  hungry — feed  him, 
and  keep  him  safely  for  awhile,  for  he  is  sought 
after." 

Harwood  extended  a  hearty  welcome  to  the  fugi- 
tive, and  in  his  good-humored  manner  of  talking, 
said:  "Sit  down  right  here,  and  eat  your  fill,  and 
if  any  one  comes  in  and  attempts  to  molest  you 
while  eating,  pick  up  that  chair  and  knock  him 
down." 

"Stop,  my  friend,"  I  said;  "I  did  not  tell  thee 
to  fight,  but  to  keep  him  safe  till  called  for."  The 
family  had  many  similar  cases  in  their  experience, 
and  did  not  need  further  explanation.  The  fugitive 
remained  with  them  several  days,  when  a  suitable 
opportunity  occurred  for  his  removal  from  the  city. 
William  Beard,  a  prominent  abolitionist  from  Union 
County,  Indiana,  came  to  town  with  market  stuff  in 
a  two-horse  wagon,  and  arrangements  were  made 
with  him.  When  he  went  out  of  town,  he  had  a 
negro  driver  who  was  dressed  in  good  clothes  and 
wore  a  white  hat,  and  who  bore  little  resem- 
blance in  personal  appearance  to  the  half-starved 
negro  who  had  hidden  in  the  ravines  and  hills  at  the 
head  of  Vine  Street.      William  Beard  took  him  to 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT. 


471 


Union  County,  Indiana,  where  he  tarried  a  few 
days,  and  then  took  passage  for  Canada,  via  the  old 
reliable  road. 

FOURTEEN  FUGITIVES  CROSS  ON  THE  ICE. 

The  Ohio  River  was  a  great  barrier  to  fugitive 
slaves.  They  often  escaped  from  their  masters  and 
made  their  way  to  the  river,  but  not  being  able  to 
find  any  means  of  crossing,  they  were  overtaken 
and  captured  by  their  pursuers,  scmetimes  being 
detected  while  looking  for  a  skiff  or  some  other 
craft  which  they  could  break  loose  from  its  fasten- 
ing and  appropriate  to  their  own  use.  The  slaves 
who  lived  some  distance  from  the  river  generally 
knew  nothing  about  managing  a  skiff,  and  if  they 
could  find  one,  they  were  afraid  to  venture  into  it 
and  attempt  the  passage  of  the  river  alone.  Some- 
times they  made  a  confidant  of  some  colored  person 
living  near  the  river,  who  would  help  them  across. 
In  the  winter,  however,  when  an  unusually  cold 
spell  of  weather  stopped  navigation  and  bridged  the 
river  over  with  ice,  the  main  obstacle  in  the  way  of 
the  slaves  who  wished  to  reach  Ohio  was  removed. 
At  such  times  we  always  expected  a  stampede  of 
fugitives  from  Kentucky.  Large  companies  some- 
times got  together  and  crossed  the  same  night,  so 
that  the  Underground  Railroad  did  a  lively  busi- 
ness while  this  natural  bridge  lasted. 

During  one  of  these  cold  spells,  when  the  river 
was  frozen  over  and  the  crossing  was  good,  a  num- 
ber of  slaves,  who  lived  a  short  distance  back  of 
Newport,  Kentucky,  concluded  that  it  was  a  favor- 


472 


R  EMINISCENCES. 


able  time  for  them  to  get  out  of  slavery.  They  had 
been  contemplating  such  a  movement  for  some 
time — consulting  together  and  preparing  themselves 
for  the  attempt  to  gain  their  liberty  by  flight. 
Some  of  them  had  friends  and  acquaintances  among 
the  colored  people  in  Cincinnati,  and  one  of  the 
company  ventured  to  come  over  on  the  ice  one 
night,  and  inform  these  colored  people  of  the  plan 
their  slave  friends  had  made. 

The  night  for  commencing  the  flight  was  ap- 
pointed, and  it  was  arranged  that  some  of  their 
colored  friends  should  meet  the  fugitives  at  the 
river  and  conduct  them  to  places  of  safety.  The 
company  was  to  divide  and  land  at  three  separate 
points,  that  they  might  not  attract  attention  and 
arouse  suspicion,  by  their  numbers.  This  was  the 
plan  I  suggested  when  the  friends  of  the  fugitives 
applied  to  me  for  advice,  and  assistance.  I  also 
suggested  that  teams  should  be  in  readiness  to  meet 
them  at  these  points  in  order  to  convey  them  that 
night  to  the  next  depot  of  the  Underground  Rail- 
road. My  team  and  two  others  were  accordingly 
put  in  readiness. 

Dr.  Blunt,  of  Darke  County,  Ohio,  who  often 
stopped  with  me  when  he  came  to  the  city  on  busi- 
ness, happened  to  be  in  the  city  that  day,  and  came 
to  my  house  in  the  evening.  After  supper,  he  said  : 
"Mr.  Coffin,  I  wish  that  some  of  your  Underground 
Railroad  passengers  would  come  along  to-night.  I 
have  never  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  a  fugitive 
slave,  and  I  would  like  to  see  one.  There  have 
been  a  few  in   our  neighborhood,  and  I  have   con- 


SCENES  AT  THE  DEPOT. 


473 


tributed  to  help  them  on  their  way,  but  I  did  not 
see  them." 

"  Doctor,"  I  replied,  "  thou  hast  come  just  at  the 
right  time ;  I  can  initiate  thee  into  the  work  to- 
night. Fpurteen  fugitives  are  to  cross  on  the  ice  at 
twelve  o'clock,  and  we  have  three  teams  and  drivers 
ready  to  meet  them  at  separate  points,  and  take 
them  out  of  the  city  by  different  roads  to  a  place 
beyond  Mt.  Auburn.  I  expect  to  see  them  stowed 
into  the  wagons,  if  they  succeed  in  crossing  the 
river,  and  then  I  must  see  that  they  all  get  together 
safely  on  top  of  the  hill.  That  will  probably  con- 
sume the  most  of  the  night ;  dost  thou  think  thou 
can  stand  such  a  jaunt  as  that  ?" 

"I  think  I  can  endure  as  much  as  you,"  he  re- 
plied,  "and  I  am  ready  for  the  adventure." 

About  eleven  o'clock  we  went  to  the  house  of 
Thomas  Dorum,  one  of  the  fugitives'  colored 
friends,  and  where  part  of  the  company  were  to 
be  brought.  About  midnight  we  had  the  pleasure 
of  seeing  the  expected  fugitives  arrive,  and  soon 
saw  them  and  the  other  two  companies  stowed  in 
the  wagons,  and  started  on  their  sepatate  routes.  I 
directed  them  where  to  meet,  on  the  top  of  the  hill 
beyond  Mt.  Auburn. 

The  doctor  and  I  then  went  up  Sycamore  Street 
to  the  place  appointed  for  them  to  meet,  and  had 
the  pleasure  of  seeing  them  all  together.  They  were 
able-bodied,  good  looking  men  and  women — two 
or  three  of  the  men  had  their  wives  Avith  them. 
The  men  were  armed  and  provided  with  plenty  of 
ammunition ;  they  seemed  determined  never  to  be 
40 


474  REMINISCENCES. 

captured.  Dr.  Blunt's  deepest  interest  was  aroused, 
and  he  became  quite  enthusiastic. 

''That's  right,"  said  he  to  the  men  when  he  saw 
their  weapons  ;  "let  your  watchword  be  liberty  or 
death.  Die  in  your  tracks,  boys,  rather  than  be 
taken  back  to  slavery."  He  directed  them  to  load 
their  revolvers  and  keep  them  in  readiness. 

I  told  them  that  my  advice  was  to  throw  away 
their  revolvers,  and  look  to  a  higher  power  for  pro- 
tection, and  gave  them  my  views  in  regard  to  carry- 
ing weapons  in  a  few  words,  for  we  had  but  little 
time  to  talk. 

The  doctor  still  encouraged  them  to  fight  for 
their  liberty,  if  necessary,  and  gave  them  all  the 
money  he  had  with  him  to  help  them  on  their  way, 
retaining  only  what  he  thought  he  would  need  for 
his  expenses  home.  I  do  not  remember  the  amount 
he  gave  them,  but  it  was  several  dollars. 

This  was  a  few  years  before  the  rebellion.  The 
doctor  moved  to  Kansas  soon  after  this  occurrence, 
and  after  the  war  broke  out,  and  I  heard  that  he 
was  made  General,  and  was  at  the  head  of  an  army, 
I  said,  when  I  read  accounts  in  the  papers  of  his 
victories:  "They  have  one  General  who  will  fight 
for  liberty  or  die,  and  if  slaves  come  inside  his  lines, 
they  will  never  be  given  up  to  their  masters,  even 
if  they  are  claimed  by  men  professing  to  be  loyal." 

SLAVE  CHILDREN  PLACED  IN  OUR  CHARGE. 

In  addition  to  our  labors  for  the  fugitives,  we 
often  had  the  care  of  slave  children  who  were 
brought  from  the  South  by  their  white  fathers,  or 


EMANCIPATING  SLAVES. 


475 


by  agents,  for  the  purpose  of  being  educated,  and 
placed  in  our  charge.  Besides  the  care  and  respon- 
sibility thus  placed  upon  us,  the  children  often 
proved  troublesome  and  expensive.  I  will  refer  to 
a  few  cases. 

A  prominent  lawyer  in  Tennessee  sent  two  slave 
boys — his  own  children — to  Cincinnati  in  the  care 
of  an  agent.  On  their  arrival  in  this  city  the  agent 
inquired  for  an  abolitionist,  saying  that  the  master 
of  the  boys  wished  him  to  place  them  in  the  charge 
of  some  reliable  anti-slavery  man  who  would  put 
them  in  a  good  school  and  look  after  their  interests. 
He  was  referred  to  me  and  came  to  my  store,  bring- 
ing the  boys  with  him.  When  he  made  known  his 
business  to  me,  I  declined,  at  first,  to  assume  the 
responsibility.  I  told  him  that  I  was  experienced 
in  such  cases  and  had  often  found  the  charge 
a  troublesome  one;  besides,  I  had  much  business  on 
my  hands,  and  my  time  and  attention  were  fully 
occupied.  I  recommended  him  to  take  the  boys  to 
the  Union  Literary  Institute,  in  Indiana,  a  chartered 
institution,  established  for  the  benefit  of  colored 
people.  It  was  a  well-managed  and  cheap  board 
ing-school  about  ninety  miles  distant ;  but  he  plead 
several  excuses — he  was  a  stranger  in  the  country, 
the  limited  time  of  his  stay  in  Ohio  would  not 
admit  of  his  going  with  them,  etc.,  and  begged  and 
insisted  that  I  should  take  charge  of  the  boys,  until 
I  finally  promised  to  do  so.  He  left  money  enough 
to  defray  their  expenses  for  the  first  term  at  school, 
and  assured  me  that  more  would  be  sent  from  time 
to  time,  to  meet  further  expenses,  and  to   pay  me 


476  REMINISCENCES. 

well  for  my  trouble.  I  placed  the  boys  at  school, 
but  when  the  sum  was  expended  I  had  to  advance 
money  to  defray  their  expenses,  and  never  suc- 
ceeded in  getting  it  refunded. 

Another  case  was  that  of  a  slave  girl  who  was 
brought  from  Mississippi  to  this  city  by  her  father. 
She  was  a  handsome  girl  of  about  sixteen,  as  white 
in  appearance  as  any  of  our  children.  She  had  no 
education,  and  her  master  wished  her  to  attend  a 
good  school.  He  stopped  at  a  hotel,  made  known 
his  errand,  and  was  referred  to  me.  He  came  to 
see  me,  but  I  refused  to  take  charge  of  the  girl 
and  recommended  other  persons  to  him.  He  went 
to  see  them,  but  they  also  refused  to  accept  the 
charge,  and  he  returned  to  my  house,  bringing  the 
girl  with  him.  He  laid  the  case  before  my  wife,  and 
finally  succeeded  in  getting  her  consent  to  receive 
the  girl.  He  left  seventy-five  dollars  to  be  used  in 
defraying  the  school  and  boarding  expenses  of  his 
slave  daughter,  and  gave  me  his  address,  promising 
to  remit  more  money  soon  after  his  return,  to  pay 
her  board  and  buy  clothing.  We  at  once  sent  the 
girl  to  the  Ninth  Street  public  school,  and  as  she 
was  white  in  appearance  no  objection  was  made  to 
her  presence  there.  She  had  been  brought  up 
under  the  evil  influences  of  slavery,  but  had  not 
been  harshly  treated.  She  was  averse  to  study  and 
unwilling  to  go  to  school,  and  gave  us  much  trouble 
on  that  account.  Coming  from  a  milder  climate 
than  ours,  the  clothing  that  had  been  provided  for 
her  was  not  suitable  for  winter,  and  we  had  to  pur- 
chase some  at  once. 


EMANCIPATING  SLAVES. 


477 


Her  expenses  soon  consumed  the  seventy-five 
dollars  left  by  her  master.  I  wrote  to  him  several 
times,  inclosing  a  bill  of  her  expenses,  and  at  last 
received  a  reply  from  him.  The  letter  contained  no 
money,  and  was  couched  in  abusive  language.  He 
said  that  if  the  abolitionists  were  too  mean  to  school 
the  girl,  they  could  send  her  back  to  slavery,  where 
she  would  be  better  cared  for ;  he  would  be  at  no 
further  expense  on  her  account.  We  kept  the  girl 
at  school  as  long  as  we  could  prevail  upon  her  to 
attend.  Our  counsels  and  admonitions  could  not 
counteract  the  influences  of  her  early  life.  She 
quit  school  and  fell  into  bad  company  among  the 
colored  people,  but  finally  married  a  respectable 
colored  man,  and  withdrew  from  all  improper  asso- 
ciations. 

In  other  instances  we  were  more  fortunate, 
though  such  a  charge  always  brought  heavy  respon- 
sibility and  care.  Old  Judge  Cage,  a  wealthy  planter 
of  Louisiana,  living  several  miles  distant  from  New 
Orleans,  had  an  interest  in  mercantile  business, 
conducted  by  his  brother  in  the  city.  Both  were 
slaveholders.  The  brother  living  in  the  city  pur- 
chased a  light  mulatto  woman  to  whom  he  was 
much  attached,  and  kept  her  as  his  wife.  The  law 
did  not  recognize  such  bonds,  and  the  children  of 
such  marriages  followed  the  condition  of  the  mother 
and  were  slaves.  This  couple  had  a  family  of  eight 
children,  nearly  white.  They  were  brought  up  as 
other  wealthy  gentlemen's  children  in  the  South,  and 
had  slaves  to  wait  on  them.  They  had  good  educa- 
tional advantages  in  their  childhood,  and  when  they 


478 


REMINISCENCES. 


grew  up,  the  three  eldest  children — two  sons  and  a 
daughter — were  sent  East  to  complete  their  educa- 
tion. The  five  younger  children  were  still  at  home 
when  their  parents  died,  their  father  leaving  no  will. 
According  to  the  law  they  were  part  of  the  estate 
and  were  liable  to  be  sold,  but  in  the  settlement, 
Judge  Cage  managed  to  get  them  as  a  part  of  his 
share  of  his  brother's  estate,  so  they  became  his 
property.  But  he  did  not  intend  to  make  slaves 
of  them.  One  of  them,  a  boy  twelve  or  fourteen 
years  old,  the  judge  wished  to  send  to  Ohio  to  be 
educated,  and  he  wrote  to  Judge  Matthews,  of  Cin- 
cinnati, concerning  the  matter.  Matthews  recom- 
mended him  to  put  the  boy  under  my  care.  The 
first  I  knew  of  the  case,  the  boy  was  sent  to  me 
from  New  Orleans  with  a  letter  from  Judge  Cage, 
requesting  me  to  take  charge  of  the  bearer,  and 
place  him  in  some  good  school.  The  writer 
informed  me  that  he  had  sent  a  draft  to  Judge 
Matthews  to  defray  expenses,  and  that  all  bills 
would  be  promptly  paid. 

I  took  charge  of  the  boy  and  placed  him  at  school 
at  the  Union  Literary  Institute,  where  I  kept  him 
for  three  or  four  years.  All  his  bills  were  promptly 
settled  by  Judge  Cage.  A  few  years  before  the 
war,  old  Judge  Cage  died,  and  the  settling  of  his 
estate  devolved  upon  his  son,  Duncan  S.  Cage. 
The  children  of  his  uncle  that  still  remained  in  the 
South — four  daughters — came  into  his  possession  as 
part  of  the  estate,  but  he  had  no  wish  to  enslave  his 
cousins.  Shortly  before  the  rebellion,  I  received 
a  letter  from  him,  stating  that  he   had   shipped  the 


• 


EMANCIPATING  SLAVES.  479 

four  girls  to  my  care  at  Cincinnati,  and  wished  me 
to  take  charge  of  them  on  the  arrival  of  the  boat,  and 
place  them  at  a  school  at  Oberlin.  He  inclosed  a 
draft  for  five  hundred  dollars,  and  said  that  all  bills 
would  be  promptly  paid.  He  requested  me  to 
address  him  at  Baton  Rouge,  as  he  was  then  a 
member  of  the  Louisiana  Legislature,  which  met  at 
that  place.  On  the  arrival  of  the  boat  I  met  the 
girls  at  the  river,  and  conveyed  them  to  our  house. 
They  remained  with  us  several  weeks,  until  I  could 
correspond  with  the  proper  authorities  at  Oberlin, 
and  make  proper  arrangements  for  boarding,  and 
until  we  could  provide  the  girls  with  clothing  suit- 
able for  this  climate.  They  were  well  supplied  with 
fine  clothes  adapted  for  a  Southern  climate,  but  had 
few  articles  of  dress  warm  enough  for  service  here. 
It  was  autumn  when  they  arrived,  and  it  was  neces- 
sary to  purchase  winter  clothing.  The  oldest  girl, 
a  young  woman  of  twenty-one,  who  had  been  kept 
by  a  merchant  of  New  Orleans,  according  to  South- 
ern custom,  and  well  furnished  with  rich  dresses  and 
jewelry,  seemed  unwilling  to  go  to  school.  She 
said  she  did  not  wish  to  come  away  from  New 
Orleans,  but  Mr.  Cage  would  have  her  come  with 
her  sisters.  She  wanted  to  go  back  to  the  life 
she  had  left.  I  tried  to  reason  with  her,  and  prevail 
upon  her  to  change  her  course  of  life  entirely.  I 
endeavored  to  impress  upon  her  mind  a  sense  of 
the  sinfulness  of  living  in  such  a  way;  I  told  her 
that  the  merchant  who  kept  her  as  his  wife  was  not 
her  husband  legally,  that  he  could  not  be  in  Louis- 
iana, and  probably  had  no  intention  of  making  her 


48o 


REMINISCENCES. 


his  wife  by  coming  North,  where  their  bond  could 
be  legalized.  If  be  was  honest  and  sincere  in  his 
profession  of  love  for  her,  he  would  come  to  her  in 
the  North;  while  if  she  returned  to  him  in  the 
South,  she  would  be  liable  to  be  enslaved. 

But  she  received  letters  and  money  from  him,  and 
turned  a  deaf  ear  to  my  counsel.  She  was  deter- 
mined to  go  back,  and  returned  to  live  the  life  of  a 
concubine.  This  case  gives  us  a  glimpse  into  the 
customs  and  state  of  morals  that  existed  in  the 
South,  and  shows  the  demoralizing  influences  of 
slavery. 

When  all  the  necessary  arrangements  were  made, 
I  took  the  three  sisters  to  Oberlin,  and  deposited 
with  the  treasurer  of  the  college  enough  money  to 
defray  their  necessary  expenses.  All  bills  incurred 
on  their  account  were  promptly  settled  by  Duncan 
S.  Cage,  until  the  war  cut  off  communication  be- 
tween Cincinnati  and  New  Orleans.  This  gentleman 
was  an  officer  in  the  rebel  army,  and  I  learned  that 
during  the  war  he  lost  not  only  his  slaves  but  all 
the  rest  of  his  property.  No  money  was  received 
from  him  after  the  war  commenced,  and  when  the 
means  on  hand  were  exhausted,  the  girls  were  left 
without  support.  I  was  obliged  to  bring  them  from 
Oberlin  to  my  house  and  look  for  situations  for 
them,  for  their  only  alternative  now  was  to  support 
themselves  by  their  own  labor.  They  were  not 
accustomed  to  housework ;  they  could  use  the 
needle  pretty  well,  but  had  not  been  used  to  hard 
work  of  any  kind,  so  that  I  found  it  difficult  to  get 
situations  for  them.      I  succeeded  finally,  however, 


EMANCIPATING  SLAVES.  48 1 

in  getting  them  placed  in  good  homes,  where  they 
were  looked  after  and  cared  for.  They  are  now  all 
married,  and  are  said  to  be  doing  well.  They  were 
amiable  and  beautiful  young  women,  and  fair 
scholars. 

At  another  time,  three  slave  children,  from  the 
State  of  Kentucky,  were  emancipated  by  their  white 
father  and  placed  under  our  care  while  they  were 
obtaining  an  education.  They  attended  school  for 
several  years,  making  our  house  their  home  during 
the  intervals.  They  were  nearly  white,  and  were 
unusually  bright  and  handsome  children.  They 
obtained  a  good  education,  grew  up,  and  married 
respectably. 

Thus  it  seemed  to  fall  to  our  lot  to  have  such 
cares  upon  us,  the  most  of  the  time,  for  nearly 
twenty  years  after  our  removal  to  Cincinnati.  It 
was  perhaps  attributable,  in  part,  to  the  fact  that 
my  wife  and  I  had  been  favored  to  overcome  preju- 
dice against  color  or  caste. 

THE  CASE  OF  WILLIAM  THOMPSON. 

My  attention  was  often  called  to  other  cases  of 
emancipated  slaves.  Families  of  slaves  were  fre- 
quently brought  to  Cincinnati  by  their  white  fathers 
who  wished  to  emancipate  them  and  locate  them 
somewhere  in  Ohio.  I  was  often  called  upon  for 
advice  in  regard  to  suitable  localities,  where  land 
could  be  obtained  on  reasonable  terms,  etc. 

Among  the  many  cases  to  which  my  attention  was 
called,  was  that  of  William  Thompson,  a  planter 
from  Mississippi,  of  whom  some  account  has  pre- 
41 


482  REMINISCENCES. 

viously  been  given.  He  owned  two  cotton  plan- 
tations in  that  State,  and  about  forty  slaves. 
Wishing  to  emancipate  some  of  his  human  prop- 
erty, he  came  to  Cincinnati,  bringing  with  him 
fourteen  slaves,  whom  he  designed  to  settle  on  a 
farm  in  this  State.  They  traveled  all  the  way 
by  land,  in  a  common  road  wagon,  with  a  team 
of  four  mules,  and  on  their  arrival  in  this  city 
stopped  at  the  Black  Bear  tavern,  on  Ninth  Street, 
where  there  was  a  good  wagon  yard.  Thompson 
had  sold  one  of  his  farms  to  enable  him  to  settle 
this  family  of  fourteen  in  a  free  State,  and  intended 
the  next  year  to  sell  his  other  farm  and  bring  the 
rest  of  his  slaves  to  Ohio.  He  was  a  man  over 
fifty  years  old,  very  ignorant  and  illiterate,  and  an 
entire  stranger  in  this  part  of  the  country.  He  was 
at  the  mercy  of  unscrupulous,  designing  people, 
and  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  such  persons  before 
I  knew  anything  about  him. 

Those  to  whom  he  made  known  his  business  in- 
troduced him  to  J.  F ,  a  well  known  pro-slavery 

lawyer,  who  had  been  Judge  of  the  Criminal  Court, 
and  had  won  an  unenviable  notoriety  by  deciding 
several  fugitive  cases  that  were  brought  before  him 
in  favor  of  slavery — in  direct  violation  of  law  of  the 
State  of  Ohio.  He  lost  his  position  as  judge  when 
the  Criminal  Court  was  abolished  by  an  act  of  the 
legislature.  When  he  learned  that  Thompson  had 
money  with  him  to  the  amount  of  several  thousand 
dollars  and  was  informed  of  his  intentions,  he  began 
to  plan  to  get  the  money  into  his  own  hands.  He 
said  to  Thompson :    ' '  As  you  are  a  stranger  here, 


EMANCIPATING  SLAVES.  483 

and  have  but  little  knowledge  of  the  quality  and 
value  of  land  in  this  State,  I  would  advise  you  to 
rent  a  house  in  the  city  for  your  people  at  present, 
and  employ  an  agent,  some  responsible  person,  to 
purchase  land  for  you,  and  settle  your  people  on  it. 
Then  you  can  return  at  once  to  Mississippi,  and 
attend  to  your  business  there,  and  make  prepara- 
tions for  bringing  the  rest  of  your  people  to  the 
North  next  year.  I  am  well  acquainted  in  the 
country,  and  will  act  as  your  agent  here,  if  you  will 
place  your  money  in  my  hands." 

All  this  looked  plausible,  and  Thompson  seemed 

inclined  to  accept  the  offer.      J.  F returned  to 

his  office  and  drew  up  a  contract  constituting  him- 
self agent  for  Thompson,  with  full  power  to  invest 
Thompson's  money  and  locate  his  people,  at  his 
own  discretion.  Thompson  deferred  signing  the 
article  until  the  next  day,  wishing  a  little  time  to 
consider    the  matter    before    signing    the    contract. 

Somebody  had  whispered   in  his  ear  that  J.  F 

was  not  a  responsible  man,  and  that  he  drank  too 
much  whisky.  This  caused  Thompson  some  un- 
easiness, and  he  went  out  among  the  merchants  to 
make  some  inquiry.  Several  of  them  advised  him 
to  have  nothing  to  do  with  J.  F ,  and  recom- 
mended him  to  come  to  me,  and  to  act  according  to 
my  advice.  Next  morning,  a  respectable  merchant 
came    to    my  store,    and    said:    "I  wish    that   you 

would  get  that  Mississippi  man  out  of  J.    F 's 

hands." 

"What  Mississippi  man?"  I  asked,  for  I  had 
heard  nothing  of  Thompson. 


484 


REMINISCENCES. 


The  merchant  then  told  me  who  he  was,  what 
constituted  his  business  in  Cincinnati,  and  gave  an 

account  of  J.  F-; 's   endeavors  to  get  hold  of  his 

money. 

I  replied:  "I  had  not  heard  of  such  a  man  being 
in  the  city,  but  if  I  were  to  see  him,  I  would  advise 
him  to  attend  to  his  own  business." 

While  we  were  talking,  another  prominent  mer- 
chant entered  my  store  in  company  with  Thompson, 
whom  he  introduced  to  me.  He  said  "that  he  had 
met  with  Thompson  that  morning,  and  advised  him 
to  come  to  me  for  advice  in  regard  to  setling  his 
slaves  in  Ohio.      He  was  about  to  make  an  agent  of 

J.  F ;  he  has  an  article  of  agreement  written  by 

J.    F ,   but  I   advised    him    not   to  sign  it,    and 

assured  him  that  he  could  rely  upon  your  advice. 
I  will  now  leave  him  in  your  hands."  He  then  re- 
turned to  his  place  of  business. 

I  asked  Thompson  some  questions,  in  order  to 
inform  myself  regarding  his  intentions,  and,  after 
answering  them,  he  handed  me  J.  F 's  docu- 
ment to  read. 

I  advised  him  not  to  sign  it,  or  to  make  an  agent 
of  any  person,  but  to  attend  to  the  business  him- 
self; to  go  into  the  country  where  he  could  buy 
land  on  reasonable  terms  and  make  his  own  pur- 
chases. I  mentioned  several  colored  settlements 
that  afforded  the  advantages  of  schools,  and  told 
him  that  I  would  give  him  letters  of  introduction  to 
men  in  those  neighborhoods,  who  would  assist  him 
in  selecting  a  suitable  location  for  his  people,  and 
whose   advice   and  judgment  he  could  rely  upon. 


EMANCIPATING  SLAVES.  485 

Thompson's  only  knowledge  of  business  related  to 
raising  and  selling  cotton,  and  buying  negroes  ;  in 
regard  to  money  matters  he  was  quite  ignorant.  I 
found  that  he  had  several  thousand  dollars  in  South- 
ern paper  with  him,  which  was  at  a  small  discount 
here,  and  advised  him  to  deposit  it  in  bank  at 
what  it  was  worth,  so  that  he  could  draw  it 
out,  as  he  had  need,  in  our  currency.  I  in- 
formed him  that  he  could  not  purchase  land  in 
the  country  with  Southern  money.  He  had, 
besides,  several  hundred  dollars  in  gold,  which  I 
advised  him  to  take  with  him.  He  appeared  to 
have  no  knowledge  of  banking  business,  and  it 
seemed  difficult  for  him  to  understand  anything 
about  it.  I  told  him  that  I  would  go  with  him 
to  the  bank  where  I  kept  my  deposits,  and  assist 
him  in  this  matter,  charging  him  nothing  for  my 
trouble,  but  he  appeared  confused  and  reluctant. 
I  referred  him  to  two  or  three  prominent  business 
men,  telling  him  that  he  could  consult  with  them 
and  return  to  my  store  at  one  o'clock,  when  I 
would  give  him  further  directions  about  locating 
his  people,  and  furnish  him  with  letters  of  intro- 
duction. He  returned  at  that  hour,  seeming 
more  cheerful,  and  settled  in  his  mind.  He  said 
that  he  wanted  me  to  act  as  his  agent,  to  take 
charge  of  his  people  and  locate  them ;  he  would 
place  all  his  money  in  my  hands  except  enough  to 
take  him  home.  I  told  him  that  I  could  not  assume 
the  responsibility — that  he  ought  not  to  put  his 
money  into  another  person's  hands,  but  to  keep  it 
in  his  own  and  attend  to  it  himself.      He  then  ureed 


486  REMINISCENCES. 

me  to  go  with  him  to  the  country  and  assist  him  to 
find  a  suitable  location,  offering  to  pay  me  well  for 
my  time  and  trouble.  I  told  him  that  I  could  not 
leave  my  business,  and  that  it  was  unnecessary  for 
him  to  incur  additional  expense.  I  advised  him  to 
settle  his  people  in  Darke  County,  Ohio,  near  the 
Union  Literary  Institute,  which  was  situated  near 
the  State  line,  dividing  Ohio  and  Indiana.  This 
institution,  as  I  have  mentioned  before,  was  estab- 
lished for  the  benefit  of  colored  children ;  it  had  a 
charter  granted  by  the  Indiana  Legislature.  I  told 
Thompson  that  there  were  large  settlements  of  col- 
ored people  on  both  sides  of  the  State  line,  land 
could  be  purchased  on  reasonable  terms,  and  I 
considered  the  locality  in  every  way  a  suitable  one. 
I  said  that  I  would  give  him  a  letter  to  a  friend  of 
mine  living  near  there,  who  was  an  abolitionist  ana 
a  good  man  in  every  sense  of  the  word,  and  who 
would  take  an  interest  in  his  people,  and  assist  him 
in  finding  a  good  location.  I  examined  his  paper 
money,  and  again  advised  him  to  deposit  it  in  bank 
at  its  worth,  as  it  was  not  current  in  the  country, 
and  would  not  be  taken  at  par  value  for  land.  By 
his  request  I  went  with  him  to  the  bank  to  deposit 
his  money,  but  I  could  not  prevail  on  him  to  get  a 
bank  book  and  deposit  the  money  in  his  own  name ; 
he  insisted  on  having  it  deposited  in  my  name.  I 
finally  consented  to  this  arrangement  and  gave  him 
my  check  for  the  amount.  I  gave  him  a  letter  to 
Nathan  Thomas,  made  out  a  map  of  the  road  he  was 
to  travel,  and  gave  him  all  necessary  directious.  I 
went  with  him  that  afternoon  to  the  wagon-yard, 


EMANCIPATING  SLAVES.  487 

where  his  slaves  were  staying,  and  to  my  surprise  I 
found  that,  with  the  exception  of  one  old  woman, 
all  had  complexions  that  showed  they  were  related 
to  the  white  race.  Thompson  informed  me  that  the 
whole  family  were  children  or  grandchildren  of  the 
old  negro  woman,  with  the  exception  of  one  young 
woman,  who  was  the  wife  of  her  oldest  son. 

This  daughter-in-law,  who  had  several  small  chil- 
dren, Thompson  had  bought,  that  she  might  accom- 
pany her  husband.  I  next  inquired  about  the  father 
of  the  family,  and  Thompson  confessed  that  he  was 
their  father.  Two  or  three  of  his  sons  were  grown 
to  manhood. 

J F ,   the   lawyer,    came   while   we   were 

talking,  and  appeared  much  disappointed  when 
Thompson  stated  his  conclusions,  and  refused  to 
sign  the  document  which  the  lawyer  had  drawn 
up,  constituting  himself  Thompson's  agent.  He 
said  that  his  charge  for  writing  the  document  was 
five  dollars ;  Thompson  paid  it  and  appeared  glad  to 
get  rid  of  him  so  easily. 

The  next  morning  the  party  started  on  their 
way  to  Darke  County,  according  to  my  directions. 
Thompson  delivered  my  letter  to  Nathan  Thomas, 
who  went  with  him  to  look  for  a  farm,  as  I 
requested.  They  soon  found  a  suitable  farm  on 
the  Ohio  side  of  the  State  line,  near  Union  Literary 
Institute.  Thompson  purchased  it  and  settled  his 
family  on  it.  In  a  few  weeks  he  returned  to  Cin- 
cinnati, bringing  one  of  his  yellow  sons  with  him. 
He  purchased  a  carriage  here  and  harnessing  to  it 


488  REMINISCENCES. 

two  good  mules,  which  he  had  brought  with  him,  he 
started  back  to  Mississippi. 

In  the  autumn  of  the  next  year,  nfter  selling  his 
remaining  farm  and  his  crop  of  cotton,  he  fitted  out 
another  team  and  brought  to  Ohio  all  the  rest  of 
his  slaves,  with  the  exception  of  one  man,  whose 
wife  and  children  belonged  to  another  master,  and 
who  preferred  to  remain  with  them  in  slavery. 
Thompson  sold  this  man  to  his  wife's  owner. 

This  latter  company  of  slaves  numbered  twenty- 
six,  including  women  and  children.  Among  them 
was  a  woman  of  between  twenty-five  and  thirty 
years  of  age,  who  had  several  mulatto  children. 
Thompson  confessed  that  these  were  his  own  chil- 
dren. Their  mother  had  lived  on  the  farm  which 
he  had  just  sold ;  so  it  appeared  that  he  kept  a 
slave  wife  on  each  of  his  plantations.  Yet  Thomp- 
son was  a  professor  of  religion,  according  to  his 
own  representations,  and  a  member  of  the  Baptist 
Church. 

Such  personal  histories  as  this  show  the  demoral- 
izing and  corrupting  influences  of  slavery. 

Thompson  wished  to  buy  land  for  each  family  and 
for  his  sons.  I  advised  him  to  deposit  his  money — 
most  of  which  was  in  Southern  paper — in  the  bank, 
and  to  draw  it  out  whenever  he  found  a  tract  of 
land  that  he  could  purchase  at  low  rates  for  cash. 
This  plan  suited  him  in  regard  to  buying  land,  but 
he  wished  to  leave  his  money  with  me,  and  draw  on 
me  instead  of  on  the  bank.  He  said  he  desired  to 
deposit  ten  thousand  dollars  with  me,  and  have  me 
to  loan  it  out  for  him.      I  said  that  I  did  not  wish  to 


EMANCIPATING  SLAVES.  489 

take  the  responsibility,  and  advised  him  not  to  loan 
the  money  just  then ;  opportunities  might  soon 
offer  for  purchasing  land  on  good  terms  for  cash, 
and  he  had  better  deposit  his  money  so  that  he 
could  draw  it  at  any  time.  He  seemed  to  place 
much  confidence  in  me,  and  still  insisted  that  I 
should  take  charge,  of  his  money.  Knowing  that 
he  was  ignorant  of  business  matters  in  this  part  of 
the  country,  and  might  easily  be  defrauded  by  such 

men  as  J.  F ,  I  at  last  consented  to  assume  the 

responsibility  and  receive  his  money.  He  placed 
ten  thousand  dollars  in  my  hands,  which  I  deposited 
in  bank,  subject  to  his  order  at  any  time,  and  for 
which  I  gave  him  my  individual  obligation. 

Thompson  went  to  the  locality  where  he  had  set- 
tled his  first  company  of  slaves,  and  soon  found 
opportunities  to  purchase  several  tracts  of  land.  He 
drew  his  money,  bought  the  land,  and  located  his 
people  on  it.  He  remained  in  that  settlement, 
making  his  home  with  his  first  family. 


49© 


REMINISCENCES. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

MAJOR  PHILLIPS — A  SLAVEHOLDER'S  COLORED  FAMILY 

MY    TRIP    WITH    THE    MAJOR     DOWN     THE    RIVER 

INCIDENTS    OF    THE    JOURNEY — DISCUSSIONS    WITH 

SLAVEHOLDERS INSIGHTS    INTO  SOUTHERN  SOCIAL 

LIFE A  WHIPPING  ON  BOARD  A  BOAT. 

A  FEW  years  after  my  experience  with  Thomp- 
son, I  was  called  to  assume  another  trouble- 
some and  responsible  charge.  As  it  involved 
experiences  of  varied  characters,  and  gave  an 
insight  into  some  of  the  internal  workings  of 
slavery,  I  will  give  it  at  some  length.  The  prin- 
cipal personage  in  the  case  was  Major  Phillips,  an 
old  gentleman  nearly  eighty  years  of  age,  who, 
when  I  first  knew  him,  lived  on  Broadway,  in  this 
city,  in  a  fine  residence  nearly  opposite  the  Presby- 
terian church.  He  had  moved  to  this  city  from  a 
large  cotton  plantation  in  Mississippi,  near  Yazoo 
City.  Having  engaged  extensively  in  cotton  plant- 
ing, there  he  had  accumulated  a  large  fortune,  part 
of  which  was  invested  in  slaves  ;  he  owned  a  hun- 
dred and  forty  at  one  time.  Before  coming  to  Cin- 
cinnati he  sold  the  greater  part  of  his  real  estate 
and  most    of  his  slaves,   bringing  to  this  city  sev- 


EMANCIPATING  SLAVES, 


49I 


eral  of  his  favorite  servants,  whom  he  emancipated. 
Among  these  was  a  mulatto  woman,  with  four  or 
five  small  children,  nearly  white,  whom  he  claimed 
as  his  own.  He  also  brought  with  him  one  of  his 
grandsons,  a  boy  about  fifteen  years  old,  the  son 
of  his  daughter,  who  was  dead.  He  had  two  or 
three  white  sons  whom  he  had  settled  in  business 
in  New  Orleans,  some  years  before  he  moved  to 
Ohio,  giving  them  a  large  estate. 

They  had  every  advantage,  but  proved  to  be 
reckless  and  dissipated  ;  they  soon  squandered  their 
property,  and  caused  their  father  much  trouble  and 
anxiety.  Major  Phillips  lost  his  wife  several  years 
before  he  left  the  South.  She  was  said  to  have 
been  a  woman  of  much  natural  ability  and  culture ; 
was  an  excellent  wife,  and  a  kind  and  indulgent 
mistress.  The  major  was  a  man  of  more  than 
ordinary  talent.  He  had  once  been  president  of  a 
bank  in  New  Orleans,  and  was  several  times  elected 
to  the  State  Legislature.  In  the  war  of  18 12  he 
was  a  major  under  General  Jackson.  He  possessed 
a  high  reputation  and  much  influence  in  that  part 
of  the  South  where  he  was  known,  and  was 
regarded  as  a  man  of  honor  and  respectability. 
There  were  many  excellent  qualities  in  his  char- 
acter. He  was  a  kind  master,  and  would  not  allow 
his  overseers  to  whip  his  slaves  cruelly,  or  other- 
wise abuse  them.  He  and  his  first  wife — a  short 
time  before  her  death — came  to  the  conclusion  to 
liberate  all  their  slaves,  and  made  out  deeds  of 
emancipation  for  them.      The  Legislature  of  Miss- 


492  REMINISCENCES. 

issippi  was  then  in  session,  and  passed  a  law  pro- 
hibiting the  liberation  of  slaves  in  that  State. 

Major  Phillips  and  his  wife  went  to  the  county 
seat  to  acknowledge  the  deeds  and  have  them 
recorded,  but  when  they  arrived  in  town  they  heard 
of  the  law  that  had  just  been  passed,  and  were 
obliged  to  abandon  their  good  intentions.  Phillips 
had  the  reputation  of  being  kind  to  the  poor,  and 
in  several  instances  instituted  lawsuits  to  secure 
the  rights  of  orphan  children,  who  were  being 
defrauded  of  them,  and  succeeded  in  his  benevo- 
lent efforts,  at  a  heavy  expense  to  himself. 

This  information  was  given  me  by  one  of  his 
neighbors,  who  added  that  he  thought  no  other 
man  could  have  succeeded  in  such  cases,  but  the 
major  had  great  influence  and  was  very  benevolent. 
After  his  first  wife  died,  the  major  remained  a  wid- 
ower for  several  years,  then  contracted  a  second 
marriage,  which,  unfortunately,  did  not  prove  to 
be  a  happy  one.  His  wife  was  unfaithful  to  her 
marriage  vows,  and  he  put  her  away,  treating  her, 
however,  with  kindness  and  consideration. 

The  two  entered  into  a  legal  contract  of  separa- 
tion, in  which  they  bound  themselves  to  live  unmar- 
ried the  rest  of  their  lives.  The  major  gave  her 
one  of  his  cotton  farms,  besides  other  property, 
and  allowed  her  to  retain  her  own  servants.  To 
aid  her  in  cultivating  the  plantation,  he  left  thirteen 
of  his  own  slaves  on  it.  He  gave  her  no  title  to 
these  slaves,  and  it  was  understood  that  they  should 
only  remain  there  until  he  called  for  them. 

Soon  after  this  separation,  the  major  bought  from 


EMANCIPATING  SLAVES. 


493 


a  drove  of  slaves  offered  for  sale  in  Yazoo  City,  a 
young  mulatto  girl,  who  was  recommended  to  be  a 
good  house  servant,  and  who  proved  to  be  a  most 
excellent  one.  A  short  time  afterward  the  major 
had  a  stroke  of  paralysis,  and  was  rendered  almost 
entirely  helpless  for  several  months.  He  lost  the 
use  of  his  right  arm,  and  his  power  of  speech  was 
for  a  time  impaired.  He  never  recovered  the  use 
of  his  right  arm,  and  ever  afterward  signed  his 
name  with  his  left  hand.  During  his  illness,  the 
new  house  servant  was  very  kind  to  him,  and 
nursed  him  tenderly  through  all  his  suffering.  He 
became  much  attached  to  her,  and  afterward  kept 
her  as  his  wife.  She  became  the  mother  of  several 
children.  After  his  stroke  of  paralysis,  Major 
Phillips  was  not  able  to  carry  on  the  business  of  his 
plantation,  and  he  resolved  to  sell  out  and  come 
to  the  North,  in  order  to  educate  his  little  yellow 
children,  to  whom  he  was  much  attached,  and  have 
them  brought  up  in  a  free  State.  He  had  given 
his  profligate  sons  about  seventy-five  thousand  dol- 
lars and  they  had  squandered  most  of  it ;  he  now 
wished  to  secure  the  rest  of  his  estate  to  his  young 
children. 

He  sold  his  plantation,  with  more  than  one  hun- 
dred slaves  on  it,  to  a  wealthy  planter,  binding  the 
purchaser  not  to  separate  families,  and  then  moved 
to  Cincinnati,  bringing  with  him  his  yellow  chil- 
dren, their  mother,  and  a  few  favorite  servants,  as  I 
have  before  mentioned.  The  mulatto  woman  he 
now  professed  to  keep  as  a  hired  servant — but  she 


494 


REMINISCENCES. 


dressed  richly,  and  her  extravagant  expenditures 
showed  that  she  was  not  a  mere  servant. 

The  major's  house  was  large  and  well  furnished. 
He  kept  a  span  of  horses  and  a  fine  carriage,  and 
he  and  his  grandson  often  rode  out  to  take  the  fresh 
air.  He  employed  an  intelligent  colored  woman, 
nearly  white,  to  act  as  matron  in  his  establishment, 
and  her  daughter,  who  was  a  fine  scholar,  a  gradu- 
ate of  Oberlin  College,  to  teach  his  yellow  children. 
This  young  woman  was  a  good  pianist,  and  the 
major  bought  a  fine  piano  for  her  use  in  teaching 
his  grandson  and  elder  children  music. 

On  his  arrival  in  Cincinnati,  Major  Phillips  depos- 
ited in  the  Trust  Company  Bank  ten  thousand  dol- 
lars, a  similar  amount  in  Ellis  and  Company's  bank, 
and  a  third  ten  thousand  in  Smead's  bank,  besides 
paying  eleven  thousand  dollars  for  his  house.  He 
also  loaned  several  thousand  dollars  to  a  merchant 
who  had  managed  to  gain  his  confidence.  This  man 
appeared  to  be  a  person  of  wealth  ;  he  lived  in  a 
good  house,  on  which  he  gave  Phillips  a  mortgage, 
and  sold  Phillips  other  property  which  he  professed 
to  own — receiving  cash  for  it,  and  making  the  deeds 
in  the  name  of  Phillips'  children,  as  he  requested. 
The  major  was  old,  and  not  being  able  on  account 
of  his  failing  strength  to  attend  to  his  business,  he 
intrusted  the  care  of  it  largely  to  his  friend,  the 
merchant,  whom  he  supposed  to  be  perfectly  hon- 
est. Among  other  things,  the  major  intrusted 
Wilcox,  the  merchant,  with  making  deposits  for 
him  in  bank,  collecting  checks,  and  drawing  the 
interest  for  him  on  his  deposits  in  bank.      At  one 


EMANCIPATING  SLAVES.  495 

time,  when  Phillips  was  ill,  he  sent  for  Wilcox,  and 
told  him  that  he  wished  his  illegitimate  children 
and  their  mother  to  have  the  benefit  of  his  money 
in  bank;  he  wished  real  estate  to  be  purchased  for 
them,  and  gave  other  directions  for  the  disposition 
of  his  money,  in  case  he  should  not  live. 

Wilcox  agreed  to  attend  to  the  business  and 
carry  out  his  wishes,  but  told  him  that  he  must 
sign  some  blank  checks  in  order  that  he — Wilcox — 
could  draw  the  money.  He  said  to  the  major:  "If 
you  should  not  live  I  will  fill  them  out,  draw  the 
money  and  carry  out  your  wishes,  but  if  you  re- 
cover, I  will  return  the  checks  to  you,  blank." 

The  old  man  was  very  feeble,  and  evidently  not 
in  his  right  mind,  and  after  signing  one  blank  check 
on  the  Trust  Company  Bank  with  much  difficulty, 
he  seemed  to  lose  his  consciousness,  and  signed  no 
other — very  fortunately  for  him,  as  it  afterward 
proved.  After  a  tedious  spell  of  sickness  he  recov- 
ered his  usual  health,  but  had  no  recollection  of 
signing  the  blank  check.  When  informed  of  it  by 
his  matron,  or  housekeeper,  he  sent  immediately 
for  Wilcox,  to  inquire  about  the  check  and  have  it 
returned. 

Wilcox  said:  "  I  destroyed  it,  when  I  found  that 
you  were  getting  well." 

Phillips  now  began  to  lose  confidence  in  Wilcox, 
and  in  another  shrewd  man  who  had  managed  to 
gain  his  confidence  so  far  as  to  be  appointed  his 
agent  to  go  to  New  Orleans  and  Yazoo  City,  and 
other  places  in  the  South,  to  collect  money  for  him. 
This  man  had  also  transacted  some  business  for  him 


496 


REMINISCENCES. 


here.  Phillips  believed  that  both  of  these  men 
were  dishonest,  and  that  they  had  deceived  him. 

One  morning  a  messenger  from  the  major  came 
to  my  store,  and  said  that  he  requested  that  I 
should  come  to  see  him,  as  he  had  some  special 
business  about  which  he  wished  to  talk  with  me 
that  morning. 

He  had  lived  in  Cincinnati  several  years,  but  I 
had  had  no  acquaintance  with  him.  I  had  fre- 
quently seen  him  passing  along  the  street  in  his  car- 
riage, but  had  never  spoken  to  him.  My  knowledge 
of  him  had  been  confined  to  what  I  heard  from 
others  concerning  him — that  he  had  brought  some 
slaves  to  Ohio  and  had  liberated  them,  and  that  he 
had  some  colored  children — which  was  not  very 
reputable  in  this  State,  but  I  concluded  to  go  and 
see  what  special  business  he  had  with  me — an  entire 
stranger.  When  I  arrived  at  his  house,  I  found  the 
old  man  quite  feeble;  he  was  just  recovering  from  a 
spell  of  sickness.  He  appeared  to  be  very  much 
of  a  gentleman  in  his  manners,  and  impressed  me 
favorably.  He  told  me  of  his  troubles — how  he 
had  been  deceived  by  dishonest  men  since  he  had 
been  paralyzed  and  not  able  to  attend  to  his  own 
business.  He  said:  "I  know  you  by  reputation, 
Mr.  Coffin,  but  have  never  had  the  pleasure  of  a 
personal  acquaintance.  I  have  several  times  been 
advised  to  call  on  you  and  consult  with  you  about 
my  business."  He  then  went  on  to  mention  his 
deposits  in  different  banks,  and  said  that  he  wished 
me  to  draw  the  interest  for  him  at  the  Trust  Com- 
pany   Bank,    where    he    had    ten    thousand    dollars 


EMANCIPATING  SLAVES.  ^gj 

deposited.  I  agreed  to  do  this,  and  taking  his 
bank-book  and  check,  went  to  the  bank  and  told 
the  cashier  that  I  wished  to  draw  the  interest  due 
on  Major  Phillips'  deposit. 

He  said:    "Major  Phillips  has  no  funds  here." 

I  spoke  with  surprise,  and  said:  "Pie  told  me 
that  he  had  ten  thousand  dollars  here." 

"He  did  have,"  replied  the  cashier,  "but  Wilcox 
drew  it  all  out,  both  principal  and  interest." 

"When?"  I  asked. 

He  turned  to  his  books,  and  said:  "Last  Au- 
gust."     It  was  now  December. 

When  I  returned  and  informed  Major  Phillips  that 
he  had  no  money  in  the  bank,  that  Wilcox  had 
taken  it  all  out  on  his  check,  he  seemed  astounded, 
and  was  very  angry.  He  sent  for  Wilcox  immedi- 
ately, and  begged  me  to  remain  until  he  came, 
which  I  did.  Wilcox  stepped  in,  but  seemed  to  be 
in  great  haste  and  would  not  be  seated.  He  said 
he  had  but  a  moment  to  spare,  that  he  had  left 
some  men  at  his  store  who  had  special  business  with 
him,  and  he  must  return  immediately.  Phillips 
inquired  about  the  money. 

Wilcox  acknowledged  that  he  had  drawn  it,  and 
said,  hurriedly,  "I  will  make  it  all  right,  but  can't 
stop  to  talk  now." 

Then  without  giving  any  satisfaction,  but  promis- 
ing to  call  again  soon,  he  stepped  out.  I  was  sent 
for  again  to  meet  Wilcox  at  Major  Phillips'  house, 
but  he  failed  to  make  his  appearance,  and  failed  in 
all  his  promises  to  secure  Phillips  from  loss. 

Suit  was  entered  against  him,  but  his  property 
42 


498 


REMINISCENCES. 


proved  to  be  covered  with  mortgages  and  nothing 
could  be  realized  from  it,  to  reimburse  the  major. 
There  were  judgments  of  older  date  against  the 
property  on  which  the  major  held  a  mortgage,  and 
the  property  which  Wilcox  had  sold  to  the  major 
for  his  children  was  covered  with  mortgages. 

Altogether,  Major  Phillips  lost  by  him  \?ver 
eighteen  thousand  dollars.  After  this  the  injor 
seldom  transacted  any  business  without  consulting 
me.  He  seemed  destined  to  sustain  heavy  lo^es. 
A  money  panic  came ;  several  banks  failed,  and 
stopped  payment,  among  them  Goodman  and  Com- 
pany's and  Smead  and  Company's  bauks,  where 
his  money  was  deposited.  He  made  a  compromise 
with  Goodman  and  Company,  agreeing  to  take  half 
of  the  amount  of  his  deposit,  which  they  paid  him. 
Smead  and  Company  secured  him  in  lull,  by  giving 
him  good  notes  for  the  principal,  ard  paying  the 
interest  in  gold. 

By  failures  in  New  Orleans  Phillips  lost  about 
forty  thousand  dollars.  Thus  his  means  seemed  to 
be  fast  diminishing,  and  no  property  was  secured  to 
his  yellow  children  and  their  mother.  Knowing 
that  they  were  illegal  heirs  and  could  not  inherit 
their  portion  of  his  estate  when  he  was  gone,  I 
advised  Phillips  to  buy  real  estate  and  have  the  title 
made  in  their  names.  He  agreed  to  do  this,  and 
hearing  of  a  valuable  farm  for  sale  in  Shelby 
County,  Ohio — near  Sidney,  the  county  seat — he 
visited  that  place  and  bought  the  farm,  having  the 
title  made  to  his  children.  He  then  sold  his  prop- 
erty in  Cincinnati  and  purchased  a  valuable  house 


EMANCIPATING  SLAVES.  ^gg 

and  lot  in  Sidney  for  his  own  residence,  the  title 
of  which  he  also  secured  to  his  colored  children, 
and  another  house  and  lot  for  their  mother,  the 
mulatto  woman,  making  the  title  to  her.  He  then 
removed  to  Sidney,  and  there  spent  the  remainder 
of  his  days.  I  had  much  to  do  in  these  transac- 
tions, feeling  an  interest  in  these  helpless  children, 
and  being  anxious  that  they  should  be  provided  for 
and  their  rights  secured  while  the  old  man  lived. 

Before  Major  Phillips  moved  to  Sidney,  he  ex- 
pressed a  wish  to  get  from  Mississippi  the  thirteen 
slaves  whom  he  had  left  there  with  his  wife,  from 
whom  he  had  separated,  and  bring  them  to  Ohio 
and  emancipate  them.  I  encouraged  him  to  act  in 
this  matter  at  once,  and  to  secure  their  liberty  with- 
out delay.  I  wrote  letters  from  him  to  his  attorney 
at  Yazoo  City,  who  had  charge  of  his  business  in 
Mississippi,  and  whom  Phillips  represented  to  be  a 
worthy  man  and  his  particular  friend.  This  attor- 
ney had  previously  informed  him  that  his  former 
wife  had  married  a  reckless  young  man,  contrary 
to  law  and  to  their  contract,  and  that  he  could 
legally  take  possession  of  the  slaves. 

It  was  advisable  that  the  major  should  be  there 
in  person  to  take  possession  of  thern.  and  he  asked 
me  to  go  with  him  and  assist  him  in  bringing  the 
company  to  Ohio.  He  said  he  had  many  warm 
friends  at  Yazoo  and  in  the  neighborhood  of  his 
former  home,  but  they  were  slaveholders,  and 
might  oppose  his  bringing  the  slaves  to  a  free  State. 

The  major  was  quite  feeble,  and  having  lost  the 
use  of  his  right  arm  from  the  effects  of  paralysis  in 


c;00  REMINISCENCES. 

that  side,  he  had  to  have  a  servant  to  wait  on  him 
and  to  dress  and  undress  him,  consequently  he 
could  not  have  the  oversight  of  the  thirteen 
slaves  on  their  journey  up  the  river,  and  he 
wished  me  to  see  that  they  were  properly  cared 
for  on  their  way  to  Cincinnati.  I  agreed  to  accom- 
pany him,  and  we  made  the  journey  down  the  river 
together.  I  had  some  business  in  New  Orleans 
which  I  wished  to  attend  to,  and  the  major  also 
had  some  business  matters  there,  which  he  wished 
me  to  look  after  for  him,  as  he  expected  to  be 
detained  at  Yazoo  City  a  week  or  two,  having  other 
business  to  engage  his  attention,  besides  getting 
possession  of  his  slaves.  So  we  parted  at  Vicks- 
burg ;  I  went  on  to  New  Orleans  and  Phillips  to 
Yazoo  City,  where  he  was  to  await  my  return. 

I  had  a  power  of  attorney  to  enable  me  to  transact 
the  major's  business  in  New  Orleans,  and  at  other 
points  on  the  river.  I  expected  to  be  detained  two 
or  three  weeks,  and  the  major  thought  that  he 
could  have  his  business  transacted  at  Yazoo  City 
and  his  negroes  in  readiness  by  the  time  J  returned. 

At  Vicksburg,  several  passengers  were  added 
to  our  company,  among  whom  was  a  gentleman 
who  lived  on  a  cotton  plantation  near  that  place, 
and  had  another  plantation  in  Louisiana.  He 
owned  a  large  number  of  slaves.  Our  list  of  pas- 
sengers represented  almost  every  class  of  society. 
The  boat  was  a  large  and  popular  steamer,  and 
passengers  had  come  aboard  at  nearly  all  the  prin- 
cipal towns  on  the  Mississippi  River.  They  were 
all  strangers  to  me,  and  being  nearly  all  Southern 


EMANCIPATING  SLAVES. 


501 


slaveholders  were  not  congenial  companions  for  me. 
There  was  much  drinking,  card-playing  and  loud, 
profane  talking  in  the  cabin,  and  I  frequently  seated 
myself  out  on  the  guard-deck  where  it  was  more 
pleasant,  and  took  out  my  pocket  Bible,  my  daily 
companion.  Here  I  could  read,  undisturbed,  and 
be  away  from  the  smell  of  whisky,  and  the  sound 
of  the  card-players'  profane  language. 

Several  passengers  having  often  noticed  me  sit- 
ting alone,  reading  my  Bible,  introduced  themselves 
to  me,  professing  to  be  religionists.  They  said 
they  inferred  from  my  dress  and  address,  that  I  was 
a  Quaker,  and  they  wished  to  make  my  acquaint- 
ance. I  told  them  that  I  was  a  member  of  the 
religious  Society  of  Friends,  called  Quakers — a 
name  given  in  derision  by  our  persecutors  in  the 
early  rise  of  the  society.  The  name  Quaker  did  not 
appear  on  our  records.  They  asked  many  ques- 
tions in  regard  to  Friends.  I  endeavored  to  explain 
our  principles  and  testimonies,  dwelling  most  on 
our  testimony  against  slavery.  I  told  them  that 
a  Friend  could  not  own  a  slave  anywhere,  and 
retain  his  right  of  membership  in  our  society. 
This  generally  brought  on  a  discussion  about 
slavery.  I  discussed  the  subject  mildly  but  can- 
didly, and  they  treated  me  with  much  kindness  and 
respect ;  often  telling  me,  however,  that  if  I  lived 
in  the  South,  I  would  change  my  notions  about 
slavery. 

I  informed  them  that  I  had  been  brought  up  in 
the  South,  in  the  midst  of  slavery;  that  I  was  well 
acquainted    with    the    system,    and    its    deleterious 


502 


REMINISCENCES. 


effects  and  influences.  Quite  a  company  had  gath- 
ered around  to  listen  to  the  conversation,  and 
though  I  spoke  freely  of  my  abhorrence  of  slavery, 
I  u?ed  mild  and  respectful  language,  and  no  one 
appeared  to  be  offended. 

After  this  interview  I  was  treated  with  marked 
respect  by  several  of  the  professors  of  religion  who 
had  taken  part  in  the  conversation.  They  seemed 
to  want  to  know  more  about  the  Quakers,  and  made 
many  inquiries  concerning  them.  I  answered  their 
questions  to  the  best  of  my  ability,  and  endeavored 
to  explain  Friends'  testimonies  on  the  subject  of 
war  and  spirituous  liquors,  our  manner  of  worship, 
our  views  in  regard  to  outward  forms  and  ceremo- 
nies, types  and  shadows  of  Christ,  the  substance, 
etc.,  and  generally  ended  by  referring  to  slavery  as 
contrary  to  the  teachings  of  the  gospel  which  they 
professed  to  believe. 

One  day  the  cotton  planter,  who  lived  near 
Vicksburg,  came  and  took  a  seat  by  me,  and  com- 
menced talking  on  the  subject  of  slavery.  He  said 
he  was  a  member  of  the  Methodist  Church,  and  he 
believed  there  was  not  much  difference  between  the 
Methodists  and  Quakers  on  doctrinal  matters,  ex- 
cept on  the  subject  of  slavery;  then  he  undeitook 
to  justify  slavery  by  the  Bible,  referring  to  the  Jew- 
ish servitude,  and  quoting  many  passages  from  the 
Old  Testament  in  support  of  his  views. 

I  heard  him  through  patiently,  and  then  replied 
that  Methodists  differed  on  that  subject.  John 
Wesley  was  an  anti-slavery  man,  and  some  of  the 
Methodists  in    the    North    had    strong    anti- slavery 


EMANCIPATING  SLAVES.  503 

sentiments.  I  told  him  that  the  Bible  was  the  best 
anti-slavery  book  we  had,  and  turning  to  it,  I  read 
several  passages  to  him,  and  asked  him  how  he 
could  reconcile  slavery  with  them. 

He  seemed  confused  and  evaded  direct  answers 
to  my  questions,  saying  "Ah,  Brother  Coffin,  if 
you  lived  in  the  South  you  would  soon  change  your 
opinions  about  slavery." 

I  told  him  that  the  longer  I  lived  in  the  South 
the  stronger  were  my  convictions  of  the  sin  of 
slavery,  and  then  referred  to  the  separation  of  hus- 
bands and  wives,  parents  and  children,  and  other 
evils  contrary  to  the  teachings  of  the  gospel. 

The  planter  replied  that  he  thought  it  was  wrong 
to  separate  husbands  and  wives.  He  owned  a  good 
many  slaves,  but  had  tried  to  keep  husband  and 
wife  together.  "But  sometimes,"  said  he,  "they 
separate  of  their  own  accord.  I  have  a  man  and 
his  wife  who  had  lived  together  many  years,  but 
some  time  ago  they  quarreled ;  the  man  became 
jealous  of  his  wife  and  refused  to  live  with  her.  I 
took  them  out  into  my  orchard,  and  cut  two  bun- 
dles of  peach-tree  sprouts,  and  made  them  wear 
them  out  on  each  other.  They  both  got  severely 
whipped,  and  it  cured  them ;  they  lived  together 
very  peaceably  after  that."  He  laughed  heartily  at 
the  recollection. 

I  said:  "Perhaps  the  woman  was  innocent.  I 
have  known  instances  where  the  master  or  the 
overseer  was  the  guilty  one.  A  slave  woman  has 
no  power  to  protect  herself;  according  to  your 
law,  her  body  belongs,  not  to  herself,  but  to  some 


504 


REMINISCENCES. 


one  else,  and  is  subject  to  the  will  of  the  master  or 
overseer.  It  may  be  that  thou  hast  punished  the 
innocent.  This  good  book  which  I  hold  in  my 
hand  says  that  we  should  do  to  others  as  we  would 
have  others  do  to  us.  Now,  suppose  that  thou  and 
thy  wife  should  have  some  difficulty  of  the  kind, 
and  I  had  it  in  my  power  to  compel  you  to  whip 
each  other  in  the  same  way — wouldst  thou  not 
think  that  I  was  a  cruel  tyrant?  " 

He  said  again:  "Ah,  Brother  Coffin,  if  you  were 
to  come  down  South  and  live  there  a  few  years,  you 
would  soon  get  over  these  tender  notions." 

"Yes,"  I  replied,  "and  deny  the  teachings  of 
this  precious  book — a  result  to  which  slavery  leads." 

He  replied:  "I  see  that  we  do  not  agree  on  the 
subject  of  slavery,"  and  left  me,  but  continued  to 
be  friendly  as  long  as  we  traveled  together.  He  left 
the  boat,  some  distance  above  New  Orleans,  oppo- 
site his  plantation. 

Before  reaching  New  Orleans,  I  inquired  of  some 
of  the  passengers  with  whom  I  had  become  ac- 
quainted, whether  there  was  a  temperance  house 
of  entertainment  in  the  city,  saying  that  if  there 
was,  I  wished  to  patronize  it,  as  I  intended  to  stay 
a  week  or  two.  One  gentleman  said  that  there 
was  a  respectable  boarding-house,  called  the  Farm- 
er's Hotel,  where  there  was  no  bar,  a  place  where 
country  merchants  often  stopped,  and  which  was 
kept  by  a  worthy  man.  He  gave  me  the  num- 
ber and  street,  and  on  my  arrival  in  the  city  I  went 
directly  to  that  house.      Finding  it  to  be  a  comfort- 


TRIP  TO  NEW  ORLEANS. 


505 


able   house,    I  took   my  quarters   there  during  my 
stay  in  New  Orleans. 

I  had  corresponded  with  Judge  Cage,  the  gentle- 
man previously  mentioned,  who  had  sent  a  colored 
boy  to  my  care,  some  years  before,  and  had  in- 
formed him  of  my  prospect  of  being  in  New  Orleans 
some  time  that  spring.  He  lived  some  distance  from 
the  city,  but  desiring  to  see  me  in  regard  to  the 
boy,  and  other  matters  concerning  the  rest  of  his 
brother's  children,  he  requested  me,  as  soon  as  I 
arrived  in  the  city,  to  call  on  his  nephew,  a  lawyer, 
whose  address  he  gave  me.  This  nephew,  he  said, 
would  inform  him  at  once,  and  he  would  come  to 
the  city  to  see  me. 

Accordingly,  I  called  at  the  lawyer's  office,  and 
gave  him  his  uncle's — the  judge's — letter  to  read. 
He  appeared  pleased  to  see  me,  and  treated  'me 
with  much  cordiality  and  kindness.  He  said  that 
he  had  often  heard  me  spoken  of,  and  knew  that  his 
uncle  was  very  anxious  to  see  me,  and  would  come 
to  the  city  as  soon  as  he  learned  of  my  arrival.  He 
then  introduced  me  to  several  gentlemen,  prominent 
citizens  of  New  Orleans,  and  kindly  tendered  his 
services  in  looking  after  Major  Phillips'  business.  I 
availed  myself  of  this  offer,  and  received  much  aid 
from  him.  Having  to  examine  the  records  of  the 
court,  in  regard  to  some  of  Major  Phillips'  business, 
he  accompanied  me  to  the  Court-House,  introduced 
me  to  the  clerk  and  other  officers  of  the  court.  All 
of  these  gentlemen  treated  me  with  kindness  and 
respect,  so  that  I  felt  at  home  among  them.  This 
state  of  things  was  quite  different  from  that  which 
43 


i;o6  REMINISCENCES. 

my  friends  in  Cincinnati  had  pictured  for  me,  when 
they  heard  of  my  intended  trip  to  New  Orleans. 
They  had  tried  to  discourage  me  from  going  down 
the  river  with  Major  Phillips,  saying  that  it  would 
be  at  the  risk  of  my  life.  I  was  extensively  known 
in  the  South  as  a  notorious  abolitionist,  and  I  might 
be  taken  by  a  mob  and  shot  or  hanged  to'  a  tree — 
as  the  slaveholders  had  often  threatened  to  hang 
abolitionists.  I  told  these  foreboders  of  danger 
that  I  was  not  troubled  with  fears  on  that  score — I 
was  a  Southern  man  and  understood  Southern  char- 
acter. I  had  always  traveled  in  the  South,  or  in 
any  other  section  of  the  country  where  I  had  tangi- 
ble business,  without  fear,  and  had  always  been 
kindly  treated.  I  never  carried  weapons,  and  never 
visited  saloons  or  theaters,  but  associated  with  the 
better  class  of  people,  who  would  not  allow  a  man 
of  peace  to  be  maltreated.  I  told  them  that  my 
wife  had  not  tried  to  discourage  me  from  going  to 
New  Orleans.  This  was  no  new  advice  ;  I  had  often 
been  cautioned  about  going  South,  but  when  duty 
or  business  called  me,  I  never  hesitated,  and  though 
in  all  my  travels  in  the  Southern  States,  I  had 
spoken  my  mind  freely  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  I 
had  endeavored  to  speak  in  the  spirit  of  love  and 
kindness,  and  had  never  been  molested. 

As  soon  as  Judge  Cage  received  information  of  my 
arrival  at  New  Orleans,  he  came  to  see  me.  This 
was  our  first  meeting.  I  found  the  old  man  to  be 
noble  looking,  and  a  perfect  gentleman  in  his  man- 
ners. He  was  a  man  of  wealth  and  high  standing 
in  that  part  of  the  country.      He  manifested  a  great 


TRIP  TO  NEW  ORLEANS.  507 

deal  of  interest  in  the  boy  he  had  sent  to  me  some 
years  before,  to  be  educated,  and  spoke  of  the  rest 
of  the  family  of  his  unfortunate  brother,  as  he  called 
him. 

This  brother  had  died  some  years  before,  leaving 
a  large  family  of  children,  who  were  slaves,  accord- 
ing to  the  law  of  Louisiana.  They  followed  the 
condition  of  their  mother  who,  though  nearly  white, 
and  a  perfect  lady,  was  a  slave.  I  have  referred  to 
this  case  previously.  The  judge  told  me  that  his 
brother,  who  had  been  his  partner  in  business,  left 
a  considerable  estate  when  he  died,  which  he 
wished  his  children  to  have.  As  they  were  not 
legal  heirs  in  Louisiana,  and  could  not  inherit  his 
property  there,  he  had  intended  to  send  them 
to  the  North,  have  them  educated,  and  buy  prop- 
erty for  them  there.  He  intended  to  have  his  sons 
taught  trades,  and  had  sent  the  older  ones  to  the 
East  before  he  died.  The  whole  family  came  into 
the  judge's  hands  as  property  when  their  father 
died,  and  he  told  me  he  intended  to  carry  out  the 
wishes  of  his  brother. 

The  younger  girls  were  then  in  school  in  New 
Orleans.  The  judge  furnished  me  some  means 
to  continue  the  boy,  in  my  care,  at  school,  and 
requested  me  to  put  him  to  a  trade  when  he  came 
out  of  school.  After  our  business  was  finished, 
the  judge  introduced  me  to  several  of  his  friends, 
bankers  and  other  prominent  business  men. 

While  in  New  Orleans  I  called  at  the  banking- 
house  of  old  Jacob  Barker,  and  introduced  myself 
to  that  well-known  financier  and  remarkable  man. 


So8 


REMINISCENCES. 


having  had  some  knowledge  of  his  reputation  and 
history.  He  was  formerly  of  Nantucket,  but  had 
lived  a  number  of  years  in  the  city  of  New  York, 
where  he  was  engaged  in  an  extensive  trading  and 
shipping  business — owning  a  fleet  of  trading  vessels. 

He  accumulated  an  immense  fortune,  and  during 
the  war  of  1812  he  loaned  to  the  Government  a 
large  sum  of  money.  He  met  with  some  reverses, 
and  having  in  some  of  his  trading  operations  taken 
a  large  tract  of  land  in  Louisiana,  to  secure  a  debt, 
he  moved  to  that  State  and  settled  in  New  Orleans, 
in  the  year  1834.  He  had  lived  there  twenty-four 
years,  when  I  visited  him. 

On  learning  that  my  name  was  Coffin,  and  that  I 
was  of  Nantucket  descent,  he  seemed  much  pleased 
to  meet  me,  and  invited  me  to  his  house.  He  was 
quite  an  old  man,  but  full  of  life  and  activity,  being 
blessed  with  the  preservation  of  his  mental  and 
physical  faculties  to  a  greater  degree  than  is 
usually  accorded  to  persons  of  his  age.  He  was 
still  engaged  in  banking  business.  He  owned  a 
number  of  slaves  and  had  tried  various  experiences 
with  them — had  settled  some  on  his  lands  and  had 
several  families  living  in  houses  that  he  owned  in 
the  city — yet  he  professed  to  be  opposed  to  the 
system  of  of  slavery.  He  had  sent  several  of  his 
slaves  to  the  East  to  be  educated,  and  two  to 
Europe — one  to  England  and  one  to  Germany. 
The  law  of  Louisiana  would  not  permit  slaves 
to  be  educated  in  that  State.  Barker  took  me  to 
visit  several  families  of  his  slaves,  who  lived  in  com- 


TRIP  TO  NEW  ORLEANS.  509 

fortable  houses  provided  with  all  the  furniture  nec- 
essary. 

They  all  appeared  glad  to  see  the  old  man.  He 
told  me  that  he  had  bought  many  of  his  slaves,  out 
of  pity,  and  with  a  hope  of  bettering  their  condi- 
tion. 

Barker  was  thoroughly  versed  in  the  law,  and 
had  rescued  several  slaves  that  were  illegally  held 
in  bondage,  but  notwithstanding  his  kindness  and 
humane  endeavors,  I  could  not  sanction  his  holding 
property  in  human  beings,  and  advised  him  to 
secure  their  liberty  to  them  while  he  lived.  I  do  not 
know  that  he  acted  on  my  advice,  but  he  and  all 
other  slaveholders  were  relieved  of  responsibility 
in  the  matter,  a  few  years  later,  by  the  proclama- 
tion of  President  Lincoln. 

One  morning  Jacob  Barker  took  me  to  the  slave 
pen,  or  auction  room,  where  a  large  drove  of  slaves 
were  to  be  sold  that  day.  There  were  men  and 
women,  of  various  shades,  from  the  complexion  of 
ebony  black  with  woolly  hair,  flat  nose  and  thick 
lips,  to  the  fair  complexion,  with  light  wavy  hair 
and  delicate  features.  Several  handsome  young 
women  were  in  the  company,  and  these  were 
arranged  on  raised  benches  to  show  to  the  best 
advantage. 

The  auction  had  not  yet  commenced,  but  a  num- 
ber of  men  who  wished  to  purchase  were  examining 
the  stock.  They  selected  such  slaves  as  they 
thought  would  suit  them,  and  took  them  through  a 
close  and  critical  examination — as  I  would  a  horse 
which  I  wished  to  purchase.     Their  limbs,   bodies, 


Sio 


REMINISCENCES. 


and  teeth  were  examined,  and  many  questions  were 
asked  in  regard  to  the  quality  of  the  article  under 
notice.  The  purchasers  gave  utterance  to  many 
profane  and  indecent  expressions,  plainly  evincing 
that  their  natures  were  rough  and  coarse  and  low — 
that  they  had  lost  the  higher  and  more  refined  sen- 
timents of  humanity.  This  company  of  slaves — I 
was  informed — were  from  Virginia  and  Kentucky, 
and  were  considered  quite  valuable,  as  they  all  had 
the  appearance  of  being  sound  and  healthy.  Their 
countenances  were  sad,  and  while  they  were  under 
examination,  they  looked  with  expressions  of  aver- 
sion and  dread  upon  those  who  wished  to  buy 
them.  Many  of  them,  no  doubt,  had  been  sepa- 
rated from  wives  or  husbands  or  children,  and  were 
now  to  be  sold  and  taken  to  rice  swamps  or  cotton 
fields  or  cane  plantations,  there  to  toil  beneath  the 
lash  of  a  cruel  task-master,  until  life  left  their  suf- 
fering bodies.  When  I  gazed  upon  them  and  pic- 
tured to  myself  the  fate  in  store  for  them,  I  longed 
to  give  them  passage  on  the  Underground  Railroad 
to  Canada.  I  turned  from  the  scene  in  sorrow  and 
disgust,  before  the  bidding  commenced,  and  made 
my  way  back  to  my  boarding-house.  There  I  again 
met  my  Methodist  friend,  the  planter  from  Vicks- 
burg,  who  had  stopped  at  his  plantation,  some 
distance  up  the  river.  After  completing  his  busi- 
ness there,  he  had  come  on  to  New  Orleans,  and 
had  taken  quarters  in  the  house  where  I  was  stay- 
ing. He  accosted  me  as  an  old  acquaintance,  call- 
ing me  "Brother  Coffin,"  and  seemed  to  be  glad 
to  meet  me   a^ain.     He  introduced  me  to  a  mer- 


TRIP  TO  NEW  ORLEANS. 


511 


chant  from  Arkansas — who  was  stopping  in  the 
same  house — as  Brother  Coffin,  of  Cincinnati,  who 
also  was  a  merchant  and  produce  dealer,  but  who 
would  not  deal  in  negroes.  He  added  that  I  was  a 
Quaker  and  opposed  to  slavery. 

I  replied:  "That  is  true — I  have  been  opposed 
to  slavery  from  my  childhood  to  the  present  day. 
I  was  brought  up  in  the  South  in  the  midst  of 
slavery,  and  when  I  "was  a  little  boy  learned  to 
hate  it.  I  saw  a  coffle  of  slaves  driven  past  my 
father's  premises  on  their  way  to  the  South,  to  be 
sold  like  cattle  in  the  public  market,  and  my  child- 
ish sympathy  and  indignation  were  aroused.  Just 
such  a  scene  have  I  witnessed  in  the  slave  market 
in  this  city  to-day." 

I  then  described  what  I  had  seen,  and  told  how 
it  operated  on  my  feelings  to  see  human  beings — 
the  image  of  God — chattelized  and  sold  like  brutes, 
or  put  upon  the  auction  block  and  sold  as  common 
articles  of  merchandise,  and  added:  "  I  can  not  see 
that  any  one  who  professes  to  be  a  Christian  can 
sanction  such  things." 

My  Methodist  friend,  addressing  himself  to  the 
Arkansas  merchant,  said:  "Brother  Coffin  and  I 
do  not  read  the  Bible  alike.  As  we  came  down 
the  river  I  tried  to  convince  him  that  the  Bible 
sanctioned  slavery,  but  he  does  not  appear  to  be 
convinced." 

The  merchant  said:  "The  Quakers  are  good 
honest  folks ;  I  like  to  deal  with  them.  I  go  to 
Philadelphia  every  spring  to  buy  goods — have  just 
now  returned    from  there,    and  come   here   to  buy 


512 


REMINISCENCES. 


sugar  and  molasses.  I  tell  you,  Mr.  Compton, 
they  are  good  folks,  but  they  have  queer  notions 
about  slavery.  I  don't  agree  with  them  about 
that,  but  think  they  are  nice  people.  I  like  to 
hear  them  say  'thee'  and  'thou.'  I  can  tell  a 
Quaker  by  his  dress,  and  I  always  love  to  meet 
one.  The  Quaker  women,  Mr.  Compton,  wore 
the  prettiest  bonnets  I  ever  saw — the  young  women 
wore  silk  bonnets  without  any  feathers  or  flowers 
about  them,  and  they  looked  so  nice  and  plain.  I 
really  think  I  would  like  to  have  a  Quaker  woman 
for  a  wife.  I  have  lost  my  wife  since  I  moved  to 
Arkansas — I  want  another  one,  and  think  that  a 
Quaker  woman  would  make  a  good  mistress  over 
my  negroes." 

I  said:  "  Quaker  women  are  generally  abolition- 
ists and  opposed  to  slavery,  and  if  one  is  worth 
having  for  a  wife,  she  would  not  marry  a  slave- 
holder." 

"Oh,  they  would  soon  lose  their  notions  about 
slavery  if  they  lived  down  here,"  the  merchant 
replied,  then  went  on  to  say  that  he  had  formerly 
lived  in  South  Carolina,  and  had  known  some  Yan- 
kee girls  who  came  down  there  to  teach.  They 
were  abolitionists  in  sentiment,  but  soon  lost  that 
notion  and  married  slaveholders  and  made  first-rate 
mistresses." 

I  became  tired  of  his  palaver  and  turned  the  con- 
versation to  business  matters,  then  soon  withdrew. 
That  afternoon  I  went  into  a  large  commission  store 
or  warehouse,  where  I  had  some  business.  This 
firm  received  large  consignments  of  produce  from 


TRIP  TO  NEW  ORLEANS.  ^3 

up  the  river,  and  also  sold  large  quantities  of  cotton 
for  the  planters.  While  I  was  in  the  office  a 
country  planter,  who  appeared  to  be  one  of  their 
customers,  came  in.  It  seemed  that  he  had  been 
at  the  slave  auction,  for  as  soon  as  he  entered  one 
of  the  firm  said : 

"Well,  Mr.   S ,  did  you  buy  all  the  women 

you  wanted?  " 

"No,"  he  replied,  "  I  intended  to  buy  five,  but 
I  bought  only  three.  I  have  five  men  who  have  no 
wives,  and  I  intended  to  purchase  a  wife  apiece  for 

them,  but  the  women  sold  so  d d  high,  I  bought 

only  three." 

"You  ought  to  have  bought  one  apiece  for  your 
men,"  rejoined  the  merchant.  • 

"I  intend  to  get  two  more,"  replied  the  planter; 
"but  I  think  I  can  do  better  nearer  home." 

The  next  day  while  I  was  alone  in  the  sitting- 
room  of  my  boarding-house,  reading,  my  friend  the 
Vicksburg  planter,  accompanied  by  his  friend  the 
merchant,  came  in,  and,  seating  themselves  near  me, 
broached  the  subject  of  slavery  again.  They  spoke 
in  a  friendly,  persuasive  manner  as  if  they  wished 
to  convince  me  of  my  error  of  opinion,  and  repre- 
sented the  happy  condition  of  the  slaves,  saying 
that  all  their  wants  were  provided,  for  by  their 
masters — they  were  fed  and  clothed,  doctored  when 
sick,  and  had  no  care  assigned  to  them.  "Yes,"  I 
said;  "they  even  have  wives  assigned  to  them  by 
their  kind  master,  whether  they  want  them  or  not. 
It  is  a  matter  of  profit  to  the  master,  and  the  slave 
can  have  no  choice  in  the  matter :  he  must  take  the 


5H 


REMINISCENCES. 


woman  assigned  to  him."  I  then  related  what  I  had 
heard  the  day  before,  of  the  planter  buying  wives 
for  his  men,  and  went  on  to  say:  "No  doubt  these 
five  men,  whom  the  planter  had  recently  bought 
out  of  a  drove  of  slaves,  from  Virginia  or  Ken- 
tucky, had  been  sold  away  from  their  wives  and 
children,  whom  they  loved,  and  the  women  he 
bought  for  them  had  probably  been  forced  away 
from  husbands  and  children  that  were  near  and  dear 
to  them.  While  their  hearts  were  weighed  down 
with  grief,  they  were  brought  to  this  market  and 
sold  for  wives  for  men  whom  they  had  never  seen 
or  heard  of,  and  for  whom  they  could  not  possibly 
have  any  affection.  How  can  these  men  and 
women  fixjiheir  affections  upon  each  other  under 
such  circumstances?  But  it  is  not  a  question  of 
choice  with  them;  they  are  doomed  by  their  mas- 
ter's will  to  live  together  in  violation  of  their  own 
feelings  and  of  God's  command — to  live  in  a  state  of 
adultery,  for  marriages  among  slaves  are  not  legal- 
ized. To  whom  will  this  sin  be  charged?"  They 
evaded  the  question  but  seemed  to  feel  the  force 
of  my  argument.  I  continued  to  speak  of  the  hor- 
rors and  evils  of  slavery,  giving  instances  that  had 
come  under  my  observation,  while  living  in  a  slave 
State,  speaking  of  the  separation  of  families,  etc. 
This  phase  of  slavery  they  admitted  to  be  wrong, 
but  still  justified  the  system.  Notwithstanding  oui 
discussion  of  the  subject  from  different  standpoints, 
these  two  slaveholders  manifested  kind  feeling 
toward  me  as  long  as  we  continued  together,  fre- 
quently  introducing  me  to  others  as  their  Quakei 


TRIP  TO  NEW  ORLEANS. 


515 


friend.  Thus,  instead  of  being  mobbed  or  hung,  as 
some  of  my  friends  had  feared,  I  was  treated  with 
kindness  and  respect  by  all  with  whom  I  came  in 
contact — although  I  often  expressed  my  sentiments 
freely  on  the  subject  of  slavery. 

After  closing  my  business  in  New  Orleans,  I  took 
passage  up  the  river,  stopping  at  Baton  Rouge, 
Natches  and  Vicksburg,  to  attend  to  business  for 
Major  Phillips.  At  Vicksburg  I  took  boat  up  the 
Yazoo  River  to  Yazoo  City,  one  hundred  and 
twenty  miles  distant,  where  I  was  to  join  Major 
Phillips. 

On  my  arrival  in  Yazoo  City  I  went  to  the  hotel 
where  I  expected  to  meet  the  major,  but  to  my 
surprise  found  that  he  was  gone,  and  learned  that 
the  thirteen  slaves  he  had  come  to  take  away  were 
in  jail,  awaiting  a  decision  of  the  court.  Major 
Phillips  had  left  a  note  with  the  hotel-keeper, 
directing  me  to  call  on  his  attorney,  who  would 
give  me  all  necessary  directions  regarding  his  busi- 
ness. I  went  immediately  to  the  office  of  the 
attorney,  who  received  me  very  cordially  and  said 
that  he  was  glad  I  had  arrived.  He  had  been  anx- 
iously looking  for  me,  hoping  that  I  would  come  in 
time  to  take  possession  of  the  major's  slaves  as  soon 
as  the  decision  was  made  in  court — which  decision 
he  had  no  doubt  would  be  in  the  major's  favor. 
He  then  gave  me  an  account  of  what  had  occurred. 

The  major's  former '  wife,  as  has  already  beer 
mentioned,  had  married  again — a  reckless  young 
man,  whose  object,  no  doubt,  was  to  get  pos- 
session of  her  property.      When  the  major  arrived 


Si6 


REMINISCENCES. 


in  Yazoo,  and  sent  out  an  order  for  the  thirteen 
slaves  he  had  left  on  her  plantation,  she  and  the 
young  man  she  called  her  husband  refused  to  give 
them  up,  although  they  had  no  right  or  title  to 
them,  and  the  young  man  swore  that  he  would  kill 
any   person    who    attempted    to    take    them    away. 

Then  Major  Phillips  got  out  a  writ  of  replevin  for 
his  property.  This  was  placed  in  the  hands  of 
the  sheriff,  who  took  a  posse  of  men,  went  out  to 
the  farm — several  miles  distant — and  brought  the 
slaves  into  Yazoo  City,  and  put  them  into  jail  for 
safe-keeping. 

The  young  man  who  claimed  the  slaves  as  the 
property  of  himself  and  wife  followed  them  into 
town,  and  employed  lawyers  to  defend  his  claim. 
He  was  a  desperate  fellow,  was  in  the  habit  of 
drinking  freely,  and,  on  this  occasion,  raved  about 
the  streets,  displaying  his  pistols,  and  threatening 
to  shoot  Major  Phillips  the  moment  he  got  sight 
of  him.  Knowing  the  character  of  this  desperate 
fellow,  and  knowing  also  that  the  major  was  brave 
and  could  not  be  intimidated,  the  major's  friends 
managed  to  keep  him  out  of  sight,  for  they  were 
sure  somebody  would  be  killed  if  the  two  came  in 
contact.  Hearing  that  this  young  man  had  been 
hunting  for  Phillips  all  day,  with  intent  to  shoot 
him,  and  that  in  the  evening  he  had  gathered  a 
posse  of  ruffians,  they  feared  that  he  intended  to 
mob  the  house  where  Phillips  was  stopping  and 
kill  the  old  man,  so  they  contrived  to  get  the  major 
away  privately.  He  went  to  Vicksburg,  and  would 
await  my  arrival  there,  with  the  negroes.     He  left 


TRIP  TO  NEW  ORLEANS.  c)1y 

an  order  for  the  sheriff  to  deliver  the  slaves  to  me. 

The  day  after  I  arrived  in  Yazoo  City,  the  case 
of  the  right  of  property  in  the  negroes  was  brought 
before  court.  The  lawyers  employed  by  the  young 
man  to  oppose  Phillips'  claim  picked  a  flaw  in  the 
proceedings.  The  sheriff  had  neglected  to  do  his 
duty;  the  writ  had  not  been  served  in  due  time, 
according  to  law.  It  was  returnable,  according  to 
date,  the  day  before  it  was  served,  therefore  it 
was  out  of  date  when  served.  This  caused  a 
long  debate  between  the  lawyers.  Major  Phillips' 
lawyers  contended  warmly  against  the  quibble 
raised  by  the  other  lawyers,  but  the  judge  decided 
that  the  sheriff  had  neglected  his  duty  and  that  the 
proceedings  were  illegal.  He  then  dismissed  the 
case. 

Phillips  was  gone,  and  there  was  no  one  to  renew 
the  writ,  so  the  slaves  were  brought  out  of  jail  and 
delivered  to  that  wicked  young  man  who  claimed 
to  own  them.  They  looked  sad  and  disappointed  ; 
they  had  hoped  to  go  to  Ohio  and  be  free,  but 
found  themselves  doomed  to  return  to  bondage. 
The  man  mounted  his  horse,  cracked  his  whip,  and 
started  them  back  to  the  farm,  as  though  he  were 
driving  a  drove  of  cattle.  I  felt  sorry  for  them,  and 
regretted  that  it  was  not  in  my  power  to  rescue 
them  from  the  hands  of  that  tyrant.  I  now  felt 
anxious  to  leave  Yazoo  City,  which  was  said  to  be 
one  of  the  worst  sinks  of  iniquity  in  the  State  of 
Mississippi,  but  there  was  no  boat.  The  Vicksburg 
packet  had  passed  up  the  river  that  day  and  I  must 
await  its  return,  the  next  morning,  so  I  reluctantly 


5i8 


REMINISCENCES. 


made  up  my  mind  to  pass  another  night  in  the 
midst  of  the  drinking,  swearing,  and  dissipation  of 
every  kind  that  abounded. 

That  evening,  while  sitting  on  the  sidewalk, 
under  the  awning,  talking  to  the  hotel-keeper,  two 
colored  ladies  passed  by  us,  dressed  in  rich  silks, 
and  adorned  with  jewelry.  I  said  to  the  hotel- 
keeper:    "  I  suppose  that  those  persons  are  free  ?" 

"No,"  he  replied,  "they  are  both  slaves,  but  are 
kept  as  mistresses  by  two  of  our  wealthy  mer- 
chants." 

I  asked:  "Is  such  a  state  of  society  permitted 
here  ?" 

He  answered,  "Oh,  yes;  most  of  our  merchants, 
and  other  gentlemen  of  wealth  and  high  standing, 
keep  such  women.  The  practice  is  quite  common 
in  our  community." 

He  then  spoke  of  a  wealthy  gentleman  living  a 
few  miles  out  of  town,  who  had  a  wife  and  a  family 
of  children.  He  owned  several  plantations,  and  on 
one  of  them  he  kept  a  black  wife,  who  had  several 
children. 

"And  does  his  white  wife  know  it?"  I  asked. 

"Yes,"  was  the  reply,  "but  she  can't  help  it, 
and  I  don't  think  she  makes  any  fuss  about  it. 
One  of  his  colored  sons  is  his  carriage  driver.  That 
gentleman  stands  fair  in  this  community." 

I  spoke  of  the  demoralizing  effect  of  such  exam- 
ples upon  the  lower  classes  and  upon  the  young. 
I  felt  depressed  in  spirit  when  I  reflected  upon  such 
a  state  of  society  and  the  wickedness  that  abounded 
in  the  South.     It  appeared  to  me  that  the  cup  of 


TRIP  TO  NEW  ORLEANS. 


519 


iniquity  was  about  full ;  that  a  dark  cloud  was  hang- 
ing over  that  land  and  must  soon  burst. 

I  was  anxious  to  get  away  from  that  Sodom  of 
debauchery.  It  was  known  in  Yazoo  City  that  I 
was  there  as  the  major's  agent  to  take  possession 
of  his  slaves,  if  the  court  decided  in  his  favor,  and 
conduct  them  to  Cincinnati.  I  had  been  treated 
with  kindness  and  respect  by  the  officers  of  the 
court  and  all  others  with  whom  I  came  in  contact, 
but  as  the  mob  spirit  had  been  manifested  toward 
Major  Phillips,  I  knew  not  what  the  feeling  of  his 
enemies  might  be  toward  his  agent,  or  what  demon- 
stration might  be  made  against  me. 

I  was  favored,  however,  to  rest  quietly  and  peace- 
fully through  the  night,  and  the  next  morning  I 
took  passage  on  the  Vicksburg  packet.  There 
were  several  passengers  who  had  come  aboard  at 
other  points  up  the  river,  among  them  a  Baptist 
minister  who  introduced  himself  to  me.  He  said  he 
always  liked  to  meet  a  Quaker,  and  asked  many 
questions,  which  I  answered  briefly.  He  informed 
me  that  he  was  a  Baptist  clergyman,  and  said  that 
he  was  always  glad  to  meet  with  a  professor  of  relig- 
ion. I  told  him  that  I  was  also  glad  to  meet  with 
such,  but  I  had  seen  very  little  of  the  fruits  of  true 
religion  in  that  part  of  the  country,  He  admitted 
that  the  fruit  was  not  very  abundant.  The  boat 
was  delayed  an  hour  or  more  after  I  went  aboard, 
taking  on  bales  of  cotton  and  other  freight.  The 
deck-hands  were  all  slaves,  and  the  mate  was  hurry- 
ing them   and  swearing  at   them  at  a  fearful  rate, 


520 


REMINISCENCES. 


though  they  appeared   to   be   doing    all    that    they 
could. 

The  preacher  and  I  were  sitting  on  the  guard- 
deck  in  front  of  the  cabin,  and  I  said  to  him  that 
the  mate  appeared  to  be  a  cruel  tyrant. 

He  replied:  "Oh,  those  lazy  niggers  must  be 
hurried." 

When  the  freight  was  nearly  all  aboard  and  a 
number  of  passengers  had  come,  one  of  the  deck- 
hands, a  slave  man  who  lived  in  that  town,  asked 
the  mate  to  let  him  run  up  to  his  house  and  get  a 
clean  shirt,  as  the  one  he  wore  was  torn  and  very 
dirty.  He  said  that  he  would  be  gone  only  a  few 
minutes,  but  the  mate  cursed  him  and  refused  to 
let  him  go.  Shortly  afterward  the  mate  went  on  the 
boat  with  some  of  the  hands  to  move  some  of  the 
freight,  and  while  he  was  aboard,  the  slave  man 
started  on  a  run  to  his  house  to  get  his  shirt.  The 
mate  saw  him  and  hallooed  to  him  to  come  back, 
making  use  of  dreadful  oaths  and  threats.  The 
man  replied  that  he  would  return  in  a  few  minutes 
and  ran  on  toward  his  home.  The  mate  rushed 
after  him,  calling  on  some  of  his  acquaintances 
among  the  passengers  for  assistance.  They  sprang 
out  and  joined  in  the  chase. 

The  slave  reached  the  hut  where  his  wife  and 
children  lived,  but  before  he  had  time  to  get  his 
shirt,  he  was  knocked  down  by  the  mate,  who 
had  a  club  in  his  hand,  and  was  bound.  He  was 
brought  back  to  the  boat  with  his  arms  tied  behind 
him  and  a  rope  around  his  neck,  while  the  blood 
trickled  over  his  body  from  a  gash  that  had  been 


TRIP  TO  NEW  ORLEANS.  52 1 

cut  in  his  head  when  he  was  knocked  down.  The 
mate  had  picked  up  a  piece  of  barrel  hoop  with 
which  he  struck  him  at  nearly  every  step,  using-  at 
the  same  time  the  most  abusive  language  in  reply 
to  the  begging  and  crying  of  the  poor  slave.  It 
was,  to  me,  a  most  heart-sickening  spectacle. 

The  mate  was  a  younger  man  than  the  slave  he 
was  beating  so  cruelly,  but  what  of  that?  The 
negro  was  a  poor  chattel  whom  no  law  protected  ; 
he  had  no  rights  that  a  white  man  was  bound  to 
respect.  The  mate  and  his  company  dragged  the 
poor  fellow  aboard  and  tied  him  to  a  post  on  the 
lower  deck. 

The  freight  and  passengers  were  now  all  on  board, 
and  the  boat  started  down  the  river. 

All  seemed  quiet  for  a  mile  or  two,  until  we  had 
got  fairly  under  headway,  then  I  discovered'  that 
the  cabin  passengers  were  all  in  a  stir  and  going 
down  stairs  to  the  lower  deck.  I  asked  the  Baptist 
minister  what  was  going  on,  and  he  replied : 

"Oh,  nothing;  only  that  nigger  is  to  be  whipped 
and  they  are  going  down  to  see  the  fun.  Will  you 
go  down?" 

"No,  indeed,"  I  replied;  "  it  is  the  mate  that 
ought  to  be  punished,  and  I  hope  that  he  will  not 
be  allowed  to  punish  that  poor  man  any  more." 

"  He  needs  a  good  thrashing  for  his  impudence," 
said  the  preacher;  '*he  even  tried  to  resist,  and 
they  had  to  drag  him  on  the  boat." 

He  then  followed  to  see  the  fun,  as  he  called   it, 
leaving  me  alone  in  the  men's  part  of  the   cabin ; 
a   few    ladies    remained    in    the    ladies'    apartment. 
44 


e  2  2  REMINISCENCES. 

The  whipping  soon  commenced  and  continued  for — 
what  seemed  to  me — a  long  time.  I  could  hear  the 
blows  but  was  too  much  agitated  to  count  them, 
for  the  cries  of  the  poor  slave  pierced  my  ears  and 
stirred  every  feeling  of  humanity  in  my  breast. 
Toward  the  last  his  cries  and  moans  became  faint 
and  weak.  I  could  not  sit  still,  nor  get  out  of  hear- 
ing of  the  dreadful  sounds,  and  in  my  agitation  I 
walked  the  room,  thinking:  "How  long,  O  Lord, 
how  long  will  such  cruelty  be  permitted  on  the 
earth?"  Soon  after  the  whipping  was  over,  dinner 
was  announced,  but  my  feelings  were  so  wrought 
upon  that  I  could  taste  little.  I  retired  to  my  room 
and  sought  comfort  in  prayer.  I  had  often  been  in 
the  South,  but  never  before  had  been  so  sensible  of 
the  Egyptian  darkness  that  overhung  the  land.  I 
was  deeply  impressed  with  the  belief  that  the  day 
was  not  far  distant  when  the  fetters  of  slavery 
would  be  broken. 

Some  time  in  the  afternoon  the  boat  stopped  to 
take  on  wood,  and  the  deck-hands  were  hurried 
ashore.  The  poor,  tortured  slave  was  driven  out, 
among  them,  and  my  heart  bled  afresh  in  sym- 
pathy. His  shirt  was  soaked  with  blood  all  over 
his  back,  and  he  appeared  weak  and  exhausted ; 
it  was  with  difficulty  that  he  could  carry  a  stick 
of  wood.  I  learned  that  his  shirt  had  been 
taken  off  before  the  whipping,  and  that  his  back 
had  been  gashed  and  cut  to  pieces,  then  washed 
with  salt  and  water.  The  Baptist  preacher  was 
a  slaveholder,  and  justified  the  whipping;  he  said 
that    slaves    must    be    made    to    obey,    otherwise 


TRIP  TO  NEW  ORLEANS. 


523 


there  was  no  managing  them.  I  protested  against 
such  inhumanity  and  cruelty,  but  felt  that  it  was 
most  prudent  to  avoid  entering  into  a  discussion  on 
the  subject  of  slavery.  I  felt  no  freedom  in  con- 
versation with  any  one  on  board,  and  was  truly 
thankful  when  we  reached  Vicksburg,  and  I  was 
able  to  get  out  of  hearing  of  the  profane  language 
to  which  I  had  been  obliged  to  listen  on  that  boat. 
Major  Phillips  was  much  chagrined  with  the  way 
matters  had  terminated  in  Yazoo  City,  and  seemed 
determined  to  renew  his  efforts  to  get  possession 
of  his  slaves  and  bring  them  to  Ohio.  We  took 
passage  on  a  boat  for  Memphis,  where  we  stopped 
one  day,  as  I  had  some  business  to  attend  to,  and 
then'  went  aboard  the  Memphis  and  Cincinnati 
packet.  I  reached  home  in  safety,  and  I  was  thank- 
ful that  I  was  permitted  to  breathe  again  the  free 
air  of  Ohio.  Major  Phillips  made  further  efforts, 
through  his  attorneys  at  Yazoo  City,  to  obtain  his 
slaves,  but  he  grew  more  feeble,  and  died  before  it 
was  accomplished. 


524  REMINISCENCES. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

THE  MOB  SPIRIT    IN    CINCINNATI DESTRUCTION    OF  THE 

PHILANTHROPIST  PRESS  IN  1 836 — DEMONSTRATION 
OF  PRO-SLAVERY  FEELING  IN  184I — A  DISGRACE- 
FUL RIOT THE  SCANLAN  MOB. 


THE  mobs  caused  by  the  pro-slavery  element 
in  Cincinnati  occurred  before  I  moved  to  the 
city,  but  the  following  accounts  of  them  are  com- 
piled from  authentic  records  and  narratives. 

I  first  refer  to  the  demonstration  of  the  mob 
spirit,  exhibited  when  the  office  of  the  PhilantJiro- 
pist  was  broken  into  by  a  crowd  of  men,  and  the 
press  destroyed. 

"The  'Philanthropist'  was  the  organ  of  the  Ohio  Anti-Slavery 
Society,  and  was  edited  by  James  G.  Birney,  a  stanch  abolitionist. 
It  was  first  published  at  New  Richmond,  twenty  miles  from  Cin- 
cinnati, but  in  April,  1836,  after  a  few  numbers  had  been  issued, 
the  establishment  was  removed  to  Cincinnati. 

"The  pro-slavery  spirit  was  strong  in  the  city,  but  no  demon- 
stration was  made  against  the  paper  at  first.  The  subscription  list 
of  the  'Philanthropist'  numbered  1,700,  and  was  rapidly  increas- 
ing at  the  time  of  the  disturbance.  Testimony  was  given  almost 
daily  of  the  fair  and  manly  and  respectful  conduct  of  it.  From 
the  time  of  its  removal  to  Cincinnati,  there  was  not  the  least  show 
of  molestation  till  the  12th  of  July.  At  midnight  a  band  of  men, 
amounting  to  thirty  or  forty  in  number,  including  those  who  stood 
as  sentries  at  different  points  of  the  street,  made  an  assault  on  the 


CINCINNATI  MOBS. 


525 


premises  of  Achilles  Pugh,  the  printer,  scaled  a  high  wall  by 
which  the  lot  was  inclosed,  and  with  the  aid  of  a  ladder  and  plank 
mounted  the  roof  of  the  press  office.  They  then  made  their  way 
through  a  window  on  the  roof  into  the  room  below — intimidated 
into  silence,  by  threats  of  bodily  violence,  a  boy  who  was  asleep 
there — covered  his  head  with  the  bed-clothes  to  prevent  him  from 
seeing  who  were  the  perpetrators — tore  up  the  paper  that  was 
prepared  for  that  week's  number  of  the  '  Philanthropist,'  as  well 
as  a  larger  part  of  the  impression  of  an  omitted  number  that  had 
not  yet  been  mailed,  destroyed  the  ink,  dismantled  the  press  and 
carried  away  many  of  its  principal  parts.  Whilst  the  depredation 
was  going  on  within  doors,  a  watch  of  the  confederates  was  sta- 
tioned in  the  street,  near  the  door  of  Achilles  Pugh's  dwelling- 
house,  to  prevent  him  from  giving  the  alarm.  A  remarkable 
feature  in  the  transaction  is  this — notwithstanding  so  long  time 
(nearly  or  quite  two  hours)  was  occupied  in  doing  the  mischief, 
and  that  Pugh's  premises  lay  on  one  of  the  principal  streets  of  the 
city,  and  that  the  noise  and  confusion  made  by  the  rioters  were 
loud  enough  to  wake  many  of  the  neighbors  (who  were  mysteri- 
ously admonished  to  be  quiet),  still  no  interference  was  offered  by 
the  night  watch  of  the  city  to  prevent  the  outrage. 

"  Although  the  names  of  the  actors  in  this  scene  were  not  ascer- 
tained sufficiently  to  authorize  their  publication,  yet  there  is 
reason  to  believe  that  some  of  the  leaders  were  persons  of  wealth 
and  reputed  respectability  who  would  never,  before  this,  have 
been  suspected  of  engaging  in  such  a  transaction.  The  work  was 
done,  as  it  is  supposed,  by  their  dependents  and  hirelings.  Next 
morning,  as  soon  as  the  damages  could  be  repaired,  the  business 
of  the  office  went  on  as  usual.  Whatever  the  character  and  de- 
signs of  those  committing  the  trespass  were,  it  was  plainly  to  be 
discerned  that  there  was  a  plan  to  intimidate  those  concerned  in 
the  press." 

This  act  of  depredation  seemed  to  be  the  expres- 
sion of  a  state  of  popular  feeling  existing  in  the  city. 
Placards  were  posted  on  the  corners  of  the  streets 
warning  the  abolitionists  to  beware,  and  several 
of  the  city  papers  expressed  the  same  sentiments, 
though   in   more  guarded  terms.      The  excitement 


526 


REMINISCENCES. 


appeared  to.  increase,  instead  of  diminishing,  and 
many  threats  of  violence  were  made  against  the 
editor  and  publisher  of  the  Philanthropist. 

A  public  meeting  was  held  at  the  Lower  Market 
House,  and  a  series  of  resolutions  was  adopted 
expressing  abhorrence  of  the  principles  advocated 
by  the  abolitionists,  and  warning  those  connected 
with  the  Philanthropist  to  desist  from  publishing  it 
in  the  city  of  Cincinnati.  These  resolutions  were 
formally  presented  to  the  Executive  Committee 
of  the  Ohio  Anti-Slavery  Society,  and  the  mem- 
bers composing  that  committee  returned  a  formal 
answer,  stating  their  resolve  to  continue  the  pub- 
lication of  their  paper,  and  giving  their  reasons. 

This  answer  appeared  in  the  city  papers  on  the 
morning  of  July  30.  The  following  account  from 
the  Cincinnati  Gazette  relates  the  disturbances  that 
took  place  that  night. 

"  DESTRUCTION  OF  PROPERTY. 
"  On  Saturday  night,  July  30,  very  soon  after  dark,  a  con- 
course of  citizens  assembled  at  the  corner  of  Main  and  Seventh 
Streets,  in  this  city,  and,  upon  a  short  consultation,  broke  open 
the  printing-office  of  the  '  Philanthropist,'  the  abolition  paper,  scat- 
tered the  type  into  the  streets,  tore  down  the  presses  and  com- 
pletely dismantled  the  office.  It  was  owned  by  Achilles  Pugh,  a 
peaceable  and  orderly  printer,  who  published  the  '  Philanthropist ' 
for  the  Anti-Slavery  Society  of  Ohio.  From  the  printing-office  the 
crowd  went  to  the  house  of  Achilles  Pugh,  where  they  supposed 
there  were  other  printing  materials,  but  found  none,  nor  offered 
any  violence.  Then  to  the  Messrs.  Donaldsons,  where  ladies  only 
were  at  home.  The  residence  of  Mr.  Birney,  the  editor,  was 
then  visited  ;  no  person  was  at  home  but  a  youth,  upon  whose 
explanations  the  house  was  left  undisturbed.  A  shout  was  raised 
for  Dr.  Colby's,  and  the  concourse  returned  to  Main  Street, 
proposing  to  pile  up  the  contents  of  the  office  in  the  street,  and 


CINCINNATI  MOBS. 


527 


make  a  bonfire  of  them.  Joseph  Graham  mounted  the  pile  and 
advised  against  burning  it,  lest  the  houses  near  might  take  fire. 
A  portion  of  the  press  was  then  dragged  down  Main  Street, 
broken  up  and  thrown  into  the  river.  The  '  Exchange  '  was  then 
visited  and  refreshments  taken;  after  which  the  concourse  again 
went  up  Main  Street  to  about  opposite  the  'Gazette'  office.  Some 
suggestions  were  hinted  that  it  should  be  demolished,  but  the  hint 
was  overruled.  An  attack  was  then  made  on  the  residences  of 
some  blacks  in  Church  Alley ;  two  guns  were  fired  upon  the 
assailants,  and  they  recoiled.  It  was  supposed  that  one  man  was 
wounded,  but  that  was  not  the  case.  It  was  some  time  before  a 
rally  could  be  again  made,  several  voices  declaring  that  they  did 
not  wish  to  endanger  themselves.  A  second  attack  was  made,  the 
houses  were  found  empty,  and  their  interior  contents  destroyed. 
It  was  now  about  midnight,  when  the  party  parading  down  Main' 
Street  was  addressed  by  the  Mayor,  who  had  been  a  silent  specta- 
tor of  the  destruction  of  the  printing-office.  He  told  them  that 
they  might  as  well  now  disperse.  A  dispersion  to  a  considerable 
extent  followed ;  but  various  other  disturbances  took  place 
through  the  night,  of  the  magnitude  and  particulars  of  which 
we  are  not  advised." 

There  were  some  demonstrations  of  the  public 
feeling  next  day — Sabbath — but  no  serious  disturb- 
ances. 

Several  mobs  collected  on  Monday  night,  but 
were  prevented  from  violence  and  dispersed  by  the 
city  authorities,  and  the  volunteer  companies  acting 
under  their  orders. 

The  excitement  died  out  without  any  more 
serious  demonstrations.  The  publication  of  the 
Philanthropist  was  afterward  resumed  and  contin- 
ued for  many  years. 

THE  MOB  OF   184I. 

The  next  outbreak  of  violence,  which  disgraced 
the  city  of  Cincinnati,  occurred  in  the  early  part  of 


528 


REMINISCE  A  CES. 


of  September,  1841.     The  Daily  Gazette,  of  Septem- 
ber 6,  gives  the  following  account  of  it : 

"This  city  has  been  in  a  most  alarming  condition  for  several 
days,  and  from  about  eight  o'clock  on  Friday  evening  until 
about  three  o'clock  yesterday  morning,  almost  entirely  at  the 
mercy  of  a  lawless  mob,  ranging  in  number  from  two  to  fifteen 
hundred. 

"On  Tuesday  evening  last,  a  quarrel  took  place  near  the  corner 
of  Sixth  Street  and  Broadway,  between  a  party  of  Irishmen  and 
some  negroes,  in  which  blows  were  exchanged  and  other  weapons, 
if  not  fire-arms,  used.  Some  two  or  three  of  each  party  were 
wounded. 

"  On  Wednesday  night  the  quarrel  was  renewed  in  some  way, 
and  some  time  after  midnight  a  party  of  excited  men,  armed  with 
clubs,  etc.,  attacked  a  house  occupied  as  a  negro  boarding-house, 
on  McAlister  Street,  demanding  the  surrender  of  a  negro  who 
they  said  had  fled  into  the  house  and  was  there  secreted,  and 
uttering  the  most  violent  threats  against  the  house  and  the 
negroes  in  general.  Several  of  the  adjoining  houses  were  occu- 
pied by  negro  families,  including  women  and  children.  The 
violence  increased  and  was  resisted  by  those  in  or  about  the 
houses.  An  engagement  took  place,  several  were  wounded  on 
each  side,  and  some  say  guns  and  pistols  were  discharged  from  the 
house.  The  interference  of  some  gentlemen  in  the  neighborhood 
succeeded  in  restoring  quiet,  after  about  three-quarters  of  an  hour, 
when  a  watchman  appeared.  But  it  is  singular  that  this  violent 
street  disturbance  elicited  no  report  to  the  police,  no  arrest — ■ 
indeed,  that  the  Mayor  remained  ignorant  of  the  affair  until  late 
in  the  day,  when  he  casually  heard  of  it. 

"On  Thursday  night  another  rencounter  took  place  in  the 
neighborhood  of  the  Lower  Market,  between  some  young  men 
and  boys,  and  some  negroes,  in  which  one  or  two  boys  were  badly 
wounded,  as  it  was  supposed,  with  knives. 

"  On  Friday,  during  the  day  there  was  considerable  excitement, 
threats  of  violence  and  lawless  outbreaking  were  indicated  in 
various  ways,  and  came  to  the  ears  of  the  police  and  of  the 
negroes.  Attacks  were  expected  upon  the  negro  residences  in 
McAlister,  Sixth  and  New  Streets.  The  negroes  armed  them- 
selves,   and    the    knowledge    of    this    increased    the    excitement. 


CINCINNATI  MOBS. 


529 


But  we  do  not  know  that  it  produced  any  known  measure  of 
precaution  on  the  part  of  the  police  to  preserve  the  peace  of  the 
city. 

"Before  eight  o'clock  in  the  evening,  a  mob,  the  principal 
organization  of  which,  we  understand,  was  arranged  in  Kentucky, 
openly  assembled  in  Fifth  Street  Market,  unmolested  by  the  police 
or  citizens.  The  number  of  this  mob,  as  they  deliberately  marched 
from  their  rendezvous  toward  Broadway  and  Sixth  Street,  is 
variously  estimated,  but  the  number  increased  as  they  progressed. 
They  were  armed  with  clubs,  stones,  etc.  Reaching  the  scene 
of  operations,  with  shouts  and  blasphemous  imprecations,  they 
attacked  a  negro  confectionary  on  Broadway,  and  demolished  the 
doors  and  windows.  This  attracted  an  immense  crowd.  Savage 
yells  were  uttered  to  encourage  the  mob  onward  to  the  general 
attack  upon  the  negroes.  About  this  time  the  Mayor  came  up 
and  addressed  the  people,  exhorting  them  to  peace  and  obedience 
to  law.  The  savage  yell  was  instantly  raised,  '  Down  with  him.' 
'Run  him  off,'  was  shouted,  intermixed  with  horrid  imprecations, 
and  exhortations  to  the  mob  to  move  onward. 

"They  advanced  to  the  attack  with  stones,  etc.,  and  were 
repeatedly  fired  upon  by  the  negroes.  The  mob  scattered,  but 
immediately  rallied  again,  and  again  were  in  like  manner, 
repulsed.  Men  were  wounded  on  both  sides  and  carried  off,  and 
many  reported  dead.  The  negroes  rallied  several  times,  advanced 
upon  the  crowd,  and  most  unjustifiably  fired  down  the  street  into 
it,  causing  a  great  rush  in  various  directions.  These  things  were 
repeated  until  past  one  o'clock,  when  a  party  procured  an  iron 
six-pounder  from  near  the  river,  loaded  it  with  boiler  punchings, 
etc.,  and  hauled  it  to  the  ground,  against  the  exhortations  of  the 
Mayor  and  others.  It  was  posted  on  Broadway,  and  pointed 
down  Sixth  Street.  The  yells  continued,  but  there  was  a  partial 
cessation  of  firing.  Many  of  the  negroes  had  fled  to  the  hills. 
The  attack  upon  houses  was  recommenced  with  firing  of  guns 
on  both  sides,  which  continued  during  most  of  the  night,  and 
exaggerated  rumors  of  the  killed  and  wounded  filled  the  streets. 
The  cannon  was  discharged  several  times.  About  two  o'clock  a 
portion  of  the  military,  upon  the  call  of  the  Mayor,  proceeded  to 
the  scene  of  disorder  and  succeeded  in  keeping  the  mob  at  bay. 
In  the  morning,  and  throughout  the  day,  several  blocks,  including 
the  battle-ground,  were  surrounded  by  sentinels,  and  kept  undei 

45 


530  REMINISCENCES. 

martial  law — keeping  within  the  negroes  there,  and  adding  to 
them  such  as  were  brought  during  the  day,  seized  without  partic- 
ular charge,  by  parties  who  scoured  the  city,  assuming  the  author- 
ity of  the  law. 

"A  meeting  of  citizens  was  held  at  the  Court-House,  on  Satur- 
day morning,  at  which  the  Mayor  presided.  This  meeting  was 
addressed  by  the  Mayor,  Judge  Reed,  Mr.  Piatt,  Sheriff  Avery 
and  Mr.  Hart.  They  resolved  to  observe  the  law,  to  discounte- 
nance mobs,  invoked  the  aid  of  the  authorities  to  stay  the  vio- 
lence, and  pledged  themselves  to  exertipn  in  aid  of  the  civil 
authority  to  arrest  and  place  within  reach  of  the  law  the  negroes 
who  wounded  the  two  white  boys  on  Columbia  Street;  that  the 
Township  Trustees  enforce  the  law  of  1807,  requiring  security  of 
negroes,  pledging  themselves  to  enforce  it  to  the  very  letter,  until 
the  city  is  relieved  of  the  effect  of  'modern  abolitionism,'  assuring 
our  'Southern  brethren'  to  carry  out  that  act  in  good  faith  -  and 
to  deliver  'up,  under  the  law  of  Congress,  forthwith'. every  negro 
who  escapes  from  his  master  and  comes  within  our  borders.  They 
requested  the  Mayor,  Sheriff,  and  the  civil  authorities  to  proceed 
at  once  to  the  dwellings  of  the  blacks  and  disarm  them  of  all 
offensive  weapons — and  recommended  search  for  offenders  against 
the  laws,  immediate  legal  proceedings  against  them,  and  an  effi- 
cient patrol  to  protect  the  persons  and  property  of  the  blacks, 
during  the  existence  of  the  present  excitement,  and  until  they 
give  the  bonds  required  by  the  act  of  1807,  or  leave  the  city. 
They  requested  the  parents  and  guardians  of  boys  to  keep  them 
at  home,  or  away  from  the  scene  of  excitement.  They  resolved, 
'  That  we  view  with  abhorrence  the  proceedings  of  the  abolition- 
ists in  our  city,  and  that  we  repudiate  their  doctrines,  and  believe 
it  to  be  the  duty  of  every  good  citizen,  by  all  lawful  means,  to 
discountenance  ever  man  who  lends  them  his  assistance.'  These 
resolutions  adopted  unanimously,  and  signed  by  the  Mayor.  They 
were  afterward  printed  in  handbills  and  posted  in  all  parts  of  the 
city. 

"The  City  Council  also  held  a  special  session  and  passed  reso- 
lutions invoking  the  united  exertions  of  orderly  citizens  to  the 
aid  of  the  authorities  to  put  down  the  violent  commotion  existing 
in  the  city,  to  preserve  order  and  vindicate  the  law  against  the 
violence  of  an  excited  and  lawless  mob — requesting  all  officers, 
watchmen  and  firemen  to   unite   for  the   arrest   of  the  rioters  and 


CINCINNATI  MOBS. 


531 


violators  of  law,  and  the  Marshal  to  increase  his  deputies  to  any 
number  required — not  exceeding  five  hundred — to  preserve  life  and 
protect  property ;  requiring  the  Mayor  and  Marshal  to  call  in  the 
aid  of  the  county  militia  to  preserve  order,  and  the  captain  of  the 
watch  to  increase  his  force.  These  proceedings  were  posted  in 
handbills.  Intense  excitement  continued  during  the  day,  the 
mob  and  the  leaders  boldly  occupying  the  streets  without  arrest, 
or  any  effort  to  arrest  them,  so  far  as  we  have  heard. 

"The  negroes  held  a  meeting  in  a  church,  and  respectfully 
assured  the  Mayor  and  the  citizens  that  they  would  use  every 
effort  to  conduct  themselves  as  orderly,  industrious  and  peace- 
able people — to  suppress  any  imprudent  conduct  among  their 
population,  and  to  ferret  out  all  violation  of  order  and  law. 
They  deprecated  the  practice  of  carrying  about  their  persons  any 
dangerous  weapons,  pledged  themselves  not  to  carry  or  keep  any 
about  their  persons  or  houses,  and  expressed  their  readiness  to 
surrender  all  such.  They  expressed  their  readiness  to  conform  to 
the  law  of  1807,  and  give  bond,  or  to  leave  within  a  specified 
time,  and  tendered  their  thanks  to  the  Mayor,  watch  officers  and 
gentlemen  of  the  city,  for  the  efforts  made  to  save  their  property, 
their  lives,  their  wives  and  their  children. 

"At  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  the  Mayor,  Sheriff,  Marshal, 
and  a  portion  of  the  police  proceeded  to  the  battle-ground  and 
there,  under  the  protection  of  the  military,  though  in  the  pres- 
ence of  the  mob,  and  so  far  controlled  by  them  as  to  prevent  the 
taking  away  of  any  negroes,  upon  their  complying  with  the  law, 
several  negroes  gave  bond,  and  obtained  the  permission  of  the 
authorities  to  go  away  with  sureties— some  of  our  most  respect- 
able citizens — but  were  headed  even  within  the  military  sentinels, 
and  compelled  to  return  within  the  ground.  It  was  resolved  to 
embody  the  male  negroes  and  march  them  to  jail  for  security, 
under  the  protection  of  the  military  and  civil  authorities. 

"  From  two  hundred  and  fifty  to  three  hundred  negroes,  includ- 
ing sound  and  maimed,  were  with  some  difficulty  marched  off  to 
jail,  surrounded  by  the  military  and  officers;  and  a  dense  mass 
of  men,  women  and  boys,  confounding  all  distinction  between  the 
orderly  and  disorderly,  accompanied  with  deafening  yells. 

"  They  were  safely  lodged,  and  still  remained  in  prison, 
separated  from  their  families.  The  crowd  was  in  that  way 
dispersed.     Some    then   supposed    that   we   should   have  a  quiet 


532 


REMINISCENCES. 


night,  but  others,  more  observing,  discovered  that  the  law- 
less mob  had  determined  on  further  violence,  to  be  enacted 
immediately  after  nightfall.  Citizens  disposed  to  aid  the  author- 
ities were  invited  to  assemble,  enroll  themselves,  and  organize 
for  action.  The  military  were  ordered  out,  firemen  were  out, 
clothed  with  authority  as  a  police  band.  About  eighty  citi- 
zens enrolled  themselves  as  assistants  of  the  Marshal,  and  acted 
during  the  night  under  his  direction,  in  connection  with  Judge 
Torrence,  who  was  selected  by  themselves.  A  portion  of  this 
force  was  mounted,  and  a  troop  of  horse  and  several  compa- 
nies of  volunteer  infantry  continued  on  duty  till  near  midnight. 
Some  were  then  discharged  to  sleep  upon  their  arms;  others 
remained  on  duty  till  morning,  guarding  the  jail,  etc.  As  was 
anticipated,  the  mob,  efficiently  oiganized,  early  commenced 
operations,  dividing  their  force  and  making  attacks  at  different 
points,  thus  distracting  the  attention  of  the  police.  The  first 
successful  onset  was  made  upon  the  printing  establishment  of 
the  'Philanthropist.'  They  succeeded  in  entering  the  establish- 
ment, breaking  up  the  press,  and  running  with  it,  amid  savage 
yells,  down  through  Main  Street  to  the  river,  into  which  it  was 
thrown. 

"The  military  appeared  in  the  alley  near  the  office,  interrupt- 
ing the  mob  for  a  short  time.  They  escaped  through  by-ways, 
and,  when  the  military  retired,  returned  to  their  work  of  destruc- 
tion in  the  office,  which  they  completed.  Several  houses  were 
broken  open  in  different  parts  of  the  city,  occupied  by  negroes, 
and  the  windows,  doors  and  furniture  totally  destroyed.  From  this 
work  they  were  driven  by  the  police,  and  finally  dispersed  from 
mere  exhaustion,  whether  to  remain  quiet  or  to  recruit  their 
strength  for  renewed  assault,  we  may  know  before  this  paper  is 
circulated. 

"  Mortifying  as  is  the  declaration,  truth  requires  us  to  acknowl- 
edge, that  our  city  has  been  in  a  complete  anarchy,  controlled 
mostly  by  a  lawless  and  violent  mob  for  twenty-four  hours,'  tramp- 
ling all  law  and  authority  under  foot.  We  feel  this  degradation 
deeply  —but  so  it  is.  It  is  impossible  to  learn  the  precise  number 
killed  and  wounded,  either  of  whites  or  among  the  negroes;  prob- 
ably several  were  killed  on  both  sides,  and  some  twenty  or  thirty 
variously  wounded,  though  but  few  dangerously. 

"  The  authorities  succeeded   in    arresting  and    securing:  about 


CINCINNA  TI  MOBS. 


533 


forty  of  the  mob,  who  are  now  in  prison.  Others  were  arrested, 
but  were  rescued  or  made  their  escape  otherwise. 

"  Monday  morning,  three  A.  M.  -No  disturbances  have  occurred 
in  our  city  during  the  night.  The  different  military  companies 
were  stationed  at  various  points  through  the  city.  Captain  Tay- 
lor's troop  of  horse,  together  with  a  large  number  of  citizens, 
formed  themselves  into  companies  of  about  thirty  each,  and  kept 
up  a  patrol  until  about  two  o'clock,  when  the  citizens  generally 
retired,  leaving  the  military  on  duty. 

"  Governor  Corwin  issued  a  proclamation  on  the  5th  of  Septem- 
ber (the  day  on  which  the  mob  demonstrated),  calling  upon  and 
commanding  all  people  who  might  be  in  the  city,  to  yield  prompt 
obedience  to  the  civil  authorities  engaged  in  the  preservation  of 
the  peace,  and  enjoining  upon  all  persons  to  abstain  from  all 
unlawful  assemblages,  or  any  act  of  violence  against  the  persons 
or  property  of  the  citizens. 

"  There  was  no  further  disturbance  ;  and  thus  ended  the  dis- 
graceful outbreak." 

Some  particulars  not  given  in  this  account  may  be 
mentioned  here.  While  these  demonstrations  were 
in  progress  it  was  reported  that  a  number  of  negroes 
had  fled  to  Walnut  Hills,  and  were  concealed  at 
Lane  Seminary.  The  mob  expressed  their  intention 
to  ferret  them  out,  and  breathed  many  threats 
against  those  who  protected  them.  The  students 
of  Lane  Seminary  heard  of  this,  and  began  prepara- 
tions for  defense.  They  formed  a  military  company, 
under  command  of  E.  M.  Gregory,  and  collected  all 
the  available  weapons  in  the  neighborhood.  Gov- 
ernor Corwin,  hearing  of  their  organization,  sent 
them  a  supply  of  fire-arms  from  the  State  Arsenal. 
The  mob  mustered  a  company  two  hundred  strong, 
and  started  to  make  an  attack  on  the  "d d  abo- 
lition hole,"  as  they  called  the  seminary,  but  hear- 
ing of  the  warlike  preparation  of  the  students,  they 


534  REMINISCENCES. 

concluded    that    prudence  was    the    better    part  of 
valor,  and  relinquished  their  purpose. 

THE  SCANLAN  MOB. 

Slaveholders  from  the  South  often  brought  their 
families  to  the  North  to  spend  the  summer  months, 
and  the  vicinity  of  this  city  was  a  favorite  stopping 
place.  In  the  summer  of  1843,  a  man  from  New 
Orleans,  named  Scanlan,  was  spending  the  time 
here  with  his  brother-in-law,  whose  name  was  Haw- 
kins. He  had  with  him  his  family,  part  of  which 
consisted  of  a  slave  girl,  nine  or  ten  years  old, 
named  Lavinia.  The  mother  of  this  girl,  who  was 
a  slave  in  New  Orleans,  knew  that,  according  to  the 
law  of  Ohio,  a  slave  brought  to  this  State  by  his 
master  was  free  as  soon  as  he  touched  the  soil ;  and 
she  wanted  her  daughter  to  profit  by  this  law.  She 
told  Lavinia  to  make  her  escape  while  in  Ohio,  and 
go  to  some  of  the  Northern  people  who  would  pro- 
tect her,  adding  that  she  would  whip  her  severely 
if  she  allowed  the  opportunity  to  pass  and  came 
back  to  New  Orleans  with  her  master.  She  said 
that  she  intended  to  escape  herself  some  time,  and 
in  order  to  identify  her  daughter,  if  the  two  should 
meet,  years  afterward,  in  Canada,  the  mother  put 
around  Lavinia's  neck  a  small  gold  chain,  with  a 
pendant  ornament,  which  she  superstitiously  re- 
garded as  a  charm,  and  gave  her  other  little  keep- 
sakes. Lavinia  remembered  all  her  mother's  advice 
when  she  reached  Ohio,  and  looked  wistfully  into 
the-face  of  every  stranger,  longing  to  find  some  one 
who  "looked  kind,"  to  whom  she   could  apply  for 


CINCINNATI  MOBS. 


535 


help  in  making-  her  escape.  She  soon  made  the 
acquaintance  of  a  colored  man  and  woman  who 
lived  near  the  place  where  the  Scanlans  were  stay- 
ing-, and  to  them  she  confided  her  hopes  and  fears, 
and  asked  their  assistance.  They  promised  to  aid 
her,  and  one  night  they  dressed  her  in  a  suit  of 
clothes  belonging  to  one  of  their  sons,  and  took  her 
to  the  house  of  Samuel  Reynolds,  a  Quaker,  who 
lived  at  the  head  of  what  was  then  called  Spring 
Street,  near  the  foot  of  Sycamore  hill. 

Here  she  was  concealed  and  remained  several 
days  undiscovered,  though  Scanlan  had  offered  a 
reward  and  a  strict  search  was  made. 

The  wife  of  Edward  Harwood,  whose  residence 
was  near  Reynolds',  called  one  day,  and  being  in- 
terested in  Lavinia  took  her  home  with  her.  All 
the  members  of  Harwood's  family,  including,  then, 
John  H.  Coleman  and  his  wife,  were  strong  aboli- 
tionists, and  they  were  ready,  in  case  of  danger,  to 
defend  the  slave  girl  to  the  last.  The  rest  of  the 
story  shall  be  told  in  the  graphic  language  of  Mrs. 
Elizabeth  Coleman,  who  was  a  participant  in  the 
scenes  that  followed  : 

"We  kept  Lavinia  closely  in  the  house  all  day, 
but  at  dusk  we  let  her  out  to  play  in  the  yard,  for 
exercise  and  fresh  air.  There  was  a  steep  grade  of 
perhaps  twenty  feet  in  front  of  the  house,  so  that 
the  street  below  was. entirely  hidden  from  our  view, 
and  we  could  not  see  any  one  approaching  until  he 
reached  the  top  of  the  stone  steps  that  led  up  from 
below.  On  the  sides  and  in  the  rear,  however,  the 
house  cculd  be  easily  approached,   as  the  land  was 


536 


REMINISCENCES. 


high  and  sloped  directly  to  the  back  part  of  the 
house.  At  night  when  the  lamps  were  lit,  any  per- 
son concealed  outside  could  see  directly  into  the 
house. 

"One  night  ts  Lavinia  was  playing  in  the  yard, 
the  big  watch  dog,  Swamp,  kept  growling  as  though 
there  were  intruders  on  the  premises.  Mr.  Har- 
wood  and  Mr.  Coleman  went  out  several  times  to 
examine,  but  could  see  no  one.  They  said:  'That 
child  had  better  come  in,  there  may  be  parties 
about  watching  for  her.'  So  I  put  my  head  out  of 
the  window  and  called,  '  Come  in,  Lavinia,  some 
one  might  see  you.'  She  came  in,  and  we  heard  no 
more  growling  from  Swamp  that  night. 

"The  next  day  she  was  not  very  well,  and  at 
dinner  time  was  lying  asleep  up  stairs,  so  we  did 
not  call  her  to  come  down.  Shortly  after  dinner, 
when  we  were  sitting  in  the  front  room  with  the 
doors  and  windows  open,  a  man  suddenly  appeared 
at  the  top  of  the  steps  leading  from  the  street,  and 
without  any  ceremony  walked  right  into  the  house. 
Mr.  Harwood  and  Mr.  Coleman  had  gone  down 
town,  and  there  was  no  one  there  but  Mrs.  Har- 
wood, myself,  and  a  gentleman  who  was  an  invalid.  - 
We  thought  at  once  that  the  intruder  was  Scan- 
Ian,  looking  for  Lavinia.  He  looked  round  hur- 
riedly, and  exclaimed  in  an  excited  manner: 
'  Where's  my  child  ?  I  want  my  child  !  ' 

"I  replied:  'Your  child  is  not  here.' 

"He  turned  toward  me  and  exclaimed  'She  is 
here,  my  slave  girl  Lavinia.  I  saw  her  last  night, 
and  if  it  hadn't  been  for  you  and  that  cursed  dog  I 


CINCINNATI  MOBS. 


537 


would  have  got  her.  I  had  my  hand  almost  on  her 
shoulder  when  you.  called  her  in.  Where  is  she  ?  I 
want  her ! '  The  flight  of  stairs  descended  into  the 
sitting-room,  and  the  stair-door  stood  open.  He 
went  to  it,  saying,  '  If  my  child  hears  my  voice  she 
will  answer, '  and  he  called,  'Lavinia,  Lavinia!'  i 
tremb'ed  lest  she  should  wake  suddenly  out  of  sleep 
and  answer  him,  but,  as  soon  as  she  recognized  his 
voice,  she  crawled  between  the  beds  and  hid  her- 
self. 

"Mr.  Scanlan  raved  round  the  room  awhile, 
threatening  divers  things  if  his  property  was  not 
delivered  to  him,  and  finally  said:  '  I'm  going  down 
town  to  get  a  warrant  to  search  this  house,  and  I'll 
set  a  guard  to  watch  you  while  I  am  gone ;'  then 
stepping  to  the  door,  he  said:  'Mr.  Hawkins,  come 
in  here,'  and  a  man  whom  we  had  not  seen — Mr. 
Scanlan's  brother-in-law,  we  afterward  learned — • 
appeared  at  the  top  of  the  steps  and  came  into  the 
house.  'Just  guard  this  family  while  I  am  gone,' 
and  Mr.  Hawkins  took  a  seat  in  the  room,  looking 
embarrassed  and  ill  at  ease,  while  Mr.  Scanlan 
started  down  town.  Half  way  down  the  hill  he 
recognized  Mr.  Harwood  coming  up  in  his  buggy, 
and,  beckoning  to  him  to  stop,  he  informed  him  in 
a  few  words  that  he  was  in  search  of  his  slave  whom 
he  knew  to  be  then  concealed  at  his  (Mr.  H.'s) 
house ;  that  he  had  left  a  guard  there  to  await  his 
return,  and  was  going  for  a  search  warrant,  thinking 
to  intimidate  Mr.  Harwood,  and  force  him  to  give 
up  the  girl.  Mr.  Harwood  replied,  with  some 
warmth,   that  he   would   have  no  one  guarding  his 


538 


REMINISCENCES. 


house,  and,  leaving  Scanlan,  he  drove  on  quickly, 
and,  reaching  the  house,  accosted  Mr.  Hawkins:  'I 
understand  that  you  are  here  to  guard  my  family; 
we  need  no  such  service  and  can  dispense  with  your 
presence ;  leave  my  house  immediately,  or  I  will 
pitch  you  over  that  bank.  Leave,  sir!'  Mr.  Haw- 
kins stood  not  upon  the  order  of  his  going,  but 
went. 

"Scanlan  in  the  meantime  had  proceeded  on  his 
way  down  town,  breathing  out  threatenings  and 
slaughter,  and  going  to  the  "Alhambra,"  then  a 
popular  saloon  on  Third  Street,  gathered  a  crowd 
of  roughs  around  him,  gave  orders  for  an  open 
bar,  and,  after  dispensing  liquor  freely  to  all,  made 
a  speech  to  them  relating  his  grievances.  He  then 
invited  them  all  up  to  the  hill  that  evening,  to  help 
him  obtain  his  slave  and  to  see  the  'fun.'  A  great 
many  promised  to  support  him,  and  the  excitement 
ran  high,  as  they  exchanged  threats  against  the 
nigger  thieves. 

"Mr.  Harvvood  went  down  town  to  alarm  our 
friends,  telling  us  to  allow  no  one  to  enter  whom 
we  did  not  know. 

"A  strong,  trusty  person — a  stone-cutter  in  the 
marble  yard  of  Mr.  Coleman — started  up  to  the 
house  as  soon  as  he  heard  of  the  state  of  affairs, 
and  on  the  way  noticed  numerous  small  flags  stuck 
up  at  intervals  to  'blaze  the  way'  for  the  mob. 
He  threw  them  down  wherever  he  found  them.  By 
the  time  Mr.  Coleman  arrived,  a  crowd  of  people 
had  collected  in  the  street  below,  and  he  saw 
among"  them    an   officer  who  was  notorious   foi   his 


CINCINNATI  MOBS. 


539 


sympathy  with  slave-hunters,  and  his  willingness  to 
send  fugitives  back  to  bondage  for  the  sake  of  a 
few  dollars.  Mr.  Coleman  went  up  to  him,  said, 
'  How  do  you  do,  O'Neal?'  and  shook  hands  with 
him,  then  said,  '  I  understand  that  you  have  a  war- 
rant to  search  my  house.'  '  Is  this  your  house,  Mr. 
Coleman?'  'Yes,  sir,  I  live  here  and  claim  this  as 
my  home,  and  wish  to  see  what  kind  of  a  paper 
authorizes  you  to  search  my  house.'  He  knew  that 
no  warrant  to  search  the  house  could  be  legally 
issued,  for  only  in  case  of  murder  or  stolen  prop- 
erty could  a  house  be  searched,  and  the  law  of  Ohio 
did  not  recognize  human  beings  as  property.  '  Oh, 
there's  some  mistake,  Mr.  Coleman,  I  did  not  un- 
derstand the  nature  of  the  case,'  said  the  other, 
apologetically.  'Let  me  see  the  paper,  sir.'  'No,' 
said  the  other,  backing  away,  '  it  is  of  no  conse- 
quence,'  and  went  off  down  town,  looking  cowed 
and  ashamed. 

"Mr.  Harwood  returned  with  some  friends,  and 
saw  an  increasing  throng  in  the  street.  No  one  had 
yet  tried  to  enter  the  house,  though  several-  had 
started  up  the  steps.  Mr.  Harwood  stood  at  the 
top,  with  his  big  dog  by  his  side,  and  when  any  one 
started  up  the  steps,  he  said,  'Watch  him,  Swamp,' 
and  the  brute  growled  and  showed  his  teeth  till 
those  below  returned. 

"Mr.  Coleman,  premising  that  there  would  be 
trouble  that  night,  went,  accompanied  by  young 
Alf.  Burnet,  to  a  Dutch  armory  near  by,  and  pro- 
cured powder,  shot,  and  an  arm-load  of  guns.  The 
weapons    were    rusty    with    disuse    and    had    to    be 


540  REMINISCENCES. 

cleaned  before  they  could  be  used.  We  took  up 
the  carpets  in  the  parlor,  and  gave  that  room  to  the 
men  for  their  preparations.  Mrs.  Harwood  and  I 
bundled  our  valuables — silver,  papers,  etc. — and 
sent  them  to  a  neighbor's.  All  this  time  the  crowd 
grew  larger,  and  there  were  howls  and  oaths  and 
cries  to  bring  out  the  girl.  One  ruffian  kept  ex- 
claiming :  '  If  my  property  was  in  there,  I'd  have 
it  or  I'd  have  those  villains'  heart's  blood.' 

"  Alf.  Burnet  went  and  came  frequently  to  and 
from  town,  and  reported  matters  from  there.  He 
said  Scanlan  was  still  making  speeches,  the  liquor 
was  flowing  freely  at  the  saloons,  and  new  recruits 
were  joining  the  mob,  though  some  said,  'They 
have  shooting  irons  up  there,  and  we  are  not  going.' 
Earlier  in  the  day  Mr.  Coleman  had  applied  to  the 
Sheriff  to  protect  his  house,  but  received  the  reply : 
'  If  you  make  yourself  obnoxious  to  your  neighbors 
you  must  suffer  the  consequences.'  Toward  even- 
ing the  street  was  packed  with  a  howling  mob,  but 
they  had  no  leader,  had  no  interests  at  stake,  and 
were  too  cowardly  to  make  any  attempt  that  would 
place  themselves  in  danger,  for  they  knew  that 
those  in  the  house  were  armed,  and  that  they  were 
determined. 

"Between  thirty  and  forty  abolitionists,  about  all 
there  were  in  the  city  at  that  time,  had  gathered  to 
our  aid,  and  a  council  was  held  as  to  what  should 
be  done  with  the  girl.  It  was  decided  that  she  must 
be  taken  away  from  the  house.  The  suit  of  boy's 
clothes  that  she  wore  when  she  escaped  were  put 
on  her,    and   Mr.    Harwood,    Mr.    Coleman,    Albert 


CINCINNATI  MOBS. 


541 


Lewis,  and  others,  conducted  her  out  of  the  house 
without  arousing  the  suspicion  of  the  mob.  She 
was  taken  to  the  house  of  Mr.  Emery,  at  the  foot 
of  the  hill.  The  mob  remained  some  time  longer, 
without,  however,  making  any  attempt  to  enter  the 
house,  overawed  by  the  preparations  for  defense 
they  saw.  An  armed  guard  marched  at  the  top  of 
the  steps,  and  strangely  enough  the  crowd  never 
thought  of  obtaining  access  to  the  building  by  any 
other  way. 

"The  mob  afterward  went  to  the  house  of  Mr. 
Burnet,  Alf.  Burnet's  father,  on  Fifth  Street,  and 
stoned  it,  breaking  in  all  the  windows  and  damaging 
the  whole  front  of  the  building.  Mr.  Burnet  col- 
lected all  the  stones  in  barrels,  and  kept  them  for 
years  as  specimens  of  pro-slavery  arguments. 

"Scanlan  detailed  his  grievances  in  notices  printed 
in  the  city  papers,  but  could  not,  forcibly  or  other- 
wise, gain  possession  of  his  slave  girl,  and,  hearing 
that  he  was  to  be  arrested  for  trespassing,  left  sud- 
denly and  returned  to  New  Orleans. 

"Lavinia  remained  at  Mr.  Emery's  a  week  or 
two,  then,  dressed  in  the  suit  of  boy's  clothes  she 
had  worn  before,  she  followed  some  boys  who  drove 
cows  out  of  town  to  pasture  on  the  hills,  and  was 
conducted  by  them  to  the  house  of  a  trusty  friend. 
She  was  afterward  sent  to  Oberlin,  where  she  re- 
ceived a  good  education,  and  proving  to  be  a 
woman  of  good  ability  and  much  intelligence,  she 
was  sent  as  missionary  to  Medina  mission  in  Africa. 
A  few  years  since  she  came  back  on  a  visit  to  see 
her  friends,  and,  while  in  Cincinnati,  she  was  taken 
sick  and  died." 


542 


R  EMINISCENCES. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

TRIALS  UNDER    THE    FUGITIVE    SLAVE    LAW — THE  WASH. 
MCQUERRY     CASE — THE     SERVICES     OF    JOHN    JOL- 

LIFFE ESCAPE     FROM     A     COURT-ROOM THE     RO- 

SETTA    CASE — MARGARET    GARNER — THE    STORY  OF 
A  HAT. 

THE  first  fugitive  case  that  occurred  in  this 
district,  after  the  passage  of  the  fugitive  slave 
law  of  1850,  was  tried  before  Judge  McLean,  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  on  the  16th 
and  17th  of  August,  1853.  The  following  account 
is  culled  from  reports  of  the  trial : 

"  The  fugitive,  Wash.  McQuerry,  was  a  bright  mulatto,  about 
twenty-eight  years  old,  well-built  and  intelligent  looking.  Four 
years  before  he  and  three  other  slave  'boys,'  had  escaped  from 
their  master,  Henry  Miller,  who  lived  about  fifty  miles  back  of 
Louisville,  in  Washington  County,  Kentucky.  Their  flight  was 
soon  discovered,  and  they  were  closely  pursued.  One  of  the  four  was 
captured  in  Louisville,  but  afterward  made  his  escape  ;  the  other 
three,  including  Wash.,  crossed  the  Ohio  River  just  above  Louis- 
ville, in  the  night.  They  found  a  skiff  tied  to  a  raft  and  took  it; 
there  were  no  oars,  but  they  managed  to  row  across  with  pieces  of 
bark.  After  getting  into  Ohio,  they  traveled  by  night  and  lay 
concealed  during  the  day.  One  of  them  had  two  or  three  dollars 
with  him,  which  was  used  to  purchase  food.  They  would  watch 
until  the  men  had  left  the  farm-houses  for  their  daily  work,  then 
go    in    and    buy    something    to    eat    from    the   women.     Whethel 


A  FUGITIVE  SLA  VE  LA  W  CASE. 


543 


Wash.s'  companions  went  on  to  Canada  or  settled  in  this  State  1 
do  not  know ;  Wash,  himself,  thinking,  no  doubt,  that  he  would 
be  safe  here,  settled  near  Troy,  Miami  County,  Ohio.  He  was 
industrious  and  upright,  and  was  well  respected  in  the  neighbor- 
hood. He  married  a  free  colored  woman  and  became  the  father 
of  one  or  two  children.  His  prospects  for  the  future  were 
bright.  He  had  escaped  from  the  thralldom  and  curse  of  slavery, 
and,  in  the  enjoyment  of  those  '  inalienable  rights,'  liberty  and 
the  pursuit  of  happiness,  he  felt  the  dignity  of  manhood — felt 
that  he  was  no  longer  on  a  level  with  the  brutes.  He  was  a 
peaceable  and  law-abiding  citizen,  and  in  every  way  proved  him- 
self worthy  of  the  boon  of  freedom.  But  this  state  of  tranquillity 
and  happiness  did  not  last  long ;  Wash,  was  destined  to  be  torn 
from  his  family  and  dragged  back  to  slavery,  and  that  not  surrep- 
titiously, but  with  the  sanction  of  the  law  of  the  United  States, 
as  pronounced  by  one  of  its  highest  officers.  A  white  man 
named  John  Russell,  living  not  far  from  Piqua,  learned  in  some 
way  that  McQuerry  was  a  fugitive,  and  having  also  ascertained 
the  name  and  locality  of  his  master,  basely,  and  perhaps  actuated 
by  a  desire  for  gain,  wrote  to  Miller,  informing  him  where  his 
slave  could  be  found.  Miller  had  offered  a  reward  of  one  hun- 
dred dollars  each  for  the  four  slaves  when  they  escaped,  and 
Russell  no  doubt  expected  to  receive  this  amount  as  his  reward 
for  betraying  McQuerry  to  his  master. 

"As  soon  as  he  received  this  information,  Miller,  accompanied 
by  four  other  Kentuckians,  came  to  Miami  County,  and,  having 
engaged  the  services  of  an  officer,  sought  McQuerry,  who  was  at 
work  on  a  canal  boat,  arrested  him  and  conveyed  him  to  Dayton, 
where  he  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  Deputy  United  States 
Marshal  Trader.  A  writ  of  habeas  corpus  was  taken  out  against 
the  sheriff  of  Montgomery  County,  but  the  judge  of  the  Probate 
Court,  before  whom  the  case  was  brought,  decided  that  the  col- 
ored man  was  in  the  custody  of  the  United  States  Deputy  Marshal. 
This  officer  had  McQuerry  ironed  and  brought  him  to  this  city. 

"The  party  took  quarters  at  the  Gait  House,  about  which  a 
large  crowd  of  colored  people  soon  collected,  having  heard  of  the 
case  of  the  fugitive.  They  made  some  demonstrations  of  their 
sympathy  with  McQuerry,  but  were  held  in  check  by  the  police 
force.  At  two  o'clock  in  the  morning  an  application  was  made 
by  Peter  H.  Clark,  a  prominent  colored  man  of  this  city,  to  Judge 


544  REMINISCENCES. 

McLean  for  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus  requiring  those  persons  who 
held  McQuerry  in  custody  to  bring  them  before  him — the  judge — 
and  show  cause  why  they  deprived  him  of  his  liberty.  This  appli- 
cation was  carried  to  the  residence  of  Judge  McLean,  in  Clifton, 
some  three  miles  from  the  city,  and  he  granted  the  writ,  and 
appointed  ten  o'clock  A.  M.  for  the  hearing  of  the  same.  In  the 
meantime  Miller,  the  claimant  of  the  fugitive,  made  application  to 
S.  S.  Carpenter,  United  States  Commissioner,  who  appointed 
seven  o'clock  A.  M.  for  a  hearing.  The  fugitive  was  brought 
before  the  Commissioner  in  irons,  which  he  humanely  ordered  to 
be  taken  off.  At  that  hearing  the  Commissioner  postponed 
further  proceedings  until  two  P.  M.  at  the  Criminal  Court-room, 
and  ordered  the  United  States  Marshal  to  receive  the  fugitive 
into  his  custody  and  safely  keep  him  until  discharged  by  due 
course  of  law. 

"At  ten  o'clock,  the  time  appointed  by  Judge  McLean  to  hear 
evidence  on  the  habeas  corpus  writ,  Deputy  Marshal  Black,  to 
whom  the  writ  had  been  directed,  made  return  that  McQuerry  was 
not  in  his  custody,  and  informed  the  judge  that  he  had  been  taken 
by  the  claimant  and  Deputy  Marshal  from  Dayton,  before 
United  States  Commissioner  Carpenter,  who  had  postponed  the 
hearing  of  the  case  before  him  until  two  P.  M.,  at  the  Criminal 
Court-room,  until  which  time  he  had  committed  him  to  jail. 
Upon  which  the  case  was  referred  to  the  Commissioner  to  proceed 
with,  but  he,  inasmuch  as  the  matter  had  thus  come  before  Judge 
McLean,  and  as  it  was  the  first  case  under  the  fugitive  slave  law 
in  Ohio,  said  that  he  was  willing  and  would  prefer  that  the  hear- 
ing should  proceed  before  him  (Judge  McLean)  as  it  was  import- 
ant as  a  precedent  that  it  should  be  determined  by  the  highest 
authority.  Judge  McLean  thereupon  ordered  the  two  Deputy 
Marshals,  Black  and  Trader,  to  bring  the  prisoner  before  him  at 
two  o'clock  P.  M.,  at  the  Criminal  Court-room,  as  appointed  by 
the  Commissioner. 

"At  the  time  appointed,  the  court-room  was  crowded  by  whites 
and  blacks,  the  jury  box  being  filled  by  ladies.  The  Mayor  was 
present,  and  had  ordered  a  large  police  force  to  station  themselves 
in  and  around  the  Court-House. 

"  TV.  C.  Ware  appeared  for  the  claimant,  and  Messrs.  Jolliffe  and 
Birney  for  McQuerry.  The  testimony  for  the  claimant  went  to 
prove  that  the  prisoner  was  his  property,  and  was  a  •  fugitive  from 


A  FUGITIVE  SLA  VE  LA  W  CASE. 


545 


service  and  labor,'  due  to  him  as  his  master.  The  counsel  for  the 
prisoner  moved  for  a  continuance  of  the  case  until  absent  wit- 
nesses could  be  produced  to  prove  that  he  had  resided  for  more 
than  four  years  in  Ohio,  during  which  time  he  had  been  reputed 
and  taken  by  his  neighbors  to  be  a  free  man  and  had  borne  an 
irreproachable  character,  but  as  the  counsel  for  the  claimant  was 
willing  to  admit  all  that,  the  judge  ordered  the  case  to  proceed. 
When  the  testimony  closed,  Ware  opened  the  argument,  very 
briefly,  for  the  plaintiff.  He  said  that  when  he  came  into  the 
court-room  he  had  no  doubt  but  that  he  should  be  able  to  prove, 
as  he  had  done,  that  the  man  Wash.  McQuerry  was  the  fugitive 
property  of  his  client.  '  We  have  proved,'  said  he,  '  that 
he  and  his  mother  before  him  were  the  slaves  of  Mr.  Miller — 
that  the  whole  family  belonged  to  Miller.  It  is  in  evidence 
that  he  was  always  well  treated,  and  it  is  probable  that  the 
good  character  he  has  proved  in  this  State  is  the  result  of 
his  good  training  by  Mr.  Miller.  May  it  please  the  Court,  I 
am  free  to  say  that  aside  from  our  constitutional  obligations, 
as  an  abstract  question,  I  can  agree  with  the  counsel  for  the 
defense,  as  to  the  abstract  rights  of  his  client  and  the  wrong  of 
slavery.  But  I  came  up  here  to  assist  in  supporting  the  constitu- 
tion and  the  laws — to  do  this  peaceably  and  with  dignity,  and 
without  the  excitement  of  the  natural  sympathies.'  He  then 
alluded  briefly  to  the  admission  made  by  McQuerry  that  he  ran 
away  from  Miller,  and  waived  further  argument  for  the  present. 

"  Mr.  Jolliffe  followed  for  the  defense.  He  concurred  entirely 
with  the  opposite  counsel  in  loyalty  to  the  constitution  and  readi- 
ness to  support  it.  But  not  alone  the  constitution,  not  alone  the 
law::.     Human  justice  and  human  right  were  also  to  be  regarded. 

"  'Our  only  evidence,'  said  he,  '  is  that  of  the  hunters  of  this 
man,  that  he  has  been  four  years  a  resident  of  this  State;  that  he 
has  been  a  sober  industrious  man,  a  good  husband,  a  respected 
neighbor.  Four  years  in  Ohio,  and  reputed  to  be  a  free  man. 
But  now  comes  a  man  from  the  State  of  Kentucky,  demanding  a 
process  by  which  this  defendant — this  intelligent  and  upright 
human  being -may  be  dragged  from  his  home,  from  the  wife  of 
his  bosom,  from  the  graves  of  his  children,  and,  bound  hand  and 
foot,  hurried  forever  away  from  them  and  from  all  he  holds  dear, 
into  a  bondage  by  the  side  of  which  Egyptian  thralklom  was  a 
mercy!  Nor  is  his  home  to  be  in  the  Kentucky  of  his  youth. 
46 


546  REMINISCENCES. 

Already  the  wielder  of  irresponsible  power — the  awful  power 
over  a  human  soul  — has  warned  the  heart-broken  husband  that  he 
is  to  be  sold;  the  last  drop  of  his  blood  may  be  scourged  out  on 
far  Southern  plantations,  till  his  soul  is  freed  by  the  Great  Eman- 
cipator and  goes  to  its  God. 

"'The  question  upon  which  your  Honor  is  now  to  pass  is  one 
of  extraordinary  interest  ;  it  is  the  first  time  it  has  been  brought 
before  so  distinguished  a  tribunal.  The  question  is  still  open  ;  it 
has  not  yet  been  decided  by  any  binding  authority.'  Mr.  Jolliffe 
then  proceeded  to  a  powerful  constitutional  argument,  taking  the 
broad  ground  that  the  fugitive  slave  law  of  1850  was  unconstitu- 
tional and  void.  On  this  point  the  defense  rested.  Why  was  it 
assumed  that  Washington  McQuerry  was  a  slave  ?  What  was  the 
evidence  that  Miller  had  a  right  to  his  body,  which  God  made, 
and  to  his  soul,  for  which  Christ  died  ?  No  statute  of  Kentucky 
could  be  found  to  establish  that  right.  He  quoted  a  number  of 
authorities  to  support  his  position,  and  asked  the  consent  of  the 
Court  for  a  friend — Dr.  Brisbane,  of  South  Carolina — to  read  an 
argument  on  the  point,  which  he  had  adopted  as  his  own.  The 
request  was  granted.  After  Dr.  Brisbane  had  read  an  elaborate" 
argument,  Mr.  Jolliffe  concluded  his  own  by  a  powerful  review 
of  the  fundamental  principles  of  human  law,  and  the  nature  of 
human  rights.  There  was  a  difference  between  rightful  legisla- 
tion and  tyranny;  was  not  that  legislation  which  struck  down  all 
the  rights  of  a  man  tyranny  ?  Suppose  one  man  should  be  placed 
aside,  and  all  the  millions  of  earth's  population  passed  by  him,  and 
as  they  passed,  each  one  cast  a  vote  that  this  one  man  should  be  a 
slave— would  that  divest  him  of  a  single  natural  right?  There 
was  no  such  thing  as  constitutional  slavery  in  the  United  States. 
The  one  fact  that  the  slave  act  of  1850  denies  the  right  of  trial  by 
jury  made  it  unconstitutional. 

"  Mr.  Birney,  the  other  counsel  for  the  fugitive,  deferred  his 
argument  until  the  next  morning  and  the  court  adjourned.  On 
the  return  of  the  prisoner  to  the  jail,  strongly  guarded  by  the 
police,  some  demonstrations  were  made  by  the  crowd  of  colored 
people,  but  they  were  checked  by  the  police. 

"  The  next  morning  Mr.  Birney  made  an  able  argument  in  behalf 
of  the  fugitive.  He  was  followed  by  Mr.  Ware  for  the  claimant, 
after  which  the  judge  gave  his  decision.  After  reviewing  the 
evidence,  he  referred  to  the  law  bearing  on  such  cases  and  said, 


A  FUGITIVE  SLA  VE  LA  W  CASE. 


S47 


'I  can  not  here  be  governed  by  sympathy;  I  have  to  look  to  the 
law  and  be  governed  by  the  law,  and  to  guard  myself  with  more 
than  usual  caution  in  such  a  case,  when  judgment  might  be 
warped  by  sympathy.  *         *         *         *         This  is  not  a  case 

ior  sympathy;  the  evidence  certainly  is  complete,  that  the  fugi- 
tive had  a  kind  master;  of  this  matter  we  on  the  north  bank  of 
the  Ohio  River  have  no  concern.  The  law  has  been  enacted  by 
(he  highest  power — that  none  is  higher  is  acknowledged  by  all 
men.  Sooner  or  later  a  disregard  for  the  law  would  bring  chaos, 
anarchy  and  widespread  ruin ;  the  law  must  be  enforced.  Let 
those  who  think  differently  go  to  the  people  who  make  the  laws. 
I  can  not  turn  aside  from  the  sacred  duties  of  my  office  to  regard 
aught  but  the  law.  By  the  force  of  all  the  testimony  and  the  law 
I  am  bound  to  remand  the  fugitive  to  his  master.' 

"After  this  decision,  Mr.  Jolliffe  moved  for  a  writ  of  certiorari 
to  the  Supreme  Court.  The  Court  said  that  there  could  be  no 
appeal  from  the  decision  of  a  judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States  made  at  chambers.  The  point  had,  he  was  quite 
certain,  been  decided  by  the  Supreme  Court.  He  was  willing, 
however,  to  give  any  reasonable  time  for  counsel  to  investigate 
the  question.  At  the  suggestion  of  the  Court  it  was  finally 
arranged  that  the  claimant,  Mr.  Miller,  should  enter  into  a 
bond  for  two  thousand  dollars,  conditioned  upon  his  returning 
McQuerry  to  this  State  in  case  it  should  be  decided  that  the  case 
could  be  taken  to  the  Supreme  Court. 

"At  the  conclusion  of  his  argument,  Mr.  Ware  stated  that  Mr. 
Miller  would  emancipate  his  slave  for  the  sum  of  one  thousand 
two  hundred  dollars,  and  donate  fifty  dollars  himself  toward  that 
purpose,  or  he  was  willing  to  take  the  appraisement  of  disinter- 
ested parties  in  Lexington. 

"Wash.  McQuerry  was  then  delivered  up  to  his  claimant  by  the 
United  States  Deputy  Marshal,  and  was  at  once  taken  across  to 
Covington  on  his  way  back  to  slavery. 

Those  of  us  who  were  deeply  interested  in  the 
fugitive's  case  made  zealous  efforts  to  raise  the  sum 
required  by  his  master  and  to  buy  his  freedom. 
Money  was   sent   in  by  various  individuals,   and  a 


548  REMINISCENCES. 

number  of  subscriptions  were  obtained,  but  we  did 
not  succeed  in  raising  the  amount  required. 

THE  SERVICES  OF  JOHN  JOLLIFFE. 

In  connection  with  the  cases  tried  under  the  Fugi- 
tive Slave  law  in  this  city,  that  noble  anti-slavery 
lawyer — John  Jolliffe — was  especially  prominent. 
He  has  gone  to  his  reward,  but  the  record  he  left  is 
imperishable.  His  heart  was  quick  to  respond  to 
the  needs  of  the  fugitives,  and  no  sacrifice  of  time, 
strength,  talent,  or  business  reputation  was  too 
great  to  be  willingly  and  cheerfully  rendered  in 
behalf  of  the  oppressed.  He  pleaded  the  cause  of 
the  fugitive  slaves  with  all  his  skill  as  a  lawyer  and 
all  his  eloquence  as  an  orator.  In  those  days  when 
to  be  an  abolitionist  or  in  sympathy  with  the  hap- 
less victims  of  bondage  was  to  be  shunned  and  to 
lose  one's  reputation  and  chances  of  success  in  one's 
business  or  profession,  it  required  a  heart  true  to 
the  principles  of  right,  a  self- forgetful  devotion  to 
the  cause  of  humanity,  to  pursue  the  course  fol- 
lowed by  John  Jolliffe.  The  talents  and  the  knowl- 
edge of  law  that  might  have  won  for  him  a  wide  and 
richly  remunerative  practice,  he  devoted  to  an  un- 
popular cause,  receiving  for  his  services  no  reward 
but  the  plaudits  of  his  own  conscience,  and  the 
highest  respect  and  esteem  of  all  whu  were  not 
blinded  by  prejudice. 

ESCAPE  FROM  A  COURT-ROOM. 

A  slave  man,  named  Louis,  escaped  from  the  in- 
terior of  Kentucky,  and  came  to  Cincinnati,  where 


A  FUGITIVE  SLAVE  LAW  CASE.  549 

he  found  employment,  and  remained  for  some  time, 
but  finally  made  his  way  to  the  neighborhood  of 
Columbus.  After  he  had  lived  there  several  years, 
his  master  learned  of  his  whereabouts  and  went  in 
pursuit  of  him.  A  writ  was  obtained  and  placed  in 
the  hands  of  the  marshal  of  Columbus,  who  arrested 
Louis  and  brought  him  to  Cincinnati,  on  his  way 
back  to  slavery.  In  the  meantime  friends  of  Louis 
at  Columbus  telegraphed  to  Lawyer  Jolliffe,  notify- 
ing him  of  the  case.  He  at  once  came  to  see  me, 
and  we  immediately  got  out  a  writ  to  arrest  the 
master  for  kidnapping.  The  sheriff  of  Cincinnati 
awaited  the  party  from  Columbus  at  the  Little 
Miami  Railroad  depot,  and  when  the  train  arrived, 
he  took  the  slaveholder  in  custody. 

Lawyer  Hays  united  with  Jolliffe  in  defending  the 
fugitive.  They  endeavored  to  prove  that  Louis  had 
formerly  accompanied  his  master  to  this  State  to  aid 
him  in  driving  a  drove  of  horses  back  to  Kentucky, 
and  that  under  the  law  of  Ohio,  which  liberated 
every  slave  who  came  into  the  State  by  his  master's 
consent,  Louis  was  free.  The  slaveholder  was  al- 
lowed to  go  home  to  get  evidence  and  secure  wit- 
nesses that  Louis  was  his  property,  and  the  negro 
was  placed  in  jail  to  await  his  trial.  The  case  was 
tried  before  Commissioner  Carpenter,  and  as  it  was 
among  the  first  in  this  district  that  came  under  the 
P'ugitive  Slave  law  of  1850,  it  attracted  much  atten- 
tion. The  trial  lasted  several  days,  and  after  all  the 
evidence  had  been  given  and  the  lawyers  closed 
their  arguments,  the  Commissioner  deferred  judg- 
ment until    next    day  at    two    o'clock,    wishing  to 


5  5  O  R  EMINISCENCES. 

deliberate  on  the  case.  When  the  time  set  for  the 
decision  arrived,  the  court-room  was  crowded  with 
interested  listeners,  white  and  black.  It  was  during 
the  building  of  the  new  Court-House,  and  the  court 
was  held  in  the  second  story  of  Wilson's  building 
on  Court  Street.  The  room  was  long  and  had  a 
table  or  counter  through  the  center.  On  the  west 
side  of  this  there  was  a  crowd  of  colored  people, 
standing;  the  judge  and  lawyers  were  sitting  at  the 
table.  Opposite  them  sat  the  slave,  between  his 
master  and  the  marshal  of  Columbus,  and  just  be- 
hind him  stood  a  crowd  of  white  people,  composed 
of  friends  of  the  slave,  and  others  who  had  been 
drawn  to  the  spot  by  matters  of  curiosity.  The 
judge  was  slow  and  tedious  in  reviewing  the  evi- 
dence, and  as  he  spoke  in  a  low  tone,  and  the  audi- 
tors were  anxious  to  hear  they  leaned  forward  much 
absorbed,  trying  to  catch  every  word,  as  they  ex- 
pected every  moment  to  hear  the  negro  consigned 
to  slavery. 

Louis  was  crowded,  and  to  gain  more  room,  slip- 
ped his  chair  back  a  little  way.  Neither  his  master 
nor  the  marshal  noticed  the  movement,  as  they 
were  intently  listening  to  the  judge,  and  he  slipped 
his  chair  again,  until  he  was  back  of  them.  I  was 
standing  close  behind  him  and  saw  every  movement. 
Next  he  rose  quietly  to  his  feet  and  took  a  step 
backward.  Some  abolitionist,  friendly  to  his  cause, 
gave  him  an  encouraging  touch  on  the  foot,  and  he 
stepped  farther  back.  Then  a  good  hat  was  placed 
on  his  head  by  some- one  behind,  and  he  quietly  and 
cautiously  made  his  way  around  the  south  end  of 


A  FUGITIVE  SLA  VE  LA  W  CASE. 


551 


the  room,  into  the  crowd  of  colored  people  on  the 
west  side,  and,  through  it,  toward  the  door.  I  and 
several  other  abolitionists  had  our  eyes  on  him,  and 
our  hearts  throbbed  with  suppressed  excitement 
and  anxiety  lest  he  should  be  discovered.  The 
door  and  passage  were  crowded  with  Germans, 
through  whom  Louis  made  his  way,  and  passing 
down  stairs  gained  the  street.  He  was  well  ac- 
quainted with  the  different  streets,  and  made  his 
way  quickly,  though  with  not  enough  haste  to  at- 
tract attention,  through  an  alley,  across  the  canal, 
through  the  German  settlement,  and  by  an  indirect 
route  to  Avondale,  where  he  knew  the  sexton  of 
the  colored  burying  ground.  About  five  minutes 
after  he  left  the  court-room  his  absence  was  discov- 
ered, and  created  a  great  sensation.  The  marshal 
cried,  "Louis  is  gone!"  and  made  a  rush  for  the 
door  and  down  stairs,  followed  by  his  supporters  to 
search  for  the  fugitive  who  had  slipped  through 
their  fingers.  Louis'  friends  were  all  delighted,  of 
course,  and  there  was  an  extensive  display  of  grin- 
ning ivories  among  the  crowd  of  colored  people. 
The  Commissioner  adjourned  court  till  the  following 
Tuesday  (but  it  has  never  been  convened  from  that 
day  to  this),  and  the  crowd  dispersed,  some  jubilant 
over  the  unexpected  course  things  had  taken,  some 
equally  chagrined.  A  vigorous  search  was  made  for 
Louis  by  the  marshal  and  the  pro-slavery  party,  but 
he  could  not  be  found. 

I,  and  other  abolitionists,  learning  of  his  where- 
abouts, decided  that  he  was  not  safe  on  the  out- 
skirts of  the  city,    and  the   following  night  we  dis- 


552 


REMINISCENCES. 


guised  him  in  woman's  apparel,  brought  him  into 
the  city,  and  took  him  to  the  house  of  one  of  his 
colored  friends,  on  Broadway,  near  Sixth  Street. 
He  was  placed  in  an  upper  room  and  the  door 
locked,  and  here  he  remained  about  a  week.  Only 
two  or  three  persons  knew  of  his  hiding-place,  but 
as  several  policemen  were  seen  frequently  in  the 
vicinity,  we  feared  that  he  was  in  danger,  and  for 
greater  safety  decided  to  remove  him. 

I  had  an  interview  with  the  trustees  of  a  popular 
church  known  to  be  friends  to  the  slave,  and  ar- 
rangements were  made  for  Louis'  removal.  He  was 
again  dressed  in  woman's  apparel,  and,  obeying 
directions  previously  given  him,  he  walked  down 
Broadway,  one  Sabbath  evening,  to  the  corner  of 
Eighth  Street,  when  he  saw  me.  I  passed  on  to 
Vine  Street  and  joined  the  throng  of  people  going 
to  evening  service.  Louis  followed,  at  a  short  dis- 
tance, and  was  conducted  to  the  church  previously 
mentioned.  I  passed  in  at  a  side  gate  and  went  into 
the  basement  of  the  church.  Louis  followed  me 
and  was  soon  safely  secreted  in  one  of  the  com- 
mittee rooms,  where  he  remained  for  several  weeks. 
The  officers  of  the  law  made  vigorous  efforts  to  find 
him,  but  gained  no  clue  to  his  hiding-place.  It  was 
said  that  the  Columbus  marshal  disguised  himself  as 
a  Friend,  and  went  among  the  Friends'  settlements 
in  Ohio,  under  a  fictitious  name,  inquiring  for  Louis. 
He  professed  to  feel  great  anxiety  and  concern  for 
Louis'  safety,  as  there  was  so  much  search  for  him, 
but  he  gained  no  intelligence  of  the  fugitive. 

To  mislead  his  pursuers,  a  telegram  was  sent  to 


A  FUGITIVE  SLAVE  LA  W  CASE.  5*3 

Cincinnati  from  Columbus,  and  published  in  the 
Gazette,  saying  that  Louis  had  passed  there  on  the 
train  bound  for  Cleveland,  and  another  dispatch 
from  Cleveland,  saying  he  had  arrived  there  and 
taken  the  boat  for  Detroit.  All  this  time,  Louis 
remained  in  his  comfortable  quarters  in  the  com- 
mittee room,  where  he  heard  the  preaching  every 
Sabbath,  in  the  room  above.  Finally,  a  Presby- 
terian minister  and  his  wife,  who  were  in  Cincinnati 
for  a  short  time,  with  their  horse  and  carnage, 
offered  to  convey  him  out  of  the  city.  Arrange- 
ments were  accordingly  made,  and  they  drove  to 
the  church  door  one  morning  about  nine  o'clock. 
Louis,  disguised  as  a  woman  with  a  vail  over  his 
face,  entered  the  carriage  and  sat  on  the  back  seat 
by  the  lady.  They  took  him  about  thirty  miles  out 
of  the  city,  that  day,  to  a  noted  depot  of  the  Un- 
derground Railroad,  and  he  was  duly  shipped  to 
Sandusky,  where  he  arrived  in  safety  and  took  the 
boat  for  Canada. 

There  afterward  appeared  an  ironical  article  in  a 
Cincinnati  paper,  giving  the  intelligence  that  all  the 
time  Louis'  pursuers  were  searching  for  him,  he  was 
comfortably  ensconced  in  the  committee  rooms  of  a 
popular  church,  and  inquiring  "What  is  to  become 
of  the  rights  of  slaveholders,  and  the  divinely  ap- 
pointed institution,  if  ministers  will  connive  at  such 
plans  to  defraud  owners  of  their  property?" 

Louis'  master  claimed  his  full  value — one  thou- 
sand dollars — from  the  marshal  of  Columbus,  who 
had  him  in  charge  at  the  time  of  his  escape,  and 
who  was  responsible  for  his  safe-keeping,  but  it  was 
47 


554  REMINISCENCES. 

reported  that  the  marshal  effected  a  compromise 
with  him,  and  closed  the  case  satisfactorily  to  the 
claimant,  by  paying  eight  hundred  dollars. 

The  whole  occurrence  excited  much  attention  and 
was  widely  commented  upon  at  the  time.  It  is 
probably  the  only  instance  on  record  of  a  prisoner 
escaping  from  a  court-room  in  broad  daylight,  and 
eluding  the  grasp  of  a  watchful  marshal,  and  the  sur- 
veillance of  the  officers  of  the  court.  As  soon  as 
court  adjourned  several  persons  came  into  my  store, 
which  was  in  the  adjoining  building,  laughing  and 
appearing  much  pleased  with  what  had  happened, 
and  asked  me  if  I  had  a  trap-door  by  which  I  could 
let  fugitives  down  to  the  Underground  Railroad.  I 
replied,  "Yes,"  and  showed  them  the  hatch-way 
into  the  cellar. 

I  afterward  asked  Commissioner  Carpenter  what 
his  decision  in  the  ease  would  have  been.  He  said 
that  he  had  decided  that  the  Fugitive  Slave  Act 
conferred,  or  purported  to  confer,  powers  of  a  judi- 
cial character  on  him  as  Commissioner,  which,  in  his 
opinion,  he  could  not  constitutionally  exercise.  The 
case  of  Louis  occurred  in  October,  1853.  In  the 
following  June,  Carpenter  resigned  his  office  as 
Commissioner,  giving  his  reasons  for  doing  so  in  an 
able  and  lengthy  article  that  appeared  in  the  Cincin- 
nati Gazette. 

THE  ROSETTA  ARMSTEAD  CASE. 

The  Rosetta  case,  or  the  trial  of  the  slave  girl 
Rosetta  Armstead,  created  much  excitement  in  this 
city  at  the  time,  on  account  of  sympathy  with  the 


A  FUGITIVE  SLA  VE  LA  W  CASE.  555- 

girl,  and  attracted  much  attention  on  account  of  the 
principles  involved.  It  occurred  in  March,  1855. 
The  outlines  of  the  case  are  as  follows : 

"Rosetta,  a  light  mulatto  girl  of  sixteen,  was  the  property  of 
Rev.  Henry  Dennison,  of  Louisville,  Kentucky,  who  had  owned 
her  all  her  life.  The  family  had  formerly  lived  in  Wheeling,  Vir- 
ginia, and  had  removed  to  Louisville  about  three  years  before  the 
opening  of  our  story.  Dennison  placed  Rosetta  in  the  care  of  one 
Miller,  one  of  his  friends,  to  take  her  back  to  Wheeling.  Miller 
started  by  river,  but  on  account  of  heavy  ice  running  could  pro- 
ceed no  farther  than  Cincinnati.  Here  he  left  the  river,  intend- 
ing to  go  straight  through  by  rail,  but  finally  decided  to  pay  a 
visit  to  some  friends  in  Columbus.  He  went  to  that  city,  taking 
Rosetta  with  him.  By  this  act  of  Miller's — acting  as  agent  for 
the  master — Rosetta  was  made  free,  but  she  did  not  know  the  law 
governing  such  cases,  and  probably  would  not  have  taken  advant- 
age of  the  facts  in  the  case,  had  not  the  colored  people  of  Colum- 
bus interested  themselves  in  her  behalf  and  informed  her  that  she 
was  now  free.  She  was  taken  from  the  custody  of  Miller  by  a 
writ  of  habeas  corpus,  and  brought  before  the  Probate  Court  of 
Columbus  for  a  hearing.  She  was  declared  free,  and  being  a 
minor,  a  guardian  was  appointed  to  look  after  her  rights,  Louis 
Van  Slyke,  Esq.,  of  Columbus.  A  paper  of  that  city  says:  'The 
Rev.  Mr.  Dennison,  of  Louisville,  the  owner  of  the  girl  Rosetta 
Armstead,  arrived  in  this  city  yesterday,  and  held  an  interview 
with  her  at  the  house  of  Mr.  Van  Slyke,  to  whose  care  she  was 
committed  by  the  court.  Mr.  Dennison  told  the  girl  that  he  had 
come  for  the  purpose  of  taking  her  home  with  him  if  she  wished 
to  return,  but  as  she  was  in  a  free  State,  she  had  the  liberty  of 
going  or  remaining  at  her  option.  The  girl,  after  deliberating 
about  a  minute,  said  she  should  prefer  remaining  in  a  free  State, 
rather  than  return  to  slavery.  Mr.  Dennison  bade  her  good-by, 
shook  hands  with  her  and  parted,  evidently  much  grieved  at  the 
loss  of  a  favorite  servant.  The  girl  is  now  in  the  employ  of  Dr. 
Coulter,  at  whose  house  she  will  doubtless  meet  with  the  kindest 
treatment.' 

"Dennison,  the  master,  was  not  satisfied,  and  thinking  that  he 
still  might  obtain  possession  of  the  girl,  got  a  warrant  for  her 
arrest  and  placed  it  in  the  hand  of  the  United  States  Marshal,  for 


556  REMINISCENCES. 

the  Southern  District  of  Ohio,  who  brought  Rosetta  t&  Cincin 
nati,  intending  to  have  her  tried  before  Commissioner  Pendery, 
under  the  Fugitive  Slave  law.  Van  Slyke  accompanied  her  to 
look  after  her  rights.  Before  she  could  be  brought  before  Com- 
missioner Pendery,  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus  was  sued  out  by  her 
friends,  and  she  was  brought  before  Judge  Parker  to  show  cause 
for  detention.  The  judge  decided  that  she  was  free,  that  the  war- 
rant for  her  arrest  was  defective,  and  that  the  marshal  had  no 
right  to  hold  her  in  custody. 

"In  the  meantime  Dennison  had  made  an  affidavit  before  Com- 
missioner Pendery,  that  Rosetta  was  a  fugitive  from  labor  and 
service,  and  the  case  was  set  to  be  tried  before  the  Commissioner. 
S.  P.  Chase,  who  was  counsel  for  Rosetta's  guardian,  before 
Judge  Parker,  feared  that  she  would  be  rearrested  to  go  before 
Pendery,  and  asked  that  she  might  be  protected  to  a  place  of 
safety  ;  he  wished  the  Court  to  grant  an  order  authorizing  the 
sheriff  to  conduct  her  to  a  place  of  safety  before  delivering  her 
out  of  his  hands.  The  sheriff  asked  her  guardian  where,  he 
wished  Rosetta  delivered  to  him,  and  Van  Slyke  said:  'At  the 
Woodruff  House.' 

"This  was  accordingly  done,  but  as  soon  as  she  was  released 
from  the  custody  of  the  sheriff,  Robinson,  the  United  States  Mar- 
shal, who  brought  her  from  Columbus,  stepped  in  and  presented 
a  warrant  for  rearrest.  Van  Slyke  complained  to  the  Court  before 
which  the  case  had  just  been  decided,  and  Judge  Parker  issued 
a  summons  to  United  States  Marshal  Robinson,  to  answer  for 
contempt,  for  rearresting  Rosetta  after  the  Court  had  pronounced 
her  free,  and  the  warrant  defective. 

"  We  will  not  follow  this  side  issue,  as  it  involved  only  technical 
points  of  law,  but  turn  to  Rosetta  again. 

"  F.  Ball  appeared  for  Rosetta,  and  after  the  testimony  had 
proved  that  she  had  been  placed  in  Miller's  charge  by  Dennison, 
and  that  Miller,  acting  as  his  agent,  had  brought  her  into  a  free 
State,  he  plead  that  she  was  entitled  to  her  freedom — that  such  an 
act  made  her  free — that  Dennison's  offering  her  her  choice  to  stay 
or  return  (when  in  Columbus),  amounted  to  tacit  manumission, 
and  that  she  had  already  been  pronounced  free  by  two  courts  of 
law.  The  claimants  refused  to  recognize  the  jurisdiction  of  those 
courts  in  the  premises,  and  claimed  the  right  to  take  her  as  a 
fugitive  from  service  and  labor,  under  the  Fugitive  Slave  law. 


A  FUGITIVE  SLA  VE  LA  W  CASE. 


557 


"  Rosetta's  counsel  claimed  that  she  could  not  be  returned 
under  the  Fugitive  Slave  law,  for  that  only  provided  for  the  escape 
of  a  slave  from  a  slave  State  to  a  free  State,  and  Rosetta  had  done 
nothing  of  the  kind,  she  had  been  brought  here.  After  argument 
t>y  opposing  counsel,  the  Commissioner  deferred  decision  until  the 
following  Tuesday — this  was  on  Saturday.  The  marshal  took 
Rosetta  to  the  county  jail  for  safe  keeping  during  the  interval. 
A  large  concourse  of  people  who  were  interested  in  the  case  fol- 
lowed them  along  the  street  to  the  jail. 

"On  the  following  Tuesday,  the  Commissioner  decided  that  the 
claimant,  Dennison,  was  bound  by  the  act  of  his  agent  Miller  ; 
that  there  was  no  escape  on  Rosetta's  part ;  that  bringing  her  to 
Columbus  and  there  offering  her  her  freedom  was  equivalent  to 
emancipating  her.     He  then  declared  Rosetta  free. 

"Hearty  demonstrations  of  applause  followed  this  announce- 
ment. Van  Slyke  received  many  congratulations  on  the  issue  of 
the  trial,  then,  with  Rosetta  in  his  charge,  he  took  carriage  for 
the  railroad  depot,  and  returned  to  Columbus.  A  deep  interest 
there  had  been  felt  in  the  trial,  and  a  concourse  of  five  hundred 
people  met  them  at  the  depot. 

MARGARET  GARNER. 

Perhaps  no  case  that  came  under  my  notice,  while 
engaged  in  aiding  fugitive  slaves,  attracted  more 
attention  and  aroused  deeper  interest  and  sympathy 
than  the  case  of  Margaret  Garner,  the  slave  mother, 
who  killed  her  child  rather  than  see  it  taken  back  to 
slavery.  This  happened  in  the  latter  part  of  Janu- 
ary, 1856.  The  Ohio  River  was  frozen  over  at  the 
time,  and  the  opportunity  thus  offered  for  escaping 
to  a  free  State  was  embraced  by  a  number  of  slaves 
living  in  Kentucky,  several  miles  back  from  the 
river.  A  party  of  seventeen,  belonging  to  different 
masters  in  the  same  neighborhood,  made  arrange- 
ments to  escape  together.  There  was  snow  on  the 
ground  and  the  roads  were  smooth,  so  the  plan  of 


558  REMINISCENCES. 

going  to  the  river  on  a  sled  naturally  suggested 
itself.  The  time  fixed  for  their  flight  was  Sabbath 
night,  and  having  managed  to  get  a  large  sled  and 
two  good  horses,  belonging  to  one  of  their  masters, 
the  party  of  seventeen  crowded  into  the  sled  and 
started  on  their  hazardous  journey  in  the  latter  part 
of  the  night.  They  drove  the  horses  at  full  speed, 
and  at  daylight  reached  the  river  below  Covington, 
opposite  Western  Row.  They  left  the  sled  and 
horses  here,  and  as  quickly  as  possible  crossed  the 
river  on  foot.  It  was  now  broad  daylight,  and  peo- 
ple were  beginning  to  pass  about  the  streets,  and 
the  fugitives  divided  their  company  that  they  might 
not  attract  so  much  notice. 

An  old  slave  man  named  Simon,  and  his  wife 
Mary,  together  with  their  son  Robert  and  his  wife 
Margaret  Garner  and  four  children,  made  their  way 
to  the  house  of  a  colored  man  named  Kite,  who  had 
formerly  lived  in  their  neighborhood  and  had  been 
purchased  from  slavery  by  his  father,  Joe  Kite. 
They  had  to  make  several  inquiries  in  order  to  find 
Kite's  house,  which  was  below  Mill  Creek,  in  the 
lower  part  of  the  city.  This  afterward  led  to  their 
discovery;  they  had  been  seen  by  a  number  of  per- 
sons on  their  way  to  Kite's,  and  were  easily  traced 
by  pursuers.  The  other  nine  fugitives  were  more 
fortunate.  They  made  their  way  up  town  and  found 
friends  who  conducted  them  to  safe  hiding-places, 
where  they  remained  until  night.  They  were  then 
put  on  the  Underground  Railroad,  and  went  safely 
through  to  Canada. 

Kite  felt  alarmed  for  the  safety  of  the  party  that 


A  FUGITIVE  SLAVE  LAW  CASE.  gjjg 

had  arrived  at  his  house,  and  as  soon  as  breakfast 
was  over,  he  came  to  my  store,  at  the  corner  of 
Sixth  and  Elm  Streets,  to  ask  counsel  regarding- 
them.  I  told  him  that  they  were  in  a  very  unsafe 
place  and  must  be  removed  at  once.  I  directed  him 
how  to  conduct  them  from  his  house  to  the  outskirts 
of  the  city,  up  Mill  Creek,  to  a  settlement  of  col- 
ored people  in  the  western  part  of  the  city,  where 
fugitives  were  often  harbored.  I  would  make  ar- 
rangements to  forward  them  northward,  that  night, 
on  the  Underground  Railroad.  Kite  returned  to 
his  house  at  once,  according  to  my  directions,  but 
he  was  too  late ;  in  a  few  minutes  after  his  return, 
the  house  was  surrounded  by  pursuers — the  masters 
of  the  fugitives,  with  officers  and  a  posse  of  men. 
The  door  and  windows  were  barred,  and  those  inside 
refused  to  give  admittance.  The  fugitives  were  de- 
termined to  fight,  and  to  die,  rather  than  to  be  taken 
back  to  slavery.  Margaret,  the  mother  of  the  four 
children,  declared  that  she  would  kill  herself  and 
her  children  before  she  would  return  to  bondage. 
The  slave  men  were  armed  and  fought  bravely. 
The  window  was  first  battered  down  with  a  stick  of 
wood,  and  one  of  the  deputy  marshals  attempted  to 
enter,  but  a  pistol  shot  from  within  made  a  flesh 
wound  on  his  arm  and  caused  him  to  abandon  the 
attempt.  The  pursuers  then  battered  down  the 
door  with  some  timber  and  rushed  in.  The  husband 
of  Margaret  fired  several  shots,  and  wounded  one 
of  the  officers,  but  was  soon  overpowered  and  drag- 
ged out  of  the  house.  At  this  moment,  Margaret 
Garner,    seeing    that    their  hopes  of  freedom  were 


560  REMINISCENCES. 

vain,  seized  a  butcher  knife  that  lay  on  the  table, 
and  with  one  stroke  cut  the  throat  of  her  little 
daughter,  whom  she  probably  loved  the  best.  She 
then  attempted  to  take  the  life  of  the  other  children 
and  to  kill  herself,  but  she  was  overpowered  and 
hampered  before  she  could  complete  her  desperate 
work.  The  whole  party  was  then  arrested  and 
lodged  in  jail. 

The  trial  lasted  two  weeks,  drawing  crowds  to  the 
court-room  every  day.  Colonel  Chambers,  of  this 
city,  and  two  lawyers  from  Covington — Wall  and 
Tinnell — appeared  for  the  claimants,  and  Messrs. 
Jolliffe  and  Getchell  for  the  slaves.  The  counsel  for 
the  defense  brought  witnesses  to  prove  that  the 
fugitives  had  been  permitted  to  visit  the  city  at 
various  times  previously.  It  was  claimed  that  Mar- 
garet Garner  had  been  brought  here  by  her  owners 
a  number  of  years  before,  to  act  as  nurse  girl,  and 
according  to  the  law  which  liberated  slaves  who 
were  brought  into  free  States  by  the  consent  of  their 
masters,  she  had  been  free  from  that  time,  and  her 
children,  all  of  whom  had  been  born  since  then — 
following  the  condition  of  the  mother — were  like- 
wise free. 

The  Commissioner  decided  that  a  voluntary  return 
to  slavery,  after  a  visit  to  a  free  State,  re-attached 
the  conditions  of  slavery,  and  that  the  fugitives 
were  legally  slaves  at  the  time  of  their  escape. 

Early  in  the  course  of  the  trial,  Lawyer  Jol- 
liffe announced  that  warrants  had  been  issued  by 
the  State  authorities  to  arrest  the  fugitives  on  a 
criminal  charge — Margaret  Garner  for  murder,  and 


A  FUGITIVE  SLAVE  LAW  CASE.  56 1 

the  others  for  complicity  in  murder — and  moved  that 
the  papers  should  be  served  on  them  immediately. 
Commissioner  Pendery  wished  that  to  be  deferred 
until  he  had  given  his  decision,  and  the  fugitives 
were  out  of  the  jurisdiction  of  his  court,  but  Jolliffe 
pressed  the  motion  to  have  the  warrants  served— 
"For,"  said  he,  "the  fugitives  have  all  assured  me 
that  they  will  go  singing  to  the  gallows  rather  than 
be  returned  to  slavery."  He  further  said  that  it 
might  appear  strange  for  him  to  be  urging  that  his 
clients  should  be  indicted  for  murder,  but  he  was 
anxious  that  this  charge  should  be  brought  against 
them  before  they  passed  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
Commissioner's  Court,  for  the  infamous  law  of  1850 
provided  that  no  warrant  in  any  event  should  be 
served  upon  the  fugitives  in  case  they  were  re- 
manded to  the  custody  of  their  owners.  Not  even 
a  warrant  for  murder  could  prevent  their  being 
returned  to  bondage. 

Jolliffe  said  that  in  the  final  argument  of  the  case 
he  intended  not  only  to  allege,  but  to  demonstrate, 
conclusively,  to  the  Court,  that  the  Fugitive  Slave 
law  was  unconstitutional,  and  as  part  and  parcel  of 
that  argument  he  wished  to  show  the  effects  of  carry- 
ing it  out.  It  had  driven  a  frantic  mother  to  murder 
her  own  child  rather  than  see  it  carried  back  to  the 
seething  hell  of  American  slavery.  This  law  was  of 
such  an  order  that  its  execution  required  human 
hearts  to  be  wrung  and  human  blood  to  be  spilt. 

"The  Constitution,"  said  he,  "expressly  declared 
that  Congress  should  pass  no  law  prescribing  any 
form    of   religion    or    preventing    the  free    exercise 


562 


R  EMINISCENCES. 


thereof.  If  Congress  could  not  pass  any  law  re- 
quiring you  to  worship  God,  still  less  could  they 
pass  one  requiring  you  to  carry  fuel  to  hell."  These 
ringing  words  called  forth  applause  from  all  parts  of 
the  court-room.  Jolliffe  said:  "It  is  for  the  Court 
to  decide  whether  the  Fugitive  Slave  law  overrides 
the  law  of  Ohio  to  such  an  extent  that  it  can  not 
arrest  a  fugitive  slave  even  for  a  crime  of  murder." 

The  fugitives  were  finally  indicted  for  murder,  but 
we  will  see  that  this  amounted  to  nothing. 

Margaret  Garner,  the  chief  actor  in  the  tragedy 
which  had  occurred,  naturally  excited  much  atten- 
tion. She  was  a  mulatto,  about  five  feet  high,  show- 
ing one-fourth  or  one-third  white  blood.  She  had 
a  high  forehead,  her  eyebrows  were  finely  arched 
and  her  eyes  bright  and  intelligent,  but  the  African 
appeared  in  the  lower  part  of  her  face,  in  her  broad 
nose  and  thick  lips.  On  the  left  side  of  her  fore- 
head was  an  old  scar,  and  on  the  cheek-bone,  on  the 
same  side,  another  one.  When  asked  what  caused 
them,  she  said:  "White  man  struck  me."  That 
was  all,  but  it  betrays  a  story  of  cruelty  and  degra- 
dation, and,  perhaps,  gives  the  key-note  to  Mar- 
garet's hate  of  slavery,  her  revolt  against  its  thrall- 
dom,  and  her  resolve  to  die  rather  than  go  back 
to  it. 

She  appeared  to  be  twenty-two  or  twenty-three 
years  old.  While  in  the  court-room  she  was  dressed 
in  dark  calico,  with  a  white  handkerchief  pinned 
around  her  neck,  and  a  yellow,  cotton  handkerchief, 
arranged  as  a  turban,  around  her  head.  The  babe- 
she   held   in  her  arms  was  a  little  girl,   about  nine 


A  FUGITIVE  SLAVE  LAW  CASE.  563 

months  old,  and  was  much  lighter  in  color  than  her- 
self, light  enough  to  show  a  red  tinge  in  its  cheeks. 
During  the  trial  she  would  look  up  occasionally,  for 
an  instant,  with  a  timid,  apprehensive  glance  at  the 
strange  faces  around  her,  but  her  eyes  were  gener- 
ally cast  down.  The  babe  was  continually  fondling 
her  face  with  its  little  hands,  but  she  rarely  noticed 
it,  and  her  general  expression  was  one  of  extreme 
sadness.  The  little  boys,  four  and  six  years-  old, 
respectively,  were  bright-eyed,  woolly-headed  little 
fellows,  with  fat  dimpled  cheeks.  During  the  trial 
they  sat  on  the  floor  near  their  mother,  playing  to- 
gether in  happy  innocence,  all  unconscious  of  the 
gloom  that  shrouded  their  mother,  and  of  the  fact 
that  their  own  future  liberty  was  at  stake.  The 
murdered  child  was  almost  white,  a  little  girl  of 
rare  beauty. 

The  case  seemed  to  stir  every  heart  that  was  alive 
to  the  emotions  of  humanity.  The  interest  mani- 
fested by  all  classes  was  not  so  much  for  the  legal 
principles  involved,  as  for  the  mute  instincts  that 
mold  every  human  heart — the  undying  love  of  free- 
dom that  is  planted  in  every  breast — the  resolve  to 
die  rather  than  submit  to  a  life  of  degradation  and 
bondage. 

A  number  of  people,  who  were  deeply  interested 
in  the  fugitives,  visited  them  in  prison  and  con- 
versed with  them.  .Old  Simon,  his  wife  Mary,  and 
their  son  Robert,  while  expressing  their  longing  for 
freedom,  said  that  they  should  not  attempt  to  kill 
themselves  if  they  were  returned  to  slavery.  Their 
trust  in  God  seemed  to  have  survived  all  the  wrong 


564 


REMINISCENCES. 


and  cruelty  inflicted  upon  them  by  man,  and  though 
they  felt  often  like  crying  bitterly,  "How  long,  O 
Lord,  how  long?"  they  still  trusted  and  endured. 
But  Margaret  seemed  to  have  a  different  nature; 
she  could  see  nothing  but  woe  for  herself  and  her 
children.  Who  can  fathom  the  depths  of  her  heart 
as  she  brooded  over  the  wrongs  and  insults  that  had 
been  heaped  upon  her  all  her  life  ?  Who  can  won- 
der if  her  faith  staggered  when  she  saw  her  efforts 
to  gain  freedom  frustrated,  when  she  saw  the  gloom 
of  her  old  life  close  around  her  again,  without  any 
hope  of  deliverance  ?  Those  who  came  to  speak 
words  of  comfort  and  cheer  felt  them  die  upon 
their  lips,  when  they  looked  into  her  face,  and 
marked  its  expression  of  settled  despair.  Her  sor- 
row was  beyond  the  reach  of  any  words  of  encour- 
agement and  consolation,  and  can  be  realized  in  all 
its  fullness  only  by  those  who  have  tasted  of  a  cup 
equally  bitter. 

Among  those  who  visited  Margaret  in  prison  was 
Lucy  Stone,  the  well-known  eloquent  public  speaker. 
It  was  reported  that  she  gave  Margaret  a  knife,  and 
told  her  to  kill  herself  and  her  children  rather  than 
be  taken  back  to  slavery.  Colonel  Chambers,  the 
counsel  for  the  claimants,  referred  to  this  rumor  in 
court,  and  Lucy  Stone,  coming  in  shortly  afterward, 
was  informed  of  it.  She  requested  to  say  a  few 
words  in  reply,  and  when  the  court  had  adjourned, 
the  greater  part  of  the  crowd  remained  to  hear  her. 
She  said  :  "I  am  only  sorry  that  I  was  not  in  when 
Colonel  Chambers  said  what  he  did  about  me,  and 
my  giving  a  knife  to  Margaret.      When   I  saw  that 


A  FUGITIVE  SLAVE  LAW  CASE.  565 

poor  fugitive,  took  her  toil-hardened  hand  in  mine, 
and  read  in  her  face  deep  suffering  and  an  ardent 
longing  for  freedom,  I  could  not  help  bid  her  be  of 
good  cheer.  I  told  her  that  a  thousand  hearts  were 
aching  for  her,  and  that  they  were  glad  one  child  of 
hers  was  safe  with  the  angels.  Her  only  reply  was 
a  look  of  deep  despair,  of  anguish  such  as  no  words 
can  speak.  I  thought  the  spirit  she  manifested  was 
the  same  with  that  of  our  ancestors  to  whom  we 
had  erected  the  monument  at  Bunker  Hill — the 
spirit  that  would  rather  let  us  all  go  back  to  God 
than  back  to  slavery.  The  faded  faces  of  the  negro 
children  tell  too  plainly  to  what  degradation  female 
slaves  must  submit.  Rather  than  give  her  little 
daughter  to  that  life,  she  killed  it.  If  in  her  deep 
maternal  love  she  felt  the  impulse  to  send  her  child 
back  to  God,  to  save  it  from  coming  woe,  who  shall 
say  she  had  no  right  to  do  so  ?  That  desire  had  its 
root  in  the  deepest  and  holiest  feelings  of  our  na- 
ture— implanted  alike  in  black  and  white  by  our 
common  Father.  With  my  own  teeth  I  would  tear 
open  my  veins  and  let  the  earth  drink  my  blood, 
rather  than  to  wear  the  chains  of  slavery.  How  then 
could  I  blame  her  for  wishing  her  child  to  find  free- 
dom with  God  and  the  angels,  where  no  chains  are  ? 
I  know  not  whether  this  Commissioner  has  children, 
else  I  would  appeal  to  him  to  know  how  he  would 
feel  to  have  them  torn  from  him,  but  I  feel  that  he 
will  not  disregard  the  Book  which  says:  'Thou  shalt 
not  deliver  unto  his  master  the  servant  which  is 
escaped  from  his  master  unto  thee :  he  shall  dwell 
with  thee,  even  among  you,  in  that  place  which  he 


566 


R  EMINISCENCES. 


shall  choose  in  one  of  thy  gates,  where  it  liketh  him 
best."' 

But  in  spite  of  touching  appeals,  of  eloquent 
pleadings,  the  Commissioner  remanded  the  fugitives 
back  to  slavery.  He  said  that  it  was  not  a  question 
of  feeling  to  be  decided  by  the  chance  current  of 
his  sympathies ;  the  law  of  Kentucky  and  of  the 
United  States  made  it  a  question  of  property. 

In  regard  to  the  claim,  plainly  established  by  the 
evidence,  that  the  fugitives  had  previously  been 
brought  to  this  State  by  the  consent  of  their  mas- 
ters, he  said:  "Had  the  slaves  asserted  their  free- 
dom, they  would  have  been  practically  free,  but 
they  voluntarily  returned  to  slavery.  In  allowing 
them  to  come  to  Ohio,  the  master  voluntarily  aban- 
doned his  claim  upon  them,  and  they,  in  returning, 
abandoned  their  claim  to  freedom." 

By  a  provision  of  the  law,  previously  referred  to, 
they  could  not  be  tried  on  the  warrant  for  murder, 
and  their  indictment  on  that  charge  was  practically 
ignored.  Jolliffe  said,  indignantly,  that  even  a  sav- 
age tribe  reserved  to  itself  the  right  to  investigate 
a  charge  for  murder  committed  within  its  border, 
but  the  sovereign  State  of  Ohio  allowed  itself  and 
its  laws  to  be  overruled  by  the  infamous  Fugitive 
Slave  law,  made  in  the  interests  of  slaveholders. 
The  question  of  bringing  the  case  before  a  superior 
court,  and  trying  the  slaves  for  murder  was  agitated, 
and  Gaines,  the  master  of  Margaret,  promised  to 
have  her  in  safe-keeping  on  the  opposite  side  of  tne 
river,  to  be  delivered  up  to  the  authorities  of  the 
State  of  Ohio,  if  a  requisition  for  her  was  made. 


A  FUGITIVE  SLAVE  LA  W  CASE. 


567 


The  fugitives  were  then  delivered  to  their  owners, 
who  conveyed  them  in  an  omnibus  to  the  wharf  of 
the  Covington  ferry-boat.  A  crowd  followed  them 
to  the  river,  but  there  was  no  demonstration.  The 
masters  were  surrounded  by  large  numbers  of  their 
Kentucky  friends,  who  had  stood  by  them  and 
guarded  their  interests  during  the  trial,  and  there 
was  great  rejoicing  among  them,  on  account  of 
their  victory. 

The  masters  kept  their  slaves  in  jail  in  Covington, 
a  few  days,  then  took  them  away.  When  the  requi- 
sition was  made  for  Margaret,  Gaines  said  that  he 
had  kept  her  in  Covington  for  some  time  according 
to  the  agreement,  then,  as  the  writ  was  not  served, 
he  had  sent  her  down  the  river.  This  was  a  viola- 
tion of  the  spirit  of  the  agreement,  and  much  indig- 
nation was  manifested  by  Margaret's  friends  in 
Ohio,  but  nothing  further  was  done.  Margaret  was 
lost,  in  what  Jolliffe  called,  "the  seething  hell  of 
American  slavery."  It  was  reported  that  on  her 
way  down  the  river  she  sprang  from  the  boat  into 
the  water  with  her  babe  in  her  arms ;  that  when  she 
rose  she  was  seized  by  some  of  the  boat  hands  and 
rescued,  but  that  her  child  was  drowned. 

After  the  trial  of  the  fugitives,  a  committee  of 
citizens  presented  a  purse  to  Jolliffe,  accompanied 
by  an  address,  in  token  of  their  appreciation  of  his 
services.  He  returned  thanks  in  an  eloquent  letter, 
setting  forth  his  views  on  the  unconstitutionality  of 
the  "Fugitive  Slave  law. 


568  REMINISCENCES. 

THE  STORY  OF  A  HAT.  * 

During  the  time  of  the  Margaret  Garner  trial, 
the  popular  vocalists  and  anti-slavery  singers,  the 
Hutchinson  family,  of  New  England,  were  in  Cin- 
cinnati. They  had  given  several  concerts  here 
which  had  attracted  large  audiences,  as  their  anti- 
slavery  concerts  generally  did.  They  felt  a  deep 
interest  in  the  trial  and  offered  to  give  a  concert  for 
the  benefit  of  the  fugitives.  A  meeting  of  the 
friends  of  the  fugitives  was  held,  and  a  committee, 
of  which  I  was  a  member,  was  appointed  to  secure 
a  suitable  hall  and  make  all  the  necessary  arrange- 
ments for  the  concert.  Smith  and  Nixon's  hall,  on 
Fourth  Street,  the  best  public  hall  in  the  city  at 
that  time,  was  kindly  offered  by  the  proprietors  for 
the  occasion.  A  part  of  the  committee  met  next 
morning,  but  as  not  all  the  members  were  present, 
it  was  agreed  to  hold  a  meeting  at  three  o'clock 
that  afternoon  to  complete  all  the  arrangements, 
and  in  the  meantime  to  notify  the  absentees  of  the 
hour  agreed  upon.  It  was  laid  upon  me  to  notify 
Samuel  Alley,  who  was  absent.  About  two  o'clock 
in  the  afternoon,  while  looking  for  him,  I  was  in- 
formed that  he  was  in  the  court-room  listening  to 
the  proceedings  in  the  fugitive  case.  The  trial  had 
then  been  going  on  for  several  days,  and  a  large 
number  of  special  marshals  had  been  summoned  as 
guards  to  fend  off  the  abolitionists — a  few  unarmed, 
inoffensive  men,  who  felt  it  right  to  plead  the  cause 
of  the  oppressed,  and  to  endeavor,  by  moral  suasion, 
to    convince    the    people    of   the    evils    of  slavery. 


THE  HAT  STORY. 


569 


These  special  marshals  were  mostly  brought  from 
the  Kentucky  side  of  the  river — all  at  the  expense 
of  the  United  States — to  see  that  the  infamous 
slave  law  of  1850  was  executed.  These  Kentuck- 
ians,  invested  with  a  little  brief  authority,  were  sta- 
tioned in  and  around  the  Court-House,  and  often 
assumed  authority  to  prevent  colored  people  and 
the  particular  friends  of  the  slaves  from  entering 
the  court-room.  One  of  these  marshals  was  sta- 
tioned at  the  door.  When  I  was  about  to  pass  in, 
he  inquired,  abruptly  : 

"What  are  you  going  in  for?  Are  you  a  wit- 
ness?" 

I  replied  :  "That  is  my  business,  not  thine— we 
live  in  a  free  State  on  this  side  of  the  river,"  and 
passed  by  him  into  the  court-room.  It  was  a  long 
room— where  the  Commissioner's  Court  was  held — 
and  was  densely  crowded.  The  seats  had  all  been 
moved  behind  the  bar,  in  order  to  give  standing 
room. 

The  weather  was  extremely  cold,  and  the  only 
provision  for  warming  the  apartment  was  a  stove  at 
each  end.  The  southern  part  of  the  room  was 
occupied  by  the  Commissioner  and  his  Court ;  in 
the  northern  part  every  foot  of  standing  space  was 
occupied  by  spectators.  I  saw  Samuel  Alley  stand- 
ing near  the  stove  in  the  end  of  the  room,  and  made 
my  way  through  the  crowd  to  him,  but  neglected 
to  take  off  my  hat. 

The  Kentucky  marshal  at  the  door,  noticing  this, 
spoke  in  a  loud  commanding  tone,  and  said  :  "Take 
off  your  hat !  "  several  times.  I  paid  no  attention 
48 


570  REMINISCENCES. 

to  him.  He  then  made  his  way  through  the  crowd 
to  me,  and  said,  loudly  and  angrily:  "I  command 
you  to  take  off  you  hat,  sir  !  " 

I  spoke  in  a  low  tone,  and  asked:  "What  is  the 
matter  with  my  hat  ?  I  suppose  that  it  will  not 
hurt  anybody." 

He  spoke  as  before,  and  said:  "Why,  sir,  you 
are  in  the  United  States  Court.  I  have  authority ; 
I  command  you  to  pull  off  your  hat." 

I  replied :  "  I  shall  not  pull  off  my  hat  to  accom- 
modate thee.  It  is  not  my  habit  nor  the  habit  of 
my  people  to  make  obeisance  to  men." 

He  repeated,  angrily,  "You  are  in  the-  United 
States  Court,  sir,  and  I  command  you  to  pull  off 
your  hat." 

I  replied,  mildly,  "It  is  not  the  first  time  that  I 
have  been  in  the  United  States  Court.  I  have 
served  on  juries  in  different  courts,  and  in  various 
States,  and  was  never  commanded  to  pull  off  my 
hat ;  and  I  am  not  aware  that  a  Commissioner's 
Court,  trying  a  fugitive  slave  case,  is  a  more  sacred 
place  than  other  courts." 

The  attention  of  the  crowd  seemed  to  be  drawn 
to  us ;  they  turned  their  eyes  in  our  direction  to 
watch  the  marshal's  movements,  and  listened  to  the 
words  that  passed  between  us. 

The  marshal,  seeing  that  I  was  not  disposed  to 
obey  his  commands,  seized  my  hat  rudely  and  jerked 
it  off  my  head.  He  then  offered  it  to  me,  but  I  did 
not  take  it,  or  pay  any  attention  to  it  further  than 
to  say,   "  I  thought  thou  wanted  my  hat." 

Turning  quietly  toward    my  friend   Alley,    I    re- 


THE  HAT  STORY.  57 1 

sumed  conversation  with  him,  in  a  low  tone,  regard- 
ing the  business  of  our  committee  meeting  that 
afternoon.  The  marshal  stood  a  short  time  holding 
my  hat,  and  looking  quite  foolish  (others  said);  then 
seeing  that  I  paid  no  attention  to  him,  and  was  not 
disposed  to  relieve  him  of  the  care  of  my  hat,  he 
began  to  look  around  for  some  place  on  which  to 
lay  it. 

He  espied  a  table  or  bench  in  one  corner  of  the 
room,  and  kindly  laid  my  hat  upon  it,  then  made  his 
way  back  to  his  station  at  the  door.  A  member 
of  our  city  police  who  knew  me  came  to  me  and 
said,  "You  had  better  go  and  get  your  hat;  it 
might  get  lost."  I  replied:  "I  did  not  put  it  there 
and  I  shall  not  go  after  it."  The  policeman  then 
went  after  it  and  brought  it  to  me.  I  thanked  him, 
and  put  it  on  my  head.  The  marshal  at  the  door 
soon  discovered  it,  and  began  to  cry  out,  as  before, 
"Pull  off  your  hat!"  Seeing  that  I  paid  no 
attention  to  him,  he  made  his  way  through  the 
crowd  toward  me,  and  again  commanded  me  to 
take  off  my  hat,  saying  that  he  had  authority ;  that 
I  was  in  the  United  States  Court,  etc.  I  replied 
again  that  I  had  often  been  in  courts  before,  and 
had  never  been  commanded  to  pull  off  my  hat. 
"I  have  been  in  the  Queen's  Court,"  I  said,  "and 
was  allowed  to  wear  my  hat  there  without  molesta- 
tion. Friends  have  been  permitted  to  approach 
kings  and  emperors  with  their  hats  on  ;  I  told  thee 
before  that  we  did  not  make  obeisance  to  men  ; 
I  generally  take  off  my  hat,  for  my  own  comfort, 
when  seated  in  a  house  ;    but  I  do  not  wish  to  take 


572 


REMINISCENCES. 


it  off  now;  it   is   not  uncomfortable  this  cold  day." 

Again  he  seized  my  hat  and  pulled  it  off  in  a  rude 
manner.  He  offered  it  to  me,  as  before  ;  but  I 
appeared  not  to  notice  it,  and  went  on  talking  with 
Alley  as  though  nothing  had  occurred  to  interrupt 
our  quiet  conversation.  The  marshal  started  across 
the  room  to  lay  my  hat  where  he  had  laid  it  before, 
but  on  the  way  he  met  our  city  officer,  who  took 
hold  of  it  and  said,  "Let  the  gentleman's  hat 
alone."  I  could  not  hear  the  marshal's  reply,  as 
he  spoke  in  a  low  tone  on  that  occasion,  but  I 
heard  the  city  officer  say,  sharply,  "I  have  as  much 
authority  as  you  have,  sir."  He  then  took  my  hat 
from  the  marshal,  brought  it  to  me  and  kindly- 
placed  it  on  my  head. 

The  Kentucky  marshal  went  back  to  his  place  at 
the  door,  and  did  not  trouble  me  further  about  my 
hat,  although  I  remained  for  some  time  with  it  on 
my  head. 

When  the  marshal  took  off  my  hat  the  second 
time,  his  action  seemed  to  arouse  a  feeling  of  indig- 
nation among  the  people  standing  near  me.  When 
he  started  away  with  it,  some  of  them  manifested  a 
spirit  of  fight ;  one  said:  "  Let  him  try  that  again  ;  " 
another  said:  "I  can't  stand  that;"  and  a  third 
exclaimed,  with  an  oath:  "I  won't  stand  that."  I 
did  not  turn  my  head  to  see  who  these  men  were, 
nor  pay  any  attention  to  what  they  said,  but  con- 
tinued my  conversation  with  Samuel  Alley. 

A  Gazette  reporter  was  present  when  this  oc- 
curred, and  next  morning  an  article  appeared  in 
that  paper  giving  an  account  of  the  marshal's  rude- 


THE  HAT  STORY. 


573 


ness  in  reference  to  my  hat,  and  remarking  that  it 
did  not  appear  to  throw  me  off  of  my  usual  equa- 
nimity. One  error  occurred  in  this  account ;  the 
reporter  said  that  the  marshal  knocked  my  hat  off — 
he  pulled  it  off  with  his  hand. 

The  committee  met  according  to  agreement,  and 
completed  the  arrangement  for  the  concert.  I  then 
returned  home,  and  finding  there  Jonathan  Cable,  a 
stanch  abolitionist  and  Presbyterian  minister,  from 
College  Hill,  I  related  to  him  my  adventure  with 
the  marshal  in  the  court-room.  Cable  immediately 
picked  up  his  hat  and  said:  "  I  will  try  him."  He 
hastily  made  his  way  to  the  court-room,  and  passed 
in,  by  the  marshal  at  the  door,  keeping  his  hat  on 
his  head. 

The  marshal  cried  out  several  times:  "Pull  off 
your  hat ! "  but  seeing  that  his  order  was  not 
obeyed,  he  pressed  through  the  crowd  to  the  place 
where  Cable  stood,  and  in  an  authoritative  manner 
commanded  him  to  take  off  his  hat.  Cable  made 
no  reply  nor  paid  any  attention  to  him,  and  the 
marshal  jerked  his  hat  from  his  head,  as  he  had 
done  mine.  He  then  offered  it  to  him,  but  Cable 
declined  to  take  it  and  said  to  him: 

"Are  you  a  United  States  officer?" 

"Yes,  sir,"  replied  the  marshal. 

"Well,  then,"  rejoined  Cable,  "you  are  a  ser- 
vant of  ours;  you  may  hold  my  hat;"  adding,  in  a 
sharp,  commanding  tone,   "don't  carry  it  off." 

The  officer  seemed  perplexed  and  stood  for  a 
short  time,  holding  the  hat.  Court  adjourned,  at 
that  juncture,   and  Cable,   taking  his  hat,   returned 


574  REMINISCENCES. 

to  my  house  in  a  very  good  humor,  and  related  his 
experiment. 

The  story  of  my  adventure  with  the  marshal, 
respecting  my  hat,  soon  became  extensively  known. 
The  accounts  given  of  it  in  the  Cincinnati  papers 
were  copied  by  other  papers  in  various  parts  of  the 
country.  The  editor  of  the  Gazette  told  me  that  he 
had  seen  it  in  sixteen  of  his  Southern  exchanges. 

For  several  days  I  could  not  walk  the  streets 
without  being  accosted  by  some  one  who  would 
assert  that  I  had  whipped  the  marshal.  My  general 
reply  was:  "I  didn't  hurt  a  hair  of  his  head." 


UNDERGROUND  RAILROAD  DEPOT. 


575 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

AN     UNDERGROUND     RAILROAD    DEPOT THE     PURCHASE 

OF  SLAVES  BY  THEIR  RELATIVES — OTHER  SERVICES 
FOR  THE  COLORED  PEOPLE — THE  CASE  OF  CON- 
NELLY  "SAMBO  IN  A  TIGHT  BOX." 

IN  the  year  1856  I  sold  out  my  store,  but  con- 
tinued to  do  more  or  less  commission  business, 
receiving  consignments  of  country  produce,  etc., 
until  a  few  years  later,  when  I  engaged  in  the 
work  for  the  Freedmen.  After  disposing  of  my 
store,  I  leased  a  large,  convenient  house  on  the 
southwest  corner  of  Franklin  Street  and  Broadway, 
near  Woodward  College.  It  had  been  built  for  a 
boarding-house  by  William  Woodward — who  estab- 
lished the  school  and  donated  a  large  amount  of 
property  to  sustain  it — and  was  well  adapted  for 
such  a  purpose.  It  was  in  a  quiet  location,  and  de- 
tached from  other  buildings,  having  a  large  open  lot 
on  the  south,  with  shade  trees,  and  the  college  lot 
on  the  west.  The  building  contained  over  thirty 
rooms,  most  of  them  large  and  well  ventilated. 
Here  we  opened  a  private  boarding-house,  receiving 
only  such  as  we  thought  would  be  agreeable  com- 
pany, for  regular  boarders,  and  in  a  short  time  had 


576 


REMINISCENCES. 


a  large  and  pleasant  circle  around  our  table.  The 
members  were  mostly  professors  of  religion,  of  dif- 
ferent evangelical  denominations,  and  the  majority 
were  strongly  anti-slavery  in  sentiment.  Several  of 
the  principals  and  teachers  of  the  public  schools 
boarded  with  us,  as  well  as  those  of  the  Woodward 
High  School,  and  we  also  had  ministers  of  different 
denominations  in  our  family.  In  addition  to  all 
these,  we  had  many  transient  boarders.  Our  house 
was  a  resort  for  Friends  who  came  to  the  city  on 
business,  and  other  of  our  acquaintances  from  the 
country,  so  that  for  a  number  of  years  it  was  simi- 
lar to  Friends'  Institute  in  London,  where  members 
of  the  Society  from  different  parts  of  the  kingdom 
lodge  and  dine  together  when  in  that  city  on  busi- 
ness or  other  errands. 

The  building  and  locality  on  the  corner  of  Frank- 
lin and  Broadway  made  a  very  suitable  depot  of  the 
Underground  Railroad,  and  rarely  a  week  passed 
without  bringing  us  passengers  for  that  mysterious 
road.  There  was  no  pecuniary  income  from  that 
class  of  boarders,  but  a  constant  outlay  for  them. 
I  kept  a  horse  and  wagon  always  on  hand  to  convey 
fugitives  to  the  next  depot.  My  wagon  was  made 
to  order  for  this  express  purpose  ;  it  was  a  strong 
spring-wagon,  neatly  curtained  so  that  it  could  be 
tightly  closed,  having  a  curtain  in  front,  just  behind 
the  driver,  and  had  seats  for  six  passengers.  On 
one  occasion  eight  grown  persons  were  crowded  in, 
besides  the  driver ;  this  was  a  heavy  load  for  my 
horse,  but  when  out  of  the  city  and  beyond  Walnut 
Hills,    the    men    got    out    and  walked,   which  they 


WORKING  FOR  THE  COLORED  PEOPLE.       577 

could  safely  do,  as  it  was  in  the  night.  Some  of 
my  friends  called  my  wagon  the  Underground  Rail- 
road car,  and  my  horse  the  locomotive. 

THE  PURCHASE  OF  SLAVES  BY  THEIR  RELATIVES. 

In  addition  to  this  work  I  was  often  called  upon 
to  aid  persons  who  had  obtained  their  liberty,  to 
buy  their  wife  or  husband  or  children  out  of  slavery. 
Many  such  cases  were  brought  before  me  where 
there  appeared  to  be  little  probability  of  success. 
I  discouraged  the  effort,  but  in  other  cases  I  did 
what  I  could  to  aid  in  accomplishing  the  desired 
object.  When  the  matter  was  presented  in  some 
tangible  form  and  the  money  contributed  passed 
into  the  hands  of  some  responsible  person  who  had 
agreed  to  transact  the  business,  I  felt  like  I  could 
take  hold  of  the  case,  and  recommend  it  to  others. 
There  were  some  very  touching  stories  of  distress, 
of  a  wife,  a  husband  or  a  child  to  be  sold  to  a  trader 
and  taken  to  the  far  South,  perhaps  to  be  forever 
separated  from  all  they  loved.  In  such  instances 
when  some  near  relative  started  out  to  solicit  money 
to  buy  the  person  from  bondage,  it  was  hard  to 
refuse,  almost  impossible  if  one  brought  the  case 
home  to  himself. 

OTHER  SERVICES  FOR  THE  COLORED  PEOPLE. 

Besides  aiding  fugitives,  I  often  assisted  the  poor 
and  destitute  among  the  free  colored  people  of  our 
city,  visiting  the  sick  and  afflicted  among  them  who 
seemed  to  be  neglected  by  the  white  people,  and 
was    often    accused   by  those  who  were  prejudiced 

49 


578 


REMINISCENCES. 


against  colored  people,  of  thinking  more  of  the  col- 
ored race  than  I  did  of  the  white.  To  such  accusa- 
tions I  generally  replied  that  I  was  no  respecter  of 
color  or  race,  that  the  negroes  had  souls  equally  as 
precious  as  ours,  that  Christ  had  died  for  them  as 
well  as  for  us,  and  that  we  were  all  alike  in  the 
divine  sight.  The  poor  and  destitute  among  them 
were  not  looked  after  as  such  classes  were  among 
the  whites,  and  on  that  account  I  felt  it  my  duty  to 
seek  them  out  and  help  them.  I  often  gave  them 
employment  in  preference  to  whites,  not  that  I  felt 
any  greater  attachment  to  them  on  account  of  their 
color,  but  because  I  knew  that  they  were  often 
unjustly  refused  and  neglected. 

Sometimes  I  heard  people  say  that  they  would 
not  have  a  negro  about  them  ;  they  had  never  hired 
one  that  did  them  any  good,  etc.  I  replied  that 
my  experience  had  been  different ;  the  best  servants 
I  had  ever  employed  belonged  to  that  despised  race. 
"But,"  I  added,  "it  is  quite  natural  that  they 
should  not  work  with  much  zeal  for  those  who  dis- 
like and  hate  them." 

In  addition  to  these  attentions  to  the  colored 
people  in  our  city,  I  was  frequently  called  upon  to 
look  after  the  welfare  and  proper  settlement  of  fami- 
lies that  had  been  set  free,  and  brought  here,  be- 
cause the  laws  of  the  slave  States  would  not  allow 
them  to  remain  there  and  be  free. 

Such  charges  and  cares  seemed  to  accumulate  on 
my  hands  for  several  years  preceding  the  war.  I 
was  burdened  with  them  because  others  could  not 
be  found  to  take  them,  and  because,  out  of  compas- 


WORKING  FOR  THE  COLORED  PEOPLE.       579 

sion,  I  could  not  refuse.  I  devoted  much  time  to 
looking  after  the  interests  of  negroes  who  were 
brought  here  and  liberated,  without  receiving  any 
pecuniary  compensation  for  my  time  and  services. 
At  one  time  a  company  of  slaves,  consisting  of 
several  families,  were  willed  free  by  their  master — 
living  in  the  interior  of  Kentucky — and  brought  to 
Cincinnati  by  an  agent,  and  left  to  shift  for  them- 
selves. They  had  difficulty  in  getting  houses  to  live 
in,  and  several  families  finally  huddled  into  an  old 
tenement,  which  was  so  uncomfortable  that  some 
of  them  soon  became  sick  from  exposure.  Not 
being  used  to  city  life  they  were  unable  to  find 
work,  and  soon  became  dissatisfied  and  discouraged. 
They  wished  to  go  into  the  country  but  knew  not 
where  to  go.  I  was  informed  of  their  case  and  went 
to  visit  them.  Finding  them  situated  so  uncom- 
fortably, and  learning  that  the  money  which  had 
been  given  them  was  nearly  gone,  I  advised  them  to 
go  into  the  country  at  once.  The  father  of  one  of 
the  families  was  quite  an  intelligent  man,  and  ap- 
peared to  be  the  leading  spirit  among  them ;  he  had 
been  the  manager  of  his  old  master's  plantation.  I 
agreed  to  accompany  him  to  hunt  homes  for  the 
company  in  the  country,  and  we  started  next  morn- 
ing to  Springfield,  Ohio,  taking  several  of  the  young 
men  with  us.  Arriving  at  Springfield,  I  called  on 
several  of  my  friends  there  and  roused  their  interest 
in  behalf  of  these  people.  Next  day  the  young 
men  found  good  situations  among  the  farmers — it 
being  the  spring  of  the  year — and  the  old  man 
found   a  comfortable  house  for  his  family  and  em- 


580  REMINISCENCES. 

ployment  on  a  farm,  at  good  wages.  We  returned 
to  Cincinnati  rejoicing  at  our  success,  and  the  whole 
company  removed  at  once  to  Springfield,  where  they 
did  well. 

I  was  not  allowed  much  rest  from  such  demands 
•upon  my  services  and  sympathy,  though  the  cases 
differed  in  some  respects.  I  think  that  it  was  in  the 
fall  of  the  same  year,  that  I  was  called  upon  by  an 
old  gentleman  from  the  State  of  Tennessee,  named 
McKnight,  who  told  me  that  he  had  brought  a 
large  family  of  slaves  to  Cincinnati,  whom  he  wished 
to  liberate  and  locate  in  a  settlement  of  Friends, 
where  they  would  be  properly  cared  for.  He  said 
he  could  recommend  them  as  being  honest,  indus- 
trious, and  trustworthy.  The  family  consisted  of 
the  father,  mother,  and  eight  or  nine  children, 
among  whom  were  several  boys  nearly  grown. 
McKnight  said  that  the  children  had  all  been  born 
in  his  house  and  brought  up  as  part  of  his  family, 
and  had  never  known  what  it  was  to  be  treatiiM  as 
slaves.  He  and  his  wife  had  not  been  blessed  with 
children  of  their  own,  and  they  had  reared  these 
children  carefully,  and  were  quite  fond  of  them  ;  it 
was  a  trial  to  part  with  them.  The  man  had  had  the 
entire  charge  of  the  farm  and  was  a  good  manager, 
and  the  woman  was  an  excellent  housekeeper,  and 
looked  after  all  the  affairs  of  household  work. 

McKnight  and  his  wife  were  old  and  feeble,  and 
felt  -that  they  must  make  some  provision  for  their 
faithful  servants.  They  intended  that  their  slaves 
should  never  belong  to  any  one  else,  and  as  the  law 
did  not  allow  them  to  be  set  free  and  remain  in  the 


WORKING  FOR  THE  COLORED  PEOPLE.        58 1 

State,  they  concluded  to  locate  them  in  a  free  State. 
He  had  accordingly  brought  them  to  Ohio,  and, 
having  been  advised  to  consult  me,  had  called  on 
me  for  advice.  After  hearing  the  old  man's  story, 
I  felt  deeply  interested  in  his  case,  and  began  to 
think  over  the  places  that  would  be  suitable  for  the 
purpose.  In  weighing  the  matter  my  mind  seemed 
to  settle  on  Harveysburg,  Warren  County,  knowing 
it  to  be  a  good  anti-slavery  neighborhood,  and  I 
advised  him  to  go  there. 

The  old  man  insisted  on  my  going  with  him,  as 
he  was  a  stranger  to  that  part  of  the  country,  and  I 
finally  agreed  to  accompany  him.  Next  afternoon 
we  took  the  train  to  Corwin — the  nearest  station  to 
Harveysburg — taking  with  us  the  slave  family  and 
all  their  freight,  consisting  of  household  furniture, 
cooking  utensils,  etc.  They  seemed  to  be  well  sup- 
plied with  clothing  and  bedding.  At  Corwin  we 
obtained  a  comfortable  room  at  the  depot  for  them 
to  loage  in,  using  their  own  bedding,  and  having  an 
opportunity  to  prepare  their  food  there.  McKnight 
and  I  procured  conveyance  to  Harveysburg,  four 
miles  distant.  We  arrived  there  after  dark,  and 
were  kindly  received  and  entertained  by  my  friends 
Jonathan  and  Jane  Clark.  Next  morning  several 
Friends,  both  men  and  women,  were  called  in  to 
counsel  with  us  in  regard  to  the  slave  family;  among 
the  women  were  Martha  Antrim  and  several  others, 
ivho  were  noted  sympathizers  with  the  oppressed. 
All  present  appeared  to  listen  with  deep  interest  to 
McKnight's  story  about  his  family  of  slaves  and  his 
desire  to  settle  them  among  Friends. 


582 


REMINISCENCES. 


Jonathan  Clark  kindly  offered  a  house  for  their 
present  use.  Teams  were  sent  to  Corwin  for  them, 
and  they  were  soon  located  in  their  new  quarters. 
I  then  returned  home,  but  the  old  man  remained  a 
few  days  longer,  to  see  them  comfortably  settled. 
They  manifested  great  regard  for  their  old  master, 
and  appeared  very  loth  to  part  with  him.  He  pet- 
ted the  little  children,  and  they  evidently  loved  him. 

McKnight  stopped  at  my  house  on  his  return 
home,  and  seemed  happy  and  thankful  that  he  had 
been  spared  to  get  this  great  burden  off  his  mind 
and  to  see  his  slaves  free.  He  spoke  of  his  kind 
treatment  at  Harveysburg,  and  of  the  council  held 
at  J.  Clark's  the  morning  after  we  arrived  there. 
Alluding  to  the  Quaker  women  that  were  present, 
he  said:  "I  never  felt  so  much  like  I  was  sur- 
rounded by  a  company  of  angels,"  and  burst  into 
tears.  Some  of  those  dear  Friends  he  spoke  of  with 
so  much  tenderness  have  since  gone  to  their  reward. 

The  slave  family  proved  to  be  equal  to  the  old 
man's  recommendation.  They  soon  rented  a  large 
farm,  which  the  father  and  sons  managed  well,  and 
as  the  whole  family  were  industrious  and  frugal, 
they  accumulated  in  a  few  years  sufficient  means  to 
buy  a  farm  of  their  own.  Here  they  lived,  when 
last  I  heard  from  them,  comfortably  situated  and 
respected  by  all  their  neighbors. 

The  following  occurrence  took  place  not  long  be 
fore  the  breaking  out  of  the  war : 

Two  slaves,  man  and  wife,  belonging  to  a  man 
who  lived  in  Covington,  Kentucky,  escaped  to  Cin- 
cinnati, and  went  to  the  office  of  James  Connelly,  at 


THE  CONNELLY  CASE.  583 

that  time  engaged  on  the  local  staff  of  the  Commer- 
cial. Having  anti-slavery  sympathies,  he  received 
the  fugitives  and  promised  to  aid  them.  I  was  ab- 
sent from  the  city  at  that  time,  and  while  waiting 
my  return,  to  ship  the  two  fugitives  on  the  Under- 
ground Railroad,  Connelly  put  them  in  a  room  back 
of  his  office,  where  he  kept  them  several  days,  and 
fed  them.  At  night,  when  he  left  the  office,  he 
locked  them  in.  The  search  for  them  was  so  vigor- 
ous that  it  was  not  considered  safe  for  them  to  move, 
and  they  remained  in  this  place  for  more  than  a 
week.  By  some  means  their  master  learned  of  their 
whereabouts,  and  came  with  a  posse  of  officers  and 
men  to  take  them. 

Connelly  was  absent  at  the  time,  and  the  door 
was  locked.  The  pursuers  succeeded  in  making 
their  way  into  the  office,  and  demanded  entrance  at 
the  inside  door.  The  negro  man,  declaring  he 
would  not  be  taken,  refused  to  open  it.  They  broke 
the  transom  over  the  door,  and  he  attempted  to 
shoot  them.  They  fired  at  him,  inflicting  a  mortal 
wound,  then,  breaking  in  the  door,  they  secured 
him  and  his  wife.  Notwithstanding  his  wound  he 
fought  desperately,  but  was  soon  overpowered  and 
bound.  The  fugitives  were  then  taken  across  the 
river  to  Covington,  where  the  man  died  shortly 
afterward. 

The  master  got  out  a  writ  to  arrest  Connelly  for 
harboring  fugitive  slaves,  but  Connelly  heard  of  it, 
and  immediately  fled  from  the  city.  He  went  to 
New  York,  where  he  obtained  a  position  on  the 
staff  of  the  Sun,  and  remained  several  months. 


584  REMINISCENCES. 

Learning  of  his  whereabouts,  the  Cincinnati  mar- 
shal went  East,  and  arrested  him,  brought  him  back 
to  Cincinnati  and  placed  him  in  jail.  As  soon  as  I 
heard  of  this  I  went  to  see  Connelly,  and  it  was  ar- 
ranged that  he  should  be  released  on  bail  till  court 
convened.  I  went  to  work,  and  interested  a  num- 
ber of  prominent  men,  who  agreed  to  sign  the  bond. 
The  sum  required  was  large,  but  such  business  firms 
and  persons  as  Harwood  and  Marsh,  Allen  and  Co., 
Dr.  W.  H.  Mussey,  and  others,  soon  subscribed  it. 
Connelly  was  brought  before  Judge  Leavitt,  of  the 
United  States  Court,    to   have    the  bond   executed. 

In  the  court-room,  S.  M ,  prosecuting  attorney, 

came  to   me,  and  said:    "Levi,   you  have  rallied  a 
set  of  good-looking  men  to  sign  Connelly's  bond." 

"Yes,"  I  replied;  "first-class  men." 

"Well,"  continued  the  attorney,  "how  is  the 
Underground  Railroad  prospering?" 

"Oh,  finely,  finely,  we  have  a  great  many  pas- 
sengers; scarcely  a  week  without  more  or  less.  But 
you  seem  to  get  hold  of  very  few  cases.  How  is  it, 
Friend  M.,  that  I  see  thee  engaged  in  this  case? 
Thou  used  to  be  on  our  side." 

"I  must  see  that  the  law  is  executed.  But  how 
was  it  about  this  case?  It  seems  to  have  been  badly 
managed." 

"  I  was  away  from  home,"  I  replied,  to  which  he 
rejoined,  "Ah!  that  explains  the  whole  matter;" 
then  I  went  on:  "Now,  if  I  were  to  get  into  a 
scrape  of  this  kind,  I  would  not  dodge  as  Connelly 
did.  I  would  submit  myself  and  abide  the  conse- 
quences ;  and  I  know  thou  wouldst  dislike  to  prose- 


THE  CONNELLY  CASE.  585 

cute  me  for  doing  what  thou  knovvest  to  be  right, 
and  according  to  the  dictates  of  humanity.  Thou 
wouldst  not  like  to  face  me  in  court  in  such  a  case 
as  this." 

He  patted  me  on  the  shoulder  and  said:  "I 
guess  there  is  no  danger  of  your  getting  into 
trouble,  Mr.  Coffin. " 

I  continued:    "How  is   it  that  you    do   not   get 
hold  of  cases  at  my  house?      We  often  have  rich 
cases  there   that  would   be    worth    considerable    to 
you.      Only  last  week  we  had  one  of  this  kind.      A 
young    woman    as  white   as    any    of  our    wives    or 
daughters,  who  was   held  as  a  slave   in  Kentucky, 
made  her  escape  and  came  to  this  city.      She  found 
a  position  as  a  servant  girl  among  white  people,  and 
no  one  suspected  that  she  belonged  to  the  colored 
race.      When   she  had   been  here  a  month   or  two 
her  master  learned  of  her  whereabouts  and  came  in 
pursuit  of  her.      With  two  other  men  whom  he  had 
called  to  his  assistance,  he  undertook  to  capture  her 
one  evening  as  she  was  returning  from  church  with 
several  ladies,  but  she  showed  fight,  and  her  com- 
panions did  also.     Some  policemen  saw  the  struggle 
and  interfered,  and  while  the  master  was  trying  to 
explain  that  the  person  he  sought  was  his  slave,  the 
girl  slipped  away  and  came  to  my  house.      We  kept 
her  several   days   and    prepared    her    for  traveling, 
then  I  bought  her  a  ticket  to  Detroit  and  took  her 
in  my  carriage,  in  broad  daylight,  to  Cumminsville, 
where  I  put  her  on  the  train." 

With  a  few  more  remarks,  the  conversation  closed 
and  would  soon  have  been  forgotten,  but  a  reporter 


586 


R  EMINISCENCES. 


was  present  listening  with  professional  ear,  and 
next  morning  there  appeared  a  lengthy  article  in  a 
morning  paper,  giving  an  account  of  it,  with  much 
added  and  the  whole  embellished. 

Connelly  resumed  his  place  on  the  Commercial 
staff,  and  came  to  board  at  our  house,  where  he  was 
joined  by  his  family,  who  had  removed  to  Pittsburg 
during  his  absence. 

At  this  time  there  was  a  large  anti-slavery 
element  in  Ohio.  Abhorrence  of  the  Fugitive 
Slave  law  and  its  penalties  was  rapidly  increasing 
among  the  better  class  of  citizens,  and  the  feeling 
had  become  very  strong  against  making  Ohio  a 
hunting  ground  for  Southern  slaveholders  ;  conse- 
quently the  public  sentiment  was  largely  in  favor 
of  Connelly.  Ex-Governor  Corwin,  Judge  Stallo, 
and  other  prominent  lawyers  volunteered  to  defend 
him. 

When  the  United  States  Court  convened  and  his 
trial  came  on,  the  court-room  was  crowded.  The 
trial  lasted  several  days  and  was  the  subject  of 
unabated  interest.  After  able  arguments  by  the 
prominent  lawyers  who  had  volunteered  to  defend 
Connelly,  and  a  lengthy  charge  by  the  judge,  the 
jury  retired  to  deliberate  and  finally  brought  in  a 
verdict  of  guilty.  The  penalty  was  as  light  as  the 
law  allowed — imprisonment  for  twenty  days  and  a 
fine  of  ten  dollars. 

Connelly  was  immediately  taken  to  jail,  by  the 
deputy  sheriff,  to  serve  out  his  sentence.  As  they 
passed  me  where  I  was  standing  on  the  sidewalk,  1 


CON  NELL  Y  IN  PRISON.  c  g  7 

said:     "Friend   Connelly,  I  hope  thou  wilt  have  a 
pleasant  time  in  jail." 

"Shut  your  mouth,"  said  the  officer;  "you  are 
not  allowed  to  speak  to  the  prisoner." 

"Stop,  my  good  fellow,"  said  I,  "thou  art  a  ser- 
vant of  ours,  not  a  master,  and  not  clothed  with  so 
much  authority." 

"  It  will  not  be  long  before  I  will  have  you  in  jail, 
too." 

"Perhaps  that  would  be  a  difficult  and  costly 
job." 

I  and  others  of  Connelly's  friends  made  arrange- 
ments with  the  jailer  to  give  him  a  good  room  and 
allow  us  to  furnish  it  with  a  bedstead,  bedding,  a 
table,  chairs,  writing  utensils,  and  other  articles 
of  comfort  and  convenience.  We  also  stipulated 
that  he  should  have  good  fare,  and  agreed  to  pay 
his  board. 

A  number  of  people  visited  Connelly  every  day 
during  his  imprisonment.  Ladies  carried  him  straw- 
berries, pastry  and  other  dainties ;  the  teachers  of 
the  public  schools  formed  a  procession  and  visited 
him,  and  ministers  of  the  different  churches  called 
to  see  him.  The  Methodist  Conference  was  in  ses- 
sion in  this  city  when  he  was  imprisoned,  and  the 
members  of  it  visited  him  in  a  body. 

The  next  week  the  Unitarian  Conference  met 
here,  and  the  members  composing  it  formed  a  pro- 
cession, headed  by  Horace  Mann,  and  went  to  the 
prison  to  see  Connelly.  All  these  demonstrations 
showed  sympathy  with  Connelly  and  made  the  time 
of  his  imprisonment   pass  quickly  and  pleasantly. 


588  REMINISCENCES. 

The  jailer  grew  tired  of  locking  and  unlocking  the 
door  of  his  room  so  often,  and  finally  left  it  open, 
that  visitors  might  pass  in  and  out  as  they  pleased. 
The  fine  of  ten  dollars,  which  was  a  part  of  the 
penalty,  was  never  exacted. 

Connelly's  term  of  imprisonment  expired  at  noon, 
but  as  the  Turners  and  other  societies  wished  to 
form  a  torchlight  procession,  and  escort  him  from 
jail,  the  jailer  allowed  him  to  remain  till  night. 
The  arrangements  were  all  made,  and  at  the  ap- 
pointed hour,  the  procession,  headed  by  a  band  of 
music  and  several  carriages,  containing  Judge  Stallo 
and  other  prominent  citizens,  proceeded  to  the  jail. 
A  committee  appointed  conducted  Connelly  from 
the  jail  to  the  carriage  reserved  for  him,  then  the 
procession  paraded  through  the  principal  streets, 
and  went  to  Turner  Hall,  where  Connelly  delivered 
a  speech. 

A  short  time  afterward  a  large  public  hall  was 
engaged,  and  Connelly  was  advertised  to  deliver  a 
lecture  on  the  Underground  Railroad,  the  proceeds, 
after  deducting  expenses,  to  be  applied  for  the 
benefit  of  the  road  mentioned. 

A  large  and  interested  audience  filled  the  hall  at 
the  time  appointed,  and  listened  attentively  to  the 
address,  in  which  Connelly  took  the  ground  that  the 
Underground  Railroad  was  a  Southern  institution, 
and  explained  the  different  principles  on  which  it 
was  conducted. 

"sambo  in  a  tight  box." 
This  story  may  be  related  in  letters.     The  follow- 


SAMBO   IN  A  BOX. 


589 


ing   appeared    in  the    Nashville  (Tennessee)    Union 
and  American,  in  April,   i860: 

A  NIGGER-STEALING  QUAKER. 

The  Cincinnati  Commercial,  of  April  18,  contains 
the  following : 

"SAMBO  IN  A  TIGHT  BOX. 

"  Editors  Commercial, — In  this  morning's  issue  of  your  paper  I 
find  under  the  above  head  a  caution  administered  to  me  to  be  care- 
ful, after  informing  the  public  that  a  box  was  forwarded  from  Nash- 
ville, Tennessee,  by  Adams  Express,  to  my  care,  and  all  went 
well  until  the  train  reached  Seymour,  Indiana,  when  the  box 
burst  open,  and  out  dropped  a  nigger,  etc.  You  go  on  to  state 
that  yesterday  morning  Mr.  Coffin  called  for  the  box,  and  the 
clerk  questioned  him  closely  as  to  its  contents,  but  he  'didn't 
know  a  thing;  couldn't  guess  what  was  in  it.'  Then  you  say: 
'Be  careful,  Friend  Levi;  thee  [thou]  musn't  tell  fibs.'  Your 
caution  is  fully  appreciated,  and  in  return  permit  me  to  suggest 
to  you  to  be  careful  to  make  no  improper  insinuations  to  lead  the 
public  to  believe  a  fib  in  regard  to  my  complicity  in  the  matter. 

"  About  twelve  o'clock  on  Seventh  day,  the  14th  inst.,  I 
received  through  the  post-office  a  letter,  post-marked  Nashville, 
Tennessee,  dated  Nashville,  April  11,  signed  Hannah  M.  Johnson, 
stating  that  a  box  would  be  forwarded  by  Adams  Express  to  my 
care,  and  wishing  me  to  go  to  the  express  office  and  take  charge 
of  it,  stating  that  the  express  would  arrive  at  half  past  ten 
o'clock,  Saturday  night,  but  did  not  say  what  the  box  contained. 
I  learned  that  the  express  would  not  arrive  till  First  day  morning, 
nine  o'clock.  I  went  to  the  office  at  that  time  and  handed  the 
letter  to  the  clerk  or  agent.  He  informed  me  that  they  had 
just  got  a  dispatch  informing  them  that  a  box  marked  Hannah 
M.  Johnson,  care  of  Levi  Coffin,  Cincinnati,  had  burst  open  at 
Seymour,  Indiana,  and  a  nigger  rolled  out.  I  informed  them  that 
I  did  not  know  Hannah  M.  Johnson  ;  never  heard  of  her  before ; 
had  no  knowledge  of  any  box  or  anything  else  being  shipped  to 
my  care  from  that  direction,  until  I  received  that  letter  which 
was  before  them. 

"  No  questions  were  asked  me.     My  statements  were  voluntary. 


590  REMINISCENCES. 

They  requested  the  letter  to  copy.  I  gave  it  to  them  with  the 
promise  that  it  be  returned  to  me.  They  have  the  letter.  The 
public  is  welcome  to  its  contents.  Previous  to  receiving  this  letter 
I  have  had  no  correspondence  with  any  one  in  Tennessee  for 
more  than  a  year  past  ;  did  not  know  of  any  person,  male  or 
female,  traveling  in  that  direction ;  knew  nothing  of  the  matter 
'in  any  shape. 

"  My  name  and  address  are  well  known  in  the  South.  It  is  no 
new  thing  for  me  to  receive  consignments  of  slaves  from  the 
South,  generally  gentlemen's  children  to  be  educated  ;  but  this  is 
the  first  case  in  a  tight  box,  and  no  instructions  whether  they 
wished  him  sent  to  school  or  not.  I  am  sorry  that  Sambo  did  not 
get  through  safely  after  suffering  so  long  in  a  tight  box.  I  would 
have  received  him  kindly,  though  I  would  object  to  that  mode  of 
traveling  as  dangerous  and  decidedly  uncomfortable. 

"Levi  Coffin. 

"  Cincinnati,  April  16,  i860." 

After  copying  the  above  from  the  Cincinnati 
Commercial,  the  editor  of  the  Nashville  Union  and 
American  made  the  following  scurrilous  comment, 
trying  to  use  Quaker  language  : 

"Friend  Levi,  thee  ought  to  have  studied  thy  subject  a  little 
better,  and  then  perhaps  thee  would  not  have  involved  thyself  in 
such  palpable  contradictions.  Thee  never  heard  of  Hannah  M. 
Johnson,  yet  thou  wert  quick  to  '  run  after  the  strange  woman,' 
to  pay  the  express  charges  upon  her  box,  the  contents  of  which 
thee  knew  nothing  about  unless  thy  instinct  told  thee.  Verily 
hath  it  been  said  that  the  man  given  to  prevarication  ought  to 
have  a  good  memory,  and  be  able  at  least  to  tell  a  straight  story. 

"Thee  ought  to  have  conned  this  lesson  over  well,  Friend  Levi, 
before  thee  did  pen  thy  communication  to  the  editor  who  gave 
thee  such  good  advice.  Thy  worst  enemy  could  not  desire  thee 
to  write  a  book  after  reading  thy  communication.  Thee  knew 
too  much  about  that  strange  woman  and  her  mission  amorig  thy 
Southern  friends,  and  never  did  criminal  more  surely  betray  his 
guilt.  Thee  knew  that  the  box  shipped  thee  by  the  strange 
woman    contained    a    chattel,    which    the   law,    both    human    and 


THE  SAMBO  CASE.  j«i 

divine,  declared  to  be  stolen,  and  which  could  not  be  received  by 
thee  without  making  thyself  a  party  to  the  crime. 

"We  fear  from  thy  avowal  of  sorrow  that  'Sambo  did  not  get 
through  safe,'  that  thou  art  a  most  hardened  reprobate,  and  that 
a  lecture  upon  the  evil  tendency  of  thy  practice  would  accomplish 
about  as  much  as  a  moonbeam  falling  upon  an  iceberg.  But  there 
is  one  thing,  Friend  Levi,  to  which  we  wish  to  call  thy  especial 
attention.  It  is  clear  from  thy  confession  that  thou  didst  have  an 
intrigue  with  this  Hannah  M.  Johnson,  and  as  that  '  kind-hearted 
individual '  charged  and  received  from  Sambo,  seventy  dollars  in 
cash  and  a  double-case  silver  watch,  according  to  his  statement, 
we  put  it  to  thee  whether  it  is  not  thy  duty  to  make  Sambo  whole 
again  in  his  purse?  The  sincerity  of  thy  compassion  for  the 
nigger  is  now  put  to  the  test." 

To  which  I  wrote  the  following  reply : 
"  To  the  Editors  of  the  Nashville  Union  and  American — I 
find  in  your  paper  of  20th  ult.,  after  publishing  my  card  or  state- 
ment of  facts  as  published  in  the  Cincinnati  '  Commercial,'  a  scur- 
rilous  comment  in  which  you  make  some  very  grave  charges.  Ab- 
sence from  home  has  prevented  me  from  noticing  them  sooner,  but 
your  Southern  honor  can  not  deny  me  the  right  to  be  heard  in  reply. 
It  seems  that  thou  hast  found  it  in  thy  heart  to  call  in  question 
my  plain  statement  of  facts,  and  to  accuse  me  of  contradictions, 
prevarications,  etc.  Then  thou  proceeds  to  make  positive  asser- 
tions without  the  slightest  foundation  to  build  upon,  unless  thy 
instincts  told  thee,  and  they  are  not  apt  to  dictate  untruth.  I  am 
not  aware  of  my  veracity  being  questioned  by  those  who  are 
acquainted  with  me  ;  hence  thy  comment  will  have  about  as  much 
effect  as  a  moonbeam  .falling  upon  an  iceberg,  as  thou  supposed. 
And  thou  hast  blundered  into  another  truth,  perhaps  n»t  inten- 
tionally. Thou  sayest :  •  Thy  worst  enemy  could  not  desire  thee 
to  write  a  book.'  True;  thou  didst  not  desire  Helper,  of  North 
Carolina,  to  write  a  book,  and  I  should  not  suppose  for  a  moment 
that  thou  wouldst  desire  me  to  write  a  book.  I  am  a  Southern 
man,  born  and  raised  in  the  State  of  North  Carolina ;  have 
traveled  in  most  of  the  Southern  States,  and  have  connections 
and  acquaintances  in  several  of  them  ;  and,  if  I  were  to  write  a 
book,  I  might  expose  some  of  the  abominations  of  slavery,  that 
would  not  be  pleasant  to  thy  ear.      The  extent  of  the  evils  of 


592 


REMINISCENCES. 


slavery,  and  its  demoralizing  effects  upon  the  white  population  of 
the  South,  can  not  be  written  even  by  a  Southerner.  I  am 
opposed  to  the  whole  system  of  slavery,  in  all  its  heinous  forms, 
and  conscientiously  believe  it  to  be  a  sin  against  God  and  a  crime 
against  man  to  chatelize  a  human  being,  and  reduce  God's  image 
to  the  level  of  a  brute,  to  be  bought  and  sold  in  the  market  as 
cattle  or  swine.  I  am  also  opposed  to  amalgamation,  and  the 
whole  system  of  concubinage,  which  are  the  legitimate  fruits  of 
slavery,  and  prominent  evils  growing  out  of  it.  It  is  also  well 
known  in  the  South,  as  well  as  in  the  North,  by  all  who  are 
acquainted  with  me,  that  I  am  opposed  to  any  interference  with 
slavery,  or  the  institutions  of  slave  States,  except  by  moral  suasion. 
I  am  a  firm  believer  in  the  doctrines  and  precepts  of  the  gospel, 
which  teaches  us  to  do  unto  others  as  we  would  that  they  should 
do  unto  us;  and  to  feed  the  hungry,  clothe  the  naked,  etc.  ;  but 
does  not  make  any  distinction  of  color.  Now,  if  the  editor  of  the 
Nashville  '  Union  and  American  '  should  be  so  unfortunate  as  to 
be  reduced  to  slavery  (for  color  is  no  protection  in  the  South), 
and  should  he  employ  Hannah  M.  Johnson,  or  somebody  else,  to 
put  him  in  a  tight  box  and  consign  him  to  me,  he  may  be  assured 
that  I  will  receive  him  kindly,  and  feed  him  if  he  should  be 
hungry  ;  for  it  is  not  in  my  nature  to  be  unkind  to  the  least  or 
the  poorest  of  the  human  family.  But  I  would  advise  some  other 
mode  of  conveyance  as  more  safe,  and  that  Hannah  should  pay 
express  charges,  as  I  suppose  she  did  in  the  case  of  Sambo ;  for 
I  heard  no  account  of  express  charges  until  I  saw  thy  false  asser- 
tion, that  I  was  quick  to  run  after  the  strange  woman  to  pay 
express  charges,  etc. 

"Thou  hast  said  that  Hannah  received  of  Sambo  seventy  dollars 
in  cash,  and  a  double-cased  silver  watch,  for  her  services  ;  and 
thou  hast  no  doubt  relieved  thy  mind  of  a  burden  by  suggesting 
that  I  should  make  Sambo  whole  again  in  his  purse.  But,  as  I 
presume  that  Hannah  M.  Johnson  is  a  citizen  of  Nashville,  or  was 
a  delegate  to  the  Charleston  Convention,  and  entirely  unknown 
to  me,  it  does  not  strike  me  very  forcibly  that  I  should  be 
accountable  for  her  misconduct,  for  if  her  motives  had  been 
purely  benevolent,  she  would  not  have  charged  Sambo  anything. 
But  there  is  one  thing,  my  dear  friend,  to  which  I  wish  to  call  thy 
especial  attention.  I  am  very  often  called  upon  by  slaveholders 
from  the  South,  who  come  to  Ohio,  to  liberate  a  portion  of  their 


THE  SAMBO  CASE. 


593 


slaves,  generally  their  own  children  and  sometimes  their  slave 
mothers,  for  assistance  and  advice  in  regard  to  locating  them, 
etc.,  all  of  which  1  have  given  cheerfully  without  charge,  and  in 
addition  to  this,  there  have  been  quite  a  number  of  slave  children 
from  several  different  Southern  States  placed  under  my  care  to  be 
educated,  generally  by  their  white  fathers  or  their  agents,  and  in 
some  instances  by  judges  and  lawyers — men  of  honor  and  high  stand- 
ing in  their  own  country;  and  as  I  am  left  minus  in  several  cases, 
and  in  one  case  from  Tennessee  where  the  bill  is  not  paid,  does  it 
not  strike  thy  mind  very  forcibly  that  it  would  be  just  as  fair  and 
right  for  thee  to  make  me  whole  in  my  purse  for  money  that  I 
have  paid  out  of  my  pocket  for  some  of  your  own  citizens,  as  for 
me  to  make  Sambo  whole  in  his  purse?  Thy  generosity  is  now 
put  to  the  test.  Levi  Coffin. 

"  Cincinnati,  5th  mo.  12,  i860." 

SO 


594  REMINISCENCES. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

LAST    WORK    ON    THE    UNDERGROUND     RAILROAD — THE 

PRINCE     OF    WALES BEGINNING     OF    THE    WAR 

KIRBY    SMITH'S    THREATENED    RAID RESCUE    OF  A 

SLAVE    GIRL    BY  TWO   UNION    SOLDIERS — THE    KEN- 
TUCKY POLICY  AND  COLONEL  UTLEY'S  ACTION. 

USINESS  on  the  Underground  Railroad  con- 
tinued brisk  up  to  the  time  of  the  breaking 
out  of  the  war,  and  for  a  year  afterward — before 
slaves  were  received  and  protected  inside  our  mili- 
tary lines.  The  friends  of  the  fugitives  had  increased 
in  number,  and  though  my  time  and  attention  were 
still  heavily  taxed,  I  had  less  difficulty  in  raising 
means  to  pay  their  passage,  or  in  finding  safe  shel- 
ter for  them  among  the  white  people  when  it  was 
necessary  to  divide  the  companies,  as  was  frequently 
the  case.  I  often  raised  money,  bought  tickets,  and 
forwarded  the  fugitives  by  rail  to  Detroit,  Sandusky, 
or  some  other  point  on  the  lakes,  when  it  was  not 
likely  that  hunters  were  ahead  of  them.  I  gener- 
ally started  them  on  the  evening  train,  that  they 
might  make  the  greater  part  of  their  journey  in  the 
night,  and  in  every  instance  they  arrived  safely  at 
their  destination.      I  had  friends  at  the  other  end  of 


WORKING  FOR  THE  COLORED  PEOPLE.       5^ 

the  line  who  generally  notified  me  of  the  safe  arrival 
of  passengers  by  way  of  the  Underground  or  Upper- 
ground  Railways. 

THE  PRINCE  OF  WALES. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  when  the  Prince  of 
Wales  was  in  America  he  visited  a  number  of  our 
principal  cities,  after  he  had  been  to  Canada.  When 
in  Cincinnati,  he  was  escorted  about  the  city  to  see 
the  most  important  and  interesting  places,  and  in 
his  progress  through  the  streets,  he  and  his  suite 
were  conducted  up  Broadway  to  Franklin  Street, 
and  west  along  Franklin,  in  front  of  Woodward 
College,  to  Main  Street.  This  course  gave  them 
two  front  views  of  my  house,  which  stood  on  the 
southwest  corner  of  Broadway  and  Franklin.  The 
piazzas  fronting  on  Broadway,  and  all  the  windows 
in  both  fronts  of  that  large  house,  were  filled  with 
our  boarders  and  the  neighbors  who  had  come  to 
get  a  good  view  of  the  Prince.  My  wife  and  I 
stood  in  front,  on  the  piazza,  The  Prince,  who  was 
riding  in  an  open  carriage,  took  off  his  hat  and 
made  a  graceful  bow  as  he  passed  our  house. 
Some  of  our  company  wondered  why  he  should  be 
brought  through  our  quiet  locality,  for  it  was  quite 
unusual  for  public  guest's  to  be  conducted  through 
that  neighborhood  of  family  dwelling-houses. 

Others  replied:  "It  is  not  at  all  strange;  the 
Prince  has  been  to  Canada  and  seen  the  terminus 
of  the  Underground  Railroad,  and  of  course  he 
wished  to  see  this  end  of  it,  and  as  this  house  is 
the  principal  depot,  he  wished  to  take  a  fair  view 


596  REMINISCENCES. 

of  the  premises   so  that  he    could    make   a  correct 
report  to  the  Queen." 

This  explanation  seemed  satisfactory  to  the  com- 
pany, and  caused  a  hearty  laugh  among  us. 

THE  BEGINNING  OF  THE  WAR. 

With  the  excitement  that  attended  the  breaking 
out  of  the  rebellion  in  the  spring  of  1861,  there 
came  a  new  feeling,  in  the  free  States,  in  regard  to 
slavery.  The  odium  that  had  been  attached  to 
abolitionism  began  to  die  away ;  there  was  no 
longer  such  disgrace  in  professing  its  sentiments  or 
danger  in  aiding  the  fugitives.  Much  of  my  work 
for  them  was  now  done  boldly  and  above  board — ■ 
or,  I  might  say,  above  ground. 

When  the  first  news  of  the  war  reached  me,  I 
said  :  "This  war  will  never  end  while  slavery  lasts," 
but  I  was  told  that  the  rebellion  would  soon  be  put 
down,  leaving  slavery  untouched.  The  popular 
religious  denominations  were  still  under  the  influ- 
ence of  that  pro-slavery  power  which  had  so  long 
had  the  ascendency.  Prayer-meetings  were  held  in 
all  the  churches  to  pray  that  the  rebellion  might  be 
put  down  and  the  awful  calamities  of  war  averted. 
Acknowledgments  were  made  of  our  sins,  such  as 
intemperance  and  Sabbath-breaking,  and  the  for- 
giveness of  God  was  implored,  and  He  was  asked 
to  restore  peace  and  brotherly  love  to  our  land  ;  but 
the  sin  of  slavery  was  not  mentioned,  not  a  prayer 
for  the  poor  suffering  slaves  was  heard  in  these 
meetings  in  Cincinnati.  The  exciting  subject  of 
slavery  must  not  be  touched. 


PRO-SLAVERY  MEN  STILL  ALIVE  $gy 

A  union  prayer-meeting  for  business  men  was  es- 
tablished in  a  central  church  on  Fourth  Street.  The 
sessions  were  held  from  eight  o'clock  to  nine  every 
morning,  and,  besides  prayers,  there  were  brief  ex- 
hortations. These  meetings  were  largely  attended. 
They  were  led,  in  turn,  by  prominent  religionists 
who  acted  each  in  his  appointed  time  as  presiding 
officer,  and  with  the  tap  of  his  mallet  timed  the 
speaker  or  stopped  him  if  he  touched  upon  any  con- 
troverted point  or  exciting  question.  The  subject 
of  slavery  must  not  be  alluded  to  ;  it  might  hurt 
the  feelings  of  some  good  brother  in  the  meeting. 

About  this  time  that  noble  friend  to  the  slave, 
John  G.  Fee,  of  Berea,  Kentucky,  came  to  the  city 
on  business  and  stopped  at  our  house,  as  he  gener- 
ally did  when  in  Cincinnati.  He  asked  me  if  I  had 
attended  those  morning  prayer-meetings.  I  said, 
"I  have  attended  but  one;  I  have  very  little  faith 
in  those  meetings.  The  real  cause  of  the  war  is  not 
alluded  to  ;  the  poor  slaves  are  not  remembered  in 
their  prayers,  and  the  sin  of  slavery  is  not  men- 
tioned. The  same  pro-slavery  spirit  that  has  ruled 
the  church  so  long  still  exists.  This  war  has  been 
permitted  by  the  Almighty  to  come  upon  us  as  a 
judgment  and  the  North  must  suffer  as  well  as  the 
South,  for  we  are  partners  in  the  national  sin.  I 
believe  that  this  war  will  not  end  until  the  great  sin 
of  slavery  is  removed  from  our  land." 

Friend  Fee  heartily  united  with  me  in  these  sen- 
timents. He  had  preached  and  prayed  and  labored 
for  many  years  in  Kentucky,  in  behalf  of  the  poor 
slave,  and  had  suffered  mob  violence  and  persecu- 


ijgg  REMINISCENCES. 

tion  of  every  kind,  for  doing  what  he  believed  he 
had  been  appointed  by  his  Divine  Master  to  do. 

The  next  morning  we  went  together  to  the 
business  men's  prayer-meeting.  It  was  largely 
attended ;  many  prayers  and  short  speeches  were 
made,  and  every  sin  but  that  of  slavery  was  men- 
tioned. Toward  the  close  of  the  meeting  John  G. 
Fee  rose  and  spoke  of  the  real  cause  of  the  war 
-—slavery,  that  great  and  crying  sin  of  the  nation, 
to  which  no  one  had  alluded.  The  chairman  of  the 
meeting  at  once  brought  down  his  mallet,  as  a 
signal  for  him  to  stop,  but  Fee  continued  to  speak, 
for  a  few  moments,  with  great  earnestness  and 
power.  His  words  seemed  to  create  a  stir  and 
uneasiness  with  many  in  the  meeting.  When  a  few 
more  sharp  taps  of  the  mallet  had  been  given,  he 
took  his  seat,  but  immediately  kneeled  in  prayer, 
and  prayed  with  such  earnestness  and  power  that  he 
was  not  interrupted,  although  he  brought  before  the 
Lord  the  great  sin  of  slavery  and  alluded  to  it  as 
the  cause  of  the  terrible  judgment  that  was  hang- 
ing over  us.  At  the  close  of  the  meeting,  Horace 
Bushnell,  a  minister  and  a  warm  friend  to  the  slave, 
came  up  and  taking  Fee  by  the  hand  said  :  "Brother 
Fee,  you  drove  in  the  nail  and  then  you  clinched  it, 
and  they  can't  get  it  out." 

The  war  excitement  still  grew  stronger,  and  party 
feuds  and  distinctions  were  for  awhile  forgotten 
in  the  all-absorbing  subject.  The  rebellion  in  the 
South  increased,  one  State  after  another  seceded, 
except  Kentucky,  which  professed  to  occupy  neu- 
tral ground,  and  all  loyal  or  Union  men  were  united 


KIRBY  SMITH'S  RAID.  $gg 

on  the  same  platform.  By  the  South,  all  Northern 
men  were  termed  Yankees  or  abolitionists,  and 
among  us  much  of  the  odium  formerly  attached  to 
abolitionism  died  out.  It  was  now  "Union"  or 
"Rebel,"  but  there  was  still  a  class  of  men  in  the 
North  who  were  connected  in  business  with  the 
South,  or  had  interests  in  slaves,  who  sympathized 
with  that  section  and  threw  the  weight  of  their  influ- 
ence with  the  rebellion.  This  troublesome  element 
in  the  North  doubtless  served  to  prolong  the  war. 

KIRBY  SMITH'S  THREATENED  RAID. 

The  war  excitement  was  greatly  increased  when 
the  news  came  that  the  rebel  General  Kirby  Smith 
had  approached  near  Cincinnati  with  a  large  army, 
and  great  preparations  were  at  once  made  for 
defense  ;  the  city  was  at  once  put  under  martial  law. 
The  wires  flashed  the  news  all  over  the  country  and 
special  trains  were  bringing  in  soldiers  from  all  parts 
of  the  State.  The  Mayor  of  the  city  issued  a  proc- 
lamation requiring  every  man,  without  distinction 
of  age,  color,  or  country,  to  report  at  the  voting 
places  in  the  various  wards,  to  be  organized  into 
military  companies  for  the  protection  of  the  city. 
The  Governor  of  the  State  had  also  issued  a  procla- 
mation requiring  all  volunteer  military  companies  to 
rally  at  once  to  our  assistance.  Arms  and  ammuni- 
tion were  ordered  here  from  other  points.  Cannon 
were  placed  on  Mount  Adams,  and  the  high  hills 
above  and  below  the  city,  in  position  to  rake  the 
river  if  the  rebel  army  attempted  to  cross.  It  was 
feared  that  they  would   shell  the  city,    and  that  a 


600  REMINISCENCES. 

general  conflagration  would  be  the  result.  The 
excitement  pervaded  all  classes  of  society.  A  num- 
ber of  women  and  children  were  sent  out  of  the 
city  for  safety,  and  money  from  the  vaults  of  the 
banks  was  transferred  to  banks  at  other  points. 
General  Wallace,  of  Indianapolis,  arrived  in  the 
city,  with  a  number  of  Indiana  soldiers,  and  took 
command.  Companies  of  volunteers  were  arriving 
almost  every  hour.  Wherever  the  telegraph  had 
spread  the  alarm,  men  of  all  classes  dropped  their 
business  and  rallied  to  the  defense  of  their  State. 
Judges,  lawyers,  preachers,  professors,  and  students 
of  colleges,  were  in  these  companies,  as  well  as 
farmers  armed  with  their  squirrel-guns  and  other 
weapons  that  were  at  command.  We  soon  had  an 
army  of  over  one  hundred  thousand  men  in  Cincin- 
nati— many  of  them  raw,  untrained  soldiers,  without 
any  preparation  for  camping  or  supplies  of  pro- 
visions. These  were  called  "Squirrel  Hunters," 
but  they  were  fully  in  earnest,  and  determined  to 
protect  the  city  against  the  rebel  army  that 
threatened  our  destruction.  Preparations  were  at 
once  made  to  feed  our  protectors,  and  the  ladies 
of  each  ward  did  their  duty  nobly.  Tables  were 
spread  in  the  market-houses  and  parks,  and  (in 
some  wards)  on  the  public  side-walks,  and  bounti- 
fully furnished  with  provisions  by  the  ladies — many 
of  whom  attended  as  waiters.  Public  halls  and 
other  places  were  used  as  headquarters  and  lodg- 
ing places  for  the  soldiers.  In  our  ward  a  table  was 
spread  on  the  side-walk  of  Franklin  Street,  from 
Broadway  to  Sycamore — in   front  of  our  house  and 


WAR  EXCITEMENT  IN  CINCINNATI.  6oi 

Woodward  College — where  five  hundred  could  be 
fed  at  one  time.  It  was  supplied  with  provisions 
for  several  days  by  the  ladies  of  the  ninth  ward. 
Our  basement  kitchen  was  made  the  depository  for 
the  victuals  between  meals  ;  and  our  large  cooking- 
stove  was  used  to  furnish  hot  coffee  and  tea.  At 
that  table  were  fed  the  Oberlin  students,  and  other 
abolitionists  from  the  northern  part  of  Ohio,  many 
of  whom  we  knew.  After  meals,  they  frequently 
formed  in  line  in  front  of  our  house  and  sang 
"John  Brown,"  and  other  anti-slavery  songs — the 
whole  company  joining  in  the  chorus.  Nearly  every 
night,  while  this  great  excitement  lasted,  we  had 
sick  soldiers  to  care  for.  Many  of  our  acquaintances 
from  the  country  were  among  the  new  volunteers, 
or  "Squirrel  Hunters,"  and  not  being  used  to  sol- 
dier life,  a  number  of  them  became  sick.  We  took 
them  in  and  cared  for  them ;  although  we  did  not 
believe  in  war  and  fighting,  we  always  considered  it 
right  to  take  care  of  the  sick  and  feed  the  hungry, 
and  in  this  way  we  did  our  full  share  by  the  soldiers. 
To  some  of  the  young  men  who  had  none,  my  wife 
gave  blankets  for  use  in  camp. 

One  morning  one  of  our  city  officers,  with  a  posse 
of  men,  came  to  my  house  and  demanded  to  know 
why  I  had  not  reported  for  service  at  the  place  des- 
ignated by  the  Mayor  in  his  proclamation.  He 
said  he  was  instructed  to  visit  all  in  that  ward  who 
had  not  reported,  and  if  they  refused  to  comply  to 
compel  them  to  report.  I  told  him  that  I  should 
not  comply,  and  he  said:  "Then  I  shall  be  obliged 
to  compel  you  to  do  so." 
51 


602  REMINISCENCES. 

I  replied:  "Thou  might  find  that  to  be  a  difficult 
job.  I  am  a  non-resistant,  and  thou  would  have  to 
carry  me  to  the  place,  and  that  would  look  ugly." 

The  officer  laughed,  and  said  he  guessed  I  would 
go  without  carrying. 

I  said :  "If  thou  wast  to  get  me  there  it  might  be 
very  difficult  to  compel  me  to  report  for  service  in 
the  army.  I  could  not  take  a  gun  and  go  out  to 
shoot  anybody ;  that  is  contrary  to  the  spirit  and 
doctrines  of  the  gospel.  Christ  instructed  us  to 
love  our  enemies  and  to  do  good  to  them  that  hate 
us,  and  I  am  a  full  believer  in  his  teachings.  I  can 
not  comply  with  the  Mayor's  proclamation.  General 
Wallace  is  now  in  command  in  the  city,  and  he  will 
not  require  such  service  of  me,  for  he  knows  my 
principles." 

The  officer  left  me,  and  I  was  not  again  troubled. 
Soon  after  this  a  certain  boundary  was  set  in  the 
city  that  none  were  allowed  to  pass,  without  per- 
mission, for  some  time.  Pickets  were  stationed 
along  the  line  to  enforce  the  restriction.  I  happened 
to  have  business  across  the  line,  and  was  permitted 
to  pass  and  repass  when  I  wished  to  do  so. 

When  the  alarm  first  came  that  the  rebel  army 
was  advancing  toward  Cincinnati,  and  a  number  of 
frightened  women  went,  with  their  children,  to  the 
country,  a  few  of  our  lady  boarders  partook  of  the 
panic,  and  packed  their  trunks  and  left  the  city. 
They,  together  with  others  of  our  friends,  seemed 
anxious  for  us  to  close  our  house  and  go  out  of  the 
city  for  safety.  Some  of  them  said  that  our  house 
would  be  the  first  one  destroyed,  for  many  of  the 


WAR  EXCITEMENT  IN  CINCINNATI.  603 

Kentuckians  knew  where  it  was,  and  that  it  was  a 
depot  of  the  Underground  Railroad.  I  laughed  at 
their  fears,  and  told  them  that  I  felt  no  alarm  ;  I  had 
never  run  from  danger,  and  if  our  friends  and  neigh- 
bors were  to  suffer  I  would  stay  and  suffer  with 
them.  "Besides,"  I  said,  "we  may  be  needed 
here  to  help  care  for  the  sick  and  wounded  ;  though 
I  do  not  believe  the  rebel  army  will  cross  the  river. 
There  is  a  large  army  gathered  here,  and  they  will 
not  run  into  the  lion's  mouth." 

It  proved  to  be  not  very  long  till  the  rebels,  hav- 
ing discovered  the  formidable  force  here,  and  the 
great  preparations  for  defense,  fell  back  some  dis- 
tance from  the  river.  Neither  was  it  long  till  our 
services  were  needed  in  caring  for  sick  and  wounded 
soldiers  brought  here  from  various  Southern  battle- 
fields, for  whom  sufficient  hospital  room  could  not 
be  provided. 

During  the  excitement  our  house  was  more  like 
a  military  post  than  a  depot  of  the  Underground 
Railroad.  We  had  a  number  of  boarders,  and  all 
the  men  armed  themselves  and  reported  for  service, 
in  obedience  to  the  Mayor's  proclamation.  They 
placed  their  guns  by  their  bedsides,  and  when  an 
alarm  was  sounded  on  the  fire-bells  in  the  night, 
they  sprang  up,  seized  their  weapons  and  hurried  to 
their  posts.  These  signals  were  to  be  given  when 
the  rebel  army  attempted  to  cross  the  river,  and  the 
city  was  kept  in  a  state  of  constant  excitement, 
though  the  alarms  proved  false.  They  were  sounded, 
no  doubt,  to  call  the  people  together  quickly,  and 
to  try  their  metal. 


604  REMINISCENCES. 

The  German  element  was  strong  in  our  city. 
Many  of  the  men  were  veteran  soldiers  who  had 
seen  service  in  their  own  country,  and  well  under- 
stood military  tactics. 

The  negro  element,  on  the  contrary,  was  utterly 
ignorant  of  all  kinds  of  drill.  Many  of  the  colored 
men  did  not  understand  why  they  should  be  called 
upon,  having  never  before  been  recognized  as  citi- 
zens, and  neglected  to  report;  some  of  them  were 
alarmed  and  hid  themselves.  The  police  hunted 
them  out  and  forced  them  into  the  ranks.  One  day 
a  posse  of  men  came  to  our  house  and  asked  if  there 
were  any  colored  people  about  the  place  who  had 
not  reported  for  service.  I  said,  "Yes,  there  are 
several  colored  persons  about  our  house,"  and  in- 
vited the  captain  to  come  in.  He  followed  me 
through  the  hall  into  the  kitchen,  where  we  had  two 
or  three  colored  women  employed.  I  introduced 
them  to  the  officer,  saying,  "These  are  all  the  col- 
ored people  we  have  at  present."  He  laughed  and 
said  he  did  not  want  women,  and  asked  if  these  were 
Underground  Railroad  passengers.  I  said:  "No, 
but  if  they  were  you  would  not  let  the  rebels  have 
them,  would  you?" 

He  replied:    "No,  sir,"  and  left  the  house. 

My  wife  reproved  me  for  being  mischievous. 

Judge  Dickson,  who  was  the  colored  people's 
friend  and  in  whom  they  had  entire  confidence, 
organized  a  separate  company  of  colored  men. 
They  rallied  willingly  to  him.  A  pontoon  bridge 
was  made  across  the  Ohio  River,  between  Cincin- 
nati and  Covington,  and  a  large  army  marched  over 


WAR  EXCITEMENT  IN  CINCINNATI. 


605 


into  Kentucky.  A  few  miles  back  of  Coving-ton 
they  went  into  camp  and  made  great  preparations 
for  defense,  throwing  up  breastworks  and  extending 
their  lines,  so  as  to  prevent  the  approach  of  the 
enemy  to  the  city.  Colonel  Dickson's  colored  regi- 
ment was  mrched  over  to  aid  in  making  the  forti- 
fications, and  was  said  to  be  the  most  orderly  and 
faithful  regiment  that  crossed.  After  they  were 
released  and  marched  back  to  the  city,  the  men 
contributed  money  to  buy  a  fine  sword,  which  they 
presented  to  Colonel  Dickson  as  a  testimonial  of 
their  regard  for  him,  accompanied  by  an  able  speech 
from  one  of  their  company  selected  for  the  occasion. 
The  rebel. army  had  retreated  southward,  and  the 
excitement  that  had  been  so  high  in  this  city  seemed 
to  die  away,  but  we  were  constantly  reminded  that 
war  was  going  on.  Regiments  of  volunteers,  regu- 
larly organized  and  equipped,  from  Indiana  and 
other  Northwestern  States,  passed  through  this  city 
on  their  way  to  the  South  and  East.  Among  the 
Indiana  companies  were  many  noble  young  men  of 
our  acquaintance — some  of  them  our  relatives — and 
our  feelings  were  continually  harassed  with  the 
thought  that  they  might  never  return.  It  was  not 
long  till  the  terrible  battles  of  Fort  Donelson,  on 
the  Cumberland  River,  and  Pittsburg  Landing,  on 
the  Tennessee  River,  were  fought.  Steamboats 
from  this  place,  with  doctors  and  surgeons  on  board, 
hastened  to  the  scenes  of  carnage  to  aid  in  caring 
for  and  removing  the  wounded.  They  were  brought 
to  Cincinnati,  but  sufficient  hospital  room  had  not 
been  provided  for  them.     A  meeting  was  held  by 


go6  REMINISCENCES. 

the  citizens,  and  a  committee  appointed  to  call  on 
families  and  ascertain  how  many  would  be  received 
in  private  houses.  We  were  called  upon  and  agreed 
to  take  eight  of  the  wounded  soldiers  in.  our  house 
and  care  for  them.  Many  others  volunteered  to 
take  a  greater  or  less  number,  and  next  morning  the 
names  of  those  who  thus  volunteered,  and  the  num- 
ber they  agreed  to  receive,  were  published  in  the 
morning  papers.  The  committee  succeeded,  how- 
ever, in  renting  a  large  house  for  a  hospital,  and 
only  two  soldiers  were  brought  to  our  house.  We 
nursed  them  carefully  until  they  were  able  to  go  to 
their  homes.  At  various  times  we  took  in  sick  sol- 
diers and  cared  for  them  until  they  were  able  to 
travel,  feeling  that  it  was  our  duty  to  do  so. 

RESCUE  OF  A  SLAVE  GIRL  BY  TWO  UNION  SOLDIERS. 

Among  the  regiments  that  collected  at  Cincinnati, 
during  the  time  of  Kirby  Smith's  threatened  raid 
into  Ohio,  was  one  from  Racine,  Wisconsin,  which, 
from  the  well-known  anti-slavery  sentiments  of  the 
commander,  Colonel  Utley,  and  the  men  composing 
it,  had  received  the  name  of  the  Abolition  regiment. 
While  they  were  in  camp  near  Nicholasville,  Ken- 
tucky, a  young  mulatto  slave  girl,  about  eighteen 
years  old,  of  fine  personal  appearance,  was  sold  by 
her  master,  for  the  sum  of  seventeen  hundred  dol- 
lars, to  a  man  who  designed  placing  her  in  a  house 
of  ill-fame  at  Lexington,  Kentucky.  As  soon  as 
the  poor  girl  learned  of  the  fate  in  store  for  her,  she 
fled  from  her  master,  and  making  her  way  to  the 
camp  of  the  Twenty-Second  Wisconsin  volunteers — 


A  SLAVE  GIRL  RESCUED. 


607 


the  regiment  referred  to— told  her  story,  and  asked 
protection.  The  true-hearted  men,  to  whom  she 
applied  for  help,  resolved  to  aid  her,  though  the  law 
did  not  then  allow  Northern  troops  to  protect  fugi- 
tive slaves  who  came  within  their  lines. 

Her  master  soon  came  to  the  camp  in  pursuit  of 
her,  but  the  men  secreted  her,  and  he  did  not  find 
her.  The  colonel  now  wished  to  send  her  to  a  place 
of  safety,  and  two  soldiers  volunteered  to  conduct 
her  to  Cincinnati.  One  of  their  officers  told  them 
that  he  knew  me  personally,  and  recommended 
them  to  bring  the  fugitive  to  my  house.  She  was 
dressed  in  soldier's  clothes  and  hidden  in  a  sutler's 
wagon,  under  some  hay.  The  two  men  dressed 
themselves  in  citizen's  clothing,  and  having  learned 
the  password  that  would  open  a  way  for  them 
through  the  picket  lines,  took  their  seats  in  the 
wagon,  and  drove  out  of  camp  about  one  o'clock  at 
night.  They  traveled  almost  without  stopping  until 
the  distance— more  than  a  hundred  miles — was  trav- 
ersed, and  they  reached  Cincinnati  in  safety. 

They  came  immediately  to  my  house,  and  were 
ushered  into  the  sitting-room,  accompanied  by  their 
charge,  who  presented  the  appearance  of  a  mulatto 
soldier  boy.  As  there  was  other  company  present, 
they  called  me  to  one  side  and  related  their  story. 
The  "soldier  boy"  was  given  into  my  wife's  care, 
and  was  conducted  up-stairs  to  her  room.  Next 
morning  he  came  down  transformed  into  a  young 
lady  of  modest  manners  and  pleasing  appearance, 
who  won  the  interest  of  all  by  her  intelligence  and 
amiable  character. 


fog  REMINISCENCES. 

The  party  remained  a  day  or  two,  to  recover  from 
the  fatigue  of  their  journey,  and  during  the  inter- 
val visited  a  daguerrean  gallery,  where  they  had 
their  pictures  taken,  the  lady  sitting,  the  soldiers 
standing,  one  on  either  side,  with  their  revolvers 
drawn,  showing  their  readiness  thus  to  protect  her, 
even  at  the  cost  of  their  own  lives.  Not  content 
with  escorting  her  to  a  free  State,  these  brave  young 
men  telegraphed  to  Racine,  Wisconsin,  and  made 
arrangements  for  their  friends  there  to  receive  her, 
and  I  took  her  one  evening  in  my  carriage  to  the 
depot,  accompanied  by  her  protectors,  and  put  her 
on  board  the  train  with  a  through  ticket  for  Racine, 
via  Chicago.  She  was  nicely  dressed,  and  wore  a 
vail,  presenting  the  appearance  of  a  white  lady.  I 
conducted  her  to  a  seat  in  a  first-class  car,  her  sol- 
dier friends  having  previously  taken  leave  of  her  in 
the  carriage.  As  the  train  moved  off  they  lifted 
their  hats  to  her,  aud  she  waved  her  handkerchief 
in  good-by.  They  afterward  remarked  to  me,  that 
it  seemed  one  of  the  happiest  moments  of  their 
lives  when  they  saw  her  safely  on  her  way  to  a  place 
beyond  the  reach  of  pursuers.  They  had  done  a 
noble  unselfish  deed,  and  were  rewarded  by  that 
approval  of  conscience  which  contains  the  most 
unalloyed  joy  of  life. 

After  their  return  to  camp,  I  received  the  follow- 
ing letter  from  one  of  them : 

"In  Camp,  Near  Nicholasvii.le,  Kentucky, 
"November  17,  1862. 
"Friend  L.  Coffin:    As  the  Lord  prospered  us  on  our  mis- 
sion to    the    land  of   freedom,    so    has    He    prospered    us  in  our 


RESCUE  OF  A  SLA  VE  GIRL. 


609 


return  to  our  regiment.  At  five  o'clock  on  Friday  evening,  after 
a  ride  of  three  days,  we  arrived  at  our  camp  near  Nicholasville ; 
and  you  would  have  rejoiced  to  hear  the  loud  cheering  and  hearty 
welcome  that  greeted  us  on  our  arrival.  Our  long  delay  had 
occasioned  many  fears  as  to  our  welfare ;  but  when  they  saw  us 
approach,  the  burden  of  their  anxiety  was  gone,  and  they  wel- 
comed us  by  one  hearty  outburst  of  cheers.  The  colonel  was  full 
of  delight,  and  when  he  heard  of  the  Friend  L.  Coffin,  who  had 
so  warmly  welcomed  us  to  the  land  of  freedom,  he  showered  a 
thousand  blessings  on  your  head.  The  way  was  opened,  and  we 
were  directed  to  you  by  an  unseen  but  ever-present  Hand.  The 
Lord  was  truly  with  us  upon  that  journey. 

"  Your  humble  friend, 

"Jesse  L.  Berch." 

The  name  of  the  other  soldier  was  Frank  M. 
Rockwell.  Both  were  young-  men  of  true  principles 
and  high  character,  and,  as  representatives  of  the 
solid  worth  of  Wisconsin's  noble  sons,  were  men 
that  their  State  could  regard  with  pride. 

I  received  a  letter  from  Jesse  L.  Berch,  a  few 
months  ago,  making  inquiries  in  regard  to  a  book 
which  he  had  heard  I  had  published.  When  I  re- 
plied, stating  that  my  book  was  not  yet  published, 
I  asked  for  news  of  the  slave  girl  whom  he  had  aided 
to  rescue.  He  responded,  giving  information  of  her 
safe  arrival  in  Racine,  and  of  her  residence  there  for 
a  ffjw  months,  concluding  by  saying,  "Afterward 
she  married  a  young  barber  and  moved  into  Illinois, 
and  I  have  never  been  able  to  ascertain  her  where- 
abouts since  I  came  from  the  army,  though  Mr. 
Rockwell  and  myself  have  tried  repeatedly. 

This  young  man  has  kindly  loaned  me  a  book 
entitled  "The  Star  Corps,"  by  G.  S.  Bradley,  chap- 
lain of  the  Twenty-Second  Wisconsin  Volunteers, 


610  REMINISCENCES. 

from  which  I  cull  various  extracts  relating  to  Col- 
onel Utley,  the  commander  of  that  regiment,  and 
his  combat  with  the  slave  power  in  Kentucky. 

THE  KENTUCKY  POLICY,  AND  COLONEL  UTLEY's  ACTION. 

"Colonel  Utley,  the  commander  of  the  Wisconsin  abolition 
regiment,  was  the  chief  actor  in  an  occurrence  which,  though 
seemingly  not  very  important  at  the  time,  had  the  effect  of  pro- 
ducing a  radical  change  in  the  attitude  of  the  Government  toward 
contrabands.  At  the  beginning  of  the  war  the  policy  of  North- 
erners disclaimed  any  intention  to  disturb  the  '  peculiar  institu- 
tion' of  the  South.  It  was  not  a  war  against  slavery,  said  all  the 
representatives  of  the  Government  then.  The  commanders  of 
Union  troops,  when  they  first  entered  the  South,  would  not 
receive  or  protect  fugitive  slaves  who  sought  refuge  in  their 
lines;  some  sent  them  back;  others  allowed  their  masters  to  come 
and  take  them.  But  this  policy  was  very  repugnant  to  some  true- 
hearted  Northerners' who  had  all  their  lives  sympathized  with  the 
slaves  and  hated  the  bondage  that  held  them  in  thralldom ;  and 
they  scorned  the  half  measures  dictated  by  policy." 

The  following  order  was  issued  just  before  Colonel 
Utley's  command  left  Camp  Wells : 

"  Headquarters,  Division  Army  of  Kentucky,  ] 

"North  Williamstown,  Kentucky,  October  15,  1862.   f 
"General  Order  Number  Five. — All  contrabands  except  offi- 
cers'  servants  will  be  left   behind  when    the  division   moves   for- 
ward to-morrow  morning.      Public   transportation  will   in   no  case 
be  furnished  to  officers'  servants.     Commanders  of  regiments  and 
detachments  will  see  this  order  promptly  enforced.      By  order  of 
"Brigadier  Genkral  Q.  A.  Gilmork, 
"  W.  L.  M.  Burger,  Captain  and  Acting  Assistant  General, 
"P.  B.  Parsons,  Lieutenant  and  Acting  Assistant  Adjutant  Gen- 
eral, Second  Brigade. 
"[Official.]" 

A  few  days  afterward,  while  at  Camp  Jones,  Col- 
onel Utley  received  the  following: 


FUGITIVES  IN  THE  ARMY  6ll 

"Jones,  October  18,  1862. 
"Colonel, — You  will  at  once  send  to  my  quarters  the  four  con- 
trabands, John,  Abe,  George  and  Dick,  known  to  belong  to    good 
loyal  citizens.     They  are  in  your  regiment,  or  were  this  morning. 
"Your  obedient  servant, 

"Q.  A.  Gillmore,  Brigadier  General. 
"To   Colonel  W.  L.   Utley,  Commanding  Twenty-Second  Wis- 
consin Volunteers." 

To  this  order  the  colonel  returned  the  following 
reply : 


■■■} 


"Headquarters  Twenty-second  Reg't  Wisconsin  Vol: 

"October  18,  1862. 

"General  Q.  A.  Gillmore: 

"Dear  Sir, — 1  have  just  received  your  orders  to  deliver  up  cer- 
tain contrabands  said  to  be  in  my  regiment.  Permit  me  to  say 
that  I  recognize  your  authority  in  all  matters  pertaining  to  the 
military  and  to  the  movements  of  the  army;  but  I  do  not  consider 
this  as  belonging  to  that  department.  I  recognize  no  authority 
on  the  subject  of  delivering  up  contrabands,  save  that  of  the  Pres- 
ident of  the  United  States.  You  are,  no  doubt,  conversant  with 
the  proclamation  of  the  President  of  September  22,  1862,  and 
with  the  law  of  Congress  on  the  subject.  In  conclusion,  I  will  say 
that  I  had  nothing  to  do  with  their  coming  into  camp,  and  I  will 
have  nothing  to  do  with  sending  them  out. 

"  Very  respectfully  your  obedient  servant, 

"Wm.  L.  Utley." 

"  The  colonel  was  immediately  summoned  to  headquarters.  He 
went,  and  the  interview  between  him  and  the  general  was  short 
and  spicy.    Said  the  general:   "I  sent   you  an  order  this  evening." 

"The  colonel  replied:   'Yes,  sir,  and  I  refused  to  obey  it.' 

"The  general  thought  he  must  be  obeyed,  and  said  he  should 
dispose  of  the  matter  at  once. 

"  The  colonel  thought  it  would  not  be  settled  in  a  remarkably 
summary  manner. 

"The  general  finally  said  that  he  should  repeat  the  order  in  the 
morning. 

"To  this  the  colonel  replied  :   '  General,  to  save  yv  u  the  trouble 


6 1 2  REMINISCENCES. 

and  folly  of  such  a  course,  let  me  say  I  shall  refuse  to  comply  in 
the  same  positive  manner.' 

"The  morning  came,  but  the  order  was  not  received.  Instead 
of  an  arrest,  the  colonel  was  put  in  command  of  the.  brigade, 
with  orders  to  protect  the  supply  train  to  march  to  Georgetown 

"The  colonel  afterward  call  on  the  general,  and  was  informed 
that  the  act  of  Congress  and  the  proclamation  of  the  President 
had  been  more  carefully  examined  since  the  affair  at  Camp  Jones, 
and  that  a  different  policy  would  be  instituted.  No  more  con- 
trabands would  be  returned,  and  those  coming  into  our  lines 
would  be  organized  into  a  brigade  by  themselves  for  appropriate 
services. 

"  Regiments  from  Ohio  and  Michigan,  in  camp  near  the  same 
place,  sustained  Colonel  Utley  in  the  position  which  he  took. 
The  affair  created  considerable  excitement,  occasioned  much  dis- 
cussion, and  proved  a  triumph  of  principle." 

The  following  account  of  Colonel  Utley's  conflict 
with  a  slaveholder,  I  take  from  the  book  referred  to : 

"When  we  left  Lexington,  we  comforted  ourselves  with  the 
hope  that  the  slavery  question,  which  had  proved  a  constant  and 
grievous  annoyance  from  the  time  we  entered  the  State,  would 
trouble  us  no  more,  but  in  this  we  have  been  sadly  disappointed. 
The  slave  catchers  follow  us  day  and  night,  and  seem  determined 
to  crush  us,  if  in  their  power  to  do  so.  It  is  not,  however,  so 
much  the  desire  for  the  '  nigger  '  himself,  which  drives  them  to 
desperation,  as  the  necessity  of  breaking  down  the  principle  upon 
which  we  stand.  The  negro  is  a  personal  and  comparatively  tri- 
fling matter,  and  probably  we  have  a  smaller  number  of  them 
than  any  other  regiment  in  Kentucky,  but  the  principle  involves 
the  position  of  the  State. 

"On  the  very  day  after  arriving  at  this  place — Nicholasville — 
the  colonel  was  informed  that  a  gentleman,  outside  the  lines, 
wished  to  see  him. 

"The  colonel  remarked  :   'Another  negro  catcher,  I  presume.' 

"  On  approaching  the  lines,  a  large  portly  old  gentleman 
appeared,  lying  back  in  an  elegant  carriage,  with  a  negro  servant 
for  driver  in  front.  He  informed  the  colonel  that  he  was  in  pur- 
suit of  a  boy,  who  was  in  his  regiment,  at  the  same  time  present- 


FUGITIVES  IN  THE  ARMY.  6l$ 

ing  an  order  from  General  Gillmore,  directing  that  he  be  per- 
mitted to  enter  the  lines  and  get  the  boy. 

"  The  colonel  coolly  informed  him  that  such  orders  were  not  cur- 
rent in  his  regiment.  The  old  gentleman  then  went  on  to  say  that 
he,  too,  was  opposed  to  slavery ;  that  he  was  the  only  survivor 
among  the  'honorables'  who  voted  for  the  famous  Missouri  Com- 
promise, and  that  he  had  written  an  essay  against  slavery  and  in 
favor  of  emancipation,  which  was  eagerly  sought  after  by  the 
President  at  the  present  time.  Said  the  colonel :  '  If  you  had  done 
these  things  honestly,  and  from  principle,  it  would  certainly  have 
been  very  commendable  ;  but,  sir,  your  mission  here  to-day  gives 
the  lie  to  all  of  these  professions.  I  do  not  permit  nigger-hunters 
to  ransack  my  regiment.  If  you  will  drive  back  into  town,  and 
return  at  three  o'clock  P.  m.,  I  will  look  through  the  regiment, 
and  if  I  find  such  a  boy  and  he  is  willing  to  go  with  you,  I  pledge 
you  my  honor  that  you  shall  have  him.'  He  reluctantly  con- 
sented, and  turned  his  horse  toward  the  village. 

"After  he  left,  the  colonel  found  the  boy,  who  frankly  acknowl- 
edged that  he  belonged  to  the  old  gentleman. 

"The  little  fellow  then  gave  us  a  tale  of  sorrow,  and  that  with 
such  an  air  of  truthfulness  and  intelligence  as  astonished  those 
that  listened  to  it.  And  when  at  last,  he  drew  up  his  diminutive 
little  figure,  called  upon  us  to  see  what  beating  and  starving  had 
done  for  him,  and  cried:  'See  me;  I  am  almost  nineteen  years 
old — what  am  I  ?  and  now  they  beat  me  because  I  am  no  larger, 
and  can  do  no  more  ;  '  moisture  was  seen  to  gather  "in  the  col- 
onel's eyes,  and  he  left  the  tent  with  a  significant  determination 
on  his  brow.  Before  reaching  his  tent,  he  met  the  old  slave- 
lmnter  returning  long  before  the  appointed  time,  so  eager  was  he 
for  his  prey. 

"  '  Have  you  found  the  boy? '  were  the  first  words  to  tremble  on 
the  old  man's  anxious  lip. 

"  'Sir,'  said  the  colonel,  fixing  his  'wicked  look'  upon  him,  'I 
have  found  a  little  yellow  boy  who  says  he  belongs  to  a  man  in 
Lexington,  who  hired  him  out  to  a  brutal  Irishman  for  fifty  dol- 
lars per  year.  The  Irishman,  never  having  seen  him,  was  dissatis- 
fied, he  being  so  much  smaller  than  he  anticipated  for  a  boy  of 
nineteen,  and  as  his  master  would  not  take  him  back,  he  declared, 
with  an  oath,  that  he  would  lick  it  out  of  him — that  the  man 
beat  him  for  anything  and  for  nothing — that  he  had  been  to  hii 


614 


REMINISCENCES. 


master  many  times,  and  told  him  he  could  not  stand  it.  His 
master  would  say:   "Go  back,  you  dog." 

"  '  He  also  says  he  showed  his  master  his  neck,  with  the  skin 
torn  off,  where  the  Irishman  had  tied  a  rope  around  it,  and 
dragged  him  about.  And  yet  his  master  would  give  him  no  pro- 
tection had  commenced  hiring  him  out  when  only  five  years  of 
age,  and  had  left  him  there  ever  since,  taking  all  his  wages.  He 
says  that  he  has  been  beaten  and  worked  and  starved  till  there  wai 
nothing  left  of  him,  and  that  he  was  then  beaten  for  not  being 
bigger.  He  also  says  that  he  endured  it  till  he  could  no  longer, 
and  fled.  He  lived  on  black  walnuts  till  the  snow  came,  and  he 
was  obliged  to  seek  shelter  somewhere.  He  sought  protection 
from  several  regiments,  but  could  gain  no  admission  till  he  came 
to  this.  Now,  sir,  is  that  your  boy?  Are  you  the  fiend  of  a  mas- 
ter of  whom  he  speaks?  You,  who  came  to  me  boasting  of  your 
wonderful  works  in  the  cause  of  the  oppressed  ?  I  say,  sir,  is  that 
your  boy  ?     Are  you  that  master  ?  ' 

"These  declarations  fell  with  terrible  force  upon  the  old  gentle- 
man's trembling  nerves.  It  was  some  time  before  he  could 
answer,  but  finally  faintly  replied  :  '  It  is  my  nigger,  but  niggers 
will  lie.' 

"The  colonel  then  told  him  that  they  would  go  and  seethe 
boy.  When  we  arrived  at  the  quarters,  the  little  fellow,  instead 
of  shrinking  away  from  his  presence,  walked  out  with  a  firm  step, 
and  meekly  but  boldly  said  : 

"  '  How  do  you  do,  massa?' 

"The  colonel  said  to  him :  'This  man  claims  you  as  his  prop- 
erty, and  says  you  ran  away  and  left  him.' 

"'Yes,  sah,'  said  the  little  fellow,  and  then  he  proceeded  to 
rehearse  the  whole  story  in  a  calm,  respectful,  but  decided  man- 
ner. The  master  struggled  in  vain  to  resist  the  force  of  the 
simple  tale.  The  following  questions  and  answers  passed  between 
the  master  and  the  slave  : 

"  'Have  I  not  always  treated  you  well?' 

"  '  No,  massa,  you  have  not.' 

"  '  How  so,  sir?  ' 

"  '  When  I  went  to  you  for  protection  from  those  who  beat  me, 
you  refused  to  give  it,  and  drove  me  back  like  a  dog.' 

"  '  But  did  I  not  tell  you  that  I  would  take  you  away  ? ' 

"  '  Yes,  massa,  but  you  never  did  it.' 


FUGITIVE  SLAVES  IN  THE  ARMY.  grc; 

"  Ah  !  it  was  a  beautiful  sight  to  see  that  little  abused  slave  con- 
front so  nobly  that  proud,  bloated,  aristocratic  slaveholder.  The 
Lord  was  with  the  weak,  and  gave  him  power  to  confound  the 
mighty. 

"The  colonel  then  asked  the  boy  if  he  was  willing  to  go  home 
with  his  master.  He  replied:  'No,  sir,'  and  that  'no,  sir,'  went 
to  the  heart  of  every  loyal  man  who  heard  it.  There  he  stood, 
that  boy  who  came  into  our  lines  cold,  barefooted,  ragged  and 
hungry,  amidst  a  dreary  snow-storm,  asking  food  and  shelter  and 
raiment,  after  having  spent  days  and  nights  in  the  woods,  living 
upon  black  walnuts.     Was  he  to  be  returned  to  slavery  ? 

"Turning  to  Judge  Robertson,  the  colonel  said:  'I  don't  think 
you  can  get  that  boy.  If  you  think  you  can,  there  he  is,  try  it. 
I  shall  have  nothing  to  do  with  it.' 

"This  gentleman  slave-hunter  was  no  less  a  person  than  the 
Chief  Justice  of  the  State,  said  to  be  the  most  learned  jurist  in 
Kentucky.  He  will  be  likely  to  remember  the  scathing  which  he 
received  from  a  Wisconsin  colonel  for  some  time.  I  regret  that 
the  whole  North  could  not  have  heard  it. 

"The  colonel  was  threatened  with  Kentucky  laws,  but  he 
thought  it  might  be  profitable  to  his  country,  and  the  cause  in 
which  he  was  engaged,  were  he  even  sacrificed,  did  that  rend  the 
delusive  vail  and  permit  the  nation  to  look  in  upon  Kentucky  as 
she  is. 

"The  colonel  intimated  to  the  judge  that  he  preferred  that  he 
should  leave  the  camp,  lest  an  excitement  should  be  created 
among  the  '  boys.'  The  idea  of  leaving  without  his  nigger  was 
evidently  a  painful  one,  and  he  was  inclined  to  argue  the  case. 
State  subjects  were  dropped,  and  the  conversation  became  at  once 
rich  and  animating.  To  an  intimation  from  the  judge  that  we 
were  a  set  of  'nigger  stealers,'  the  colonel  replied:  'You  talk 
about  negro  stealing  !  You,  who  riot  in  idleness,  and  who  live 
on  the  sweat  and  blood  of  such  little  creatures  as  that !  You, 
whose  costly  mansions,  and  churches  even,  are  built  out  of  the 
earnings  of  women  and  children,  beaten  out  of  them  by  brutal 
overseers !  You,  who  hire  out  little  children  to  brutes  who  beat 
and  starve  them,  stealing  from  their  backs  and  mouths  their  small 
earnings !  You,  who  clothe  them  in  rags,  and  when,  at  last,  they 
can  stand  it  no  longer,  and  flee  from  that  protection  which  you 
denied  them,  you  hunt  them  down  like  a   ravenous  beast,  to  drag 


616  REMINISCENCES. 

them  back  to  their  chains,  toils  and  sufferings,  that  you  may  eke 
out  a  few  more  pennies  from  this  last  life  drop  !  You  talk  about 
our  stealing,  when  all  the  crime  which  we  have  committed  was  to 
feed,  clothe  and  shelter  that  poor,  half-starved  suffering  little  boy ! 
Sir,  I  would  rather  stand  in  the  place  of  that  slave  to-day  than  in 
that  of  his  proud  oppressor.  It  will  be  more  tolerable  for  him  in 
the  day  of  judgment  than  for  you.' 

"Said  the  judge:  'If  that  is  the  way  you  talk  and  feel,  the 
Union  can  never  be  saved.      You  must  give  up  our  property.' 

"The  colonel  replied:  'If  the  perpetuity  or  restoration  of  the 
Union  depends  upon  my  delivering  to  you,  with  my  own  hands, 
that  poor  little  over-worked  creature,  dwarfed  by  your  own 
avarice,  the  Union  may  be  cast  into  hell,  with  all  the  nations  that 
forget  God.' 

"  He  then  told  him,  in  his  own  peculiar  scathing  style,  what 
kind  of  'Union  men  '  he  had  found  in  Kentucky.  Said  he:  'I 
have  not  seen  half  a  dozen  who  did  not  damn  the  President.  You 
may  put  all  the  pure  Unionism  in  Kentucky  into  one  scale,  and  a 
ten-pound  nigger  baby  in  the  other,  and  the  Unionism  will  kick 
the  beam.' 

"Before  leaving,  the  old  jurist  condemned  the  President's  proc- 
lamation ;  declared  that  it  had  no  bearing  upon  Kentucky,  and 
that  it  was  the  policy  of  generals  commanding  our  armies  to 
ignore  both  the  action  of  Congress  and  the  proclamation. 

"  From  our  lines  the  old  gentleman  drew  a  very  straight  line  to 
the 'general's  headquarters'  and  to  this  place  the  colonel  was 
soon  summoned,  where  he  enjoyed  another  interview  with  the 
persevering  judge,  and  several  other  Kentucky  gentlemen. 

"Colonel  Coburn,  now  in  command  of  this  brigade,  arose  and 
stated  in  a  very  gentlemanly  manner  the  policy  of  comanding 
generals  in  Kentucky,  which  is  simply  this:  'To  look  at  a  slave 
in  an  encampment  as  in  the  same  condition  precisely  that  he 
would  be  were  there  no  regiment  there— that  any  person  has  a 
right  to  enter  the  encampment  and  take  out  a  fugitive  at  his 
pleasure.' 

"The  judge  corroborated  the  statement,  and  added:  '  The 
proclamation  of  the  President  is  to  have  no  consideration  in  Ken- 
tucky.' 

"Colonel  Utley  commenced  by  saying  that  he  regretted  to  be 
under  the   necessity    of   differing  from  his  commanding   officer. 


FUGITIVES  IN  THE  ARMY.  6iy 

Said  he :  'I  reverse  the  Kentucky  policy,  and  hold  that  the  regi- 
ment stands  precisely  as  though  there  was  no  slavery  in  Kentucky. 
We  came  here  as  freemen  from  a  free  State,  to  defend  and  sup- 
port a  free  government.  We  have  nothing  to  do  with  slavery, 
and  we  will  never  be  made  nigger-catchers.  We  came  at  the  call 
of  the  President,  and  still  recognize  his  authority.' 

•It  is  useless  to  think  of  stating  all  that  was  said,  but  you  may 
be  assured  that  the  old  slave-catching  Felix  trembled  as  he  list- 
ened to  such  bold  declarations  upon  the  Union-neutral  soil  of 
Kentucky. 

"But  he  could  not  leave  without  making  one  more  effort  to 
obtain  the  dwarfed  human  property  now  in  danger  of  being 
transformed  into  a  man.  Turning  to  the  colonel  he  said :  '  Are 
you  willing  that  I  should  go  and  get  my  boy  ?  ' 

"  'Yes,  sir,'  said  the  colonel,  'you  may  go,  and  I  will  remain 
here.' 

"  '  Do  you  think  I  shall  be  permitted  to  take  him  ?' 
"  '  I  think  not,  but  I  can  not  tell.' 
"  '  Will  you  send  him  into  some  other  regiment  ?' 
"  '  No,  sir!  '  said  the  colonel ;   '  I  would  see  you  in  hell  first.' 
"The  colonel  has  since  been  indicted  by  a  Kentucky  court   at 
Lexington  for  man-stealing  ;    but  he  has  not  yet  been  arrested. 
It  will  be  remembered  that  there  is  now  a  little  spot  from  Wiscon- 
sin down  here  in   the  center  of  Kentucky.       How  long  a  more 
serious  collision  with  the  insulting  and  heaven-daring  slave  power 
can  be  avoided,  it  is  difficult  to  calculate.     It  is  my  clear  convic- 
tion that  Judge  Robertson's  principles  correctly  and  fairly  repre- 
sent the  Unionism  of  the  State." 

The  following,  which  I  copy  from  a  letter  written 
to  me  by  my  worthy  Wisconsin  friend,  J.  L.  Berch, 
when  he  sent  the  book  from  which  this  extract  is 
taken,  will  inform  the  reader  how  this  affair  ter- 
minated : 

"  The  sequel  of  the  whole  matter  was,  that  while  Colonel  Utley 
was  in  the  front,  beating  back  the  rebel  from  off  the  soil  of  Ken- 
tucky, this  negro-cripple's  owner,  Judge  Robertson,  sued  him 
(Colonel   Utley)  in  the  United   States  Court  for  Kentucky,  and 

52 


6 1 8  REMINISCENCES. 

obtained  an  exparle  judgment  against  him  for  one  thousand  five 
hundred  dollars  and  costs,  which  judgment  being  duly  certified 
to  the  United  States  Court  for  Wisconsin,  stood  against  the  col- 
onel's property  as  a  lien  thereon,  which  he  would  some  day  have 
been  compelled  to  pay,  had  not  Congress,  in  1873,  passed  a  bill 
appropriating  money  enough  to  pay  the  principal  of  the  judg- 
ment, leaving  Colonel  Utley  still  the  costs  to  pay — some  seven 
hundred  dollars -which  he  has  paid." 


WORK  AMONG  THE  FREEDMEN. 


6ig 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

WORK  AMONG  THE  FREEDMEN — VISIT  TO  CAIRO  AND 
OTHER  POINTS  SOUTH — SCENES  AND  INCIDENTS 
AMONG  THE  CONTRABANDS — CONDITION  AND  SUF- 
FERINGS OF  THE  COLORED  PEOPLE — EFFORTS  IN 
THEIR  BEHALF. 

IN  the  fall  of  1862  the  terrible  civil  war  had  fully 
opened  west  of  the  mountains.  Two  large 
armies  had  gathered  in  Kentucky  and  Tennessee ; 
many  bloody  battles  were  fought.  A  different  pol- 
icy in  regard  to  the  slaves  was  adopted.  They 
flocked  within  the  Union  lines,  as  the  armies  ad- 
vanced through  Tennessee  to  Memphis,  and  other 
points  in  the  southwest,  and  were  protected.  Many 
of  the  slaveholders  fled  farther  South,  taking  their 
able-bodied  slaves  with  them,  and  leaving  the 
women  and  children,  aged  and  sick  ones,  to  take 
care  of  themselves.  In  many  cases  there  was  noth- 
ing for  this  helpless  class  to  live  upon.  The  two 
vast  armies  that  had  swept  over  the  country  had 
consumed  all  the  provisions,  and  the  poor  slaves 
were  left  in  a  suffering  condition.  Thousands  gath- 
ered within  the  Union  lines,  and  were  sent  to  vari- 
ous points  up  the  river.      Some  were  brought  on 


620  REMINISCENCES. 

boats  to  Cincinnati,  and  left  on  the  wharf  without 
food  and  shelter,  or  means  of  obtaining  them.  I 
was  frequently  called  upon  for  aid  and  assistance. 
The  colored  people  here  acted  nobly,  taking  as 
many  as  they  could  and  caring  for  them.  Several 
thousand  contrabands,  as  the  slaves  were  then 
called,  were  sent  to  Cairo,  Illinois,  and  placed  un- 
der charge  of  J.  B.  Rogers,  chaplain  of  the  Four- 
teenth Wisconsin  Volunteers.  Hearing  of  the  great 
destitution  and  suffering  at  that  place  and  other 
points,  I  resolved  to  visit  the  quarters  of  the  con- 
trabands, and  learn  what  their  real  condition  and 
wants  were. 

Cairo  is  at  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio,  five  hundred 
miles  from  Cincinnati.  To  shorten  the  distance  and 
make  greater  speed,  I  took  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi 
Railroad,  by  way  of  Vincennes,  Indiana.  I  left 
home  on  the  fifth  of  the  twelfth  month — December. 
At  Odin,  Illinois,  the  next  morning,  I  met  with  my 
friends,  Job  Hadley  and  his  wife,  from  Hendricks 
County,  Indiana,  who  were  on  their  way  to  Cairo, 
on  a  similar  mission.  We  were  greatly  rejoiced  to 
meet,  and  proceeded  on  our  way  together.  We 
arrived  at  Cairo  that  evening,  and  took  quarters  at 
the  Commercial  Hotel.  Job  Hadley  and  his  wife 
had  left  home  with  the  intention  of  opening  a  school 
among  the  colored  people,  if  privilege  could  be  ob- 
tained, and  remaining  with  them  through  the  win- 
ter. No  schools  had  yet  been  opened  among  the 
contrabands;  they  were  not  yet  called  Freedmen, 
as  it  was  before  the  emancipation  proclamation  of 
President  Lincoln.     We  called  that  evening-  on  Gen- 


WORK  AMONG  THE  FEE  ED  MEN.  62 1 

eral  Tuttle,  Avho  had  command  at  that  military  post. 
He  received  us  cordially,  and,  when  he  understood 
our  mission,  seemed  to  be  pleased  and  offered  us 
any  privilege  we  might  wish.  In  regard  to  opening 
a  school,  he  referred  us  to  J.  B.  Rogers,  the  super- 
intendent, who  had  charge  of  the  contrabands' 
camp.  On  the  morning  of  the  next  day,  which  was 
the  Sabbath,  we  visited  the  old  military  barracks 
where  the  contrabands  were  located.  We  first  went 
to  the  office  of  J.  B.  Rogers,  the  chaplain  and  gen- 
eral superintendent,  who  gave  us  a  very  cordial 
reception.  Although  an  entire  stranger,  he  ap- 
peared much  rejoiced  to  meet  us,  and  gave  us  a 
general  account  of  the  conditions  and  wants  of  the 
contrabands  under  his  care.  He  went  with  us  to 
visit  some  of  them  in  their  crowded  huts  and  sick 
rooms.  We  found  their  condition  to  be  even  worse 
than  it  had  been  represented  to  us  before  leaving 
home.  The  deepest  emotions  of  pity  and  sympathy 
were  called  forth  as  we  witnessed  their  extreme  des- 
titution and  suffering.  Many  were  sick  from  expo- 
sure and  for  want  of  sufficient  clothing ;  they  had 
no  bedding  nor  cooking  utensils,  none  of  the  com- 
forts and  few  of  the  necessaries  of  life.  The  scanty 
rations  issued  by  Government  were  their  only  sub- 
sistence. The  weather  being  quite  chilly,  many  of 
them  were  suffering  with  coughs  and  colds ;  that 
dreadful  scourge — small-pox — was  quite  prevalent 
among  them,  and  added  to  the  horrors  of  their  situ- 
ation. A  large  part  of  the  contrabands  collected  at 
this  point  were  women,  children,  and  old  people. 
Superintendent  Rogers — a  noble  Christian  worker — 


622  REMINISCENCES. 

was  doing  all  in  his  power  to  make  them  as  com- 
fortable as  the  scanty  means  at  his  command  would 
allow. 

To  give  them  better  shelter  than  their  poor  huts 
afforded  he  was  fitting  up  the  old  barracks — stop- 
ping the  cracks  to  keep  out  the  cold  wind,  ar  d 
making  other  repairs. 

We  believed  friend  Rogers  to  be  the  right  man 
in  the  right  place,  and  felt  much  sympathy  with  him 
in  his  arduous  work.  He  evinced  a  deep  interest  in 
the  welfare  of  the  contrabands,  in  every  sense,  and 
was  fitting  up  a  large  room  in  which  to  hold  relig- 
ious meetings.  This  apartment  was  also  to  be  used 
as  a  school-room,  but  the  school  had  not  yet  been 
organized.  It  seemed  to  be  a  great  relief  to  friend 
Rogers  when  Job  Hadley  and  wife  offered  to  take 
charge  of  the  school.  The  assistance  of  Job  Had- 
ley in  other  work  would  also  be  of  great  service  to 
him.  We  visited  Dr.  Reynolds,  the  physician  in 
charge  of  the  contrabands,  at  his  office,  and  received 
a  hearty  welcome.  He  told  us  there  were  about 
one  hundred  and  fifty  cases  of  small-pox  among  the 
colored  people  in  camp. 

At  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  I  attended  their 
religious  meeting,  which  was  held  in  the  large  shel- 
ter prepared  for  that  purpose.  The  weather  being 
fair  and  the  sun  shining  brightly,  a  large  multitude 
of  the  poor  ragged  slaves  crowded  together  for  de- 
votional service.  All  the  rough  seats  and  every 
foot  of  standing  room  were  occupied,  and  the  doors 
and  windows  were  crowded  with  anxious  listeners. 

J.  B.  Rogers  opened  the  meeting  with  prayer  and 


WORK  FOR  THE  FREEDMEN. 


623 


singing.  He  was  a  Baptist  minister  and  had,  I  be- 
lieve, not  only  been  baptized  with  water  but  with 
the  Holy  Ghost.  He  seemed  to  speak  with  the 
power  of  the  Holy  Ghost.  The  singing  of  the  col- 
ored people  was  characterized  by  fervor  and  whole- 
souled  abandonment,  such  as  I  never  before  heard. 
I  thought  of  the  day  of  Pentecost,  when  the  disci- 
ples being  all  of  one  accord  in  one  place,  there  came 
a  sound  from  heaven  as  of  a  rushing  mighty  wind 
that  filled  the  house  where  they  were  sitting,  and 
filling  them  with  the  Holy  Ghost  so  that  they  spoke 
as  the  Spirit  gave  them  utterance.  Their  hearts 
seemed  filled  to  overflowing  with  praise  to  God  for 
their  deliverance  from  slavery.  J.  B.  Rogers  deliv- 
ered a  short  gospel  sermon,  well  adapted  to  their 
understanding,  after  which  a  Presbyterian  minister, 
who  was  present,  delivered  a  few  remarks.  Friend 
Rogers  then  informed  the  colored  people  of  my 
presence  and  mission  among  them.  His  introduc- 
tion was  somewhat  embarrassing  to  me,  but  I  felt 
fully  prepared  to  talk  to  them  and  encourage  them. 
After  I  closed  my  remarks,  singing  and  prayer  were 
continued  by  the  colored  people  for  some  time, 
many  of  the  old  men  and  women  giving  utterances 
to  expressions  of  praise  and  thanksgiving.  Friend 
Rogers  gave  them  full  privilege  to  take  part  in  the 
meeting,  which  they  seemed  to  enjoy  greatly. 

After  the  meeting  was  concluded,  friend  Rogers 
arid  I  spent  some  time  visiting  the  sick  and  afflicted, 
and  making  notes  of  the  articles  of  bedding  and 
clothing  most  needed.  The  next  morning  I  started 
home,  leaving   my  friends,  Job  Hadley  and  wife,  to 


624.  REMINISCENCES. 

open  a  school  among  the  colored  people.  It  was 
continued  successfully  during  the  winter.  I  will 
here  introduce  an  extract  from  J.  B.  Rogers'  book, 
"  War  Pictures  :  " 

"  On  one  beautiful  Sunday  morning  of  December,  1862,  there 
came  into  our  office  (at  Cairo)  three  unpretending  strangers 
whom  I  recognized  at  once  as  Friends  or  Quakers.     The   name 

of  one  of  them,   Mr.   C ,  was   familiar  to    me  as  I  had    often 

heard  of  him  as  one  of  the  truest  and  most  active  philanthropists 
of  the  day.  He  was  accompanied  by  two  friends,  a  gentleman 
and  a  lady.  The  three  had  fallen  in  company  on  their  way  to 
Cairo  to  look  after  the  wants  and  conditions  of  the  colored  people 
there  in  that  place  under  my  charge.  I  soon  found  that  though 
called  by  a  different  name  than  my  own,  they  were  none  the  less 
devoted  Christians,  disciples  of  Jesus.  They  spent  the  whole 
of  the  Lord's  day  with  me. 

"This  visit,  while  affording  me  great  encouragement  in  my 
work,  left  with  me  some  thoughts  on  the  subject  of  Christian 
association,  which  I  found  sweet  and  profitable  after  my  friends 
had  left.  It  had  never  fallen  in  my  way  to  make  many  acquaint- 
ances among  that  class  to  which  they  belonged;  but  I  am  pre- 
pared now  to  recognize  the  distinctive  traits  of  the  genuine 
Christian  spirit  in  some,  at  least,  if  not  all,  of  that  interesting 
people  whose  unpretending  name  is  significant  of  the  gentleness 
and  kindness  and  wide  benevolence  for  which  they  have  always 
been  remarkable.  These  Friends,  of  whom  I  speak,  seemed  to  me 
divested  of  everything  like  denominational  or  sectarian  prejudice. 
I  saw  the  difference,  too,  between  talking  Christianity  and  acting 
it ;  between  devotion  to  creeds  and  formularies  and  love  for 
Christ  and  for  souls. 

"And  this  'godly  simplicity '— what  an  engaging  trait  of  Chris- 
tia  1  character !  It  is  the  transparent  medium  through  which  we 
look  in  upon  the  heart  and  discover  there  the  spirit  of  the  dear 
Lord  himself.  Nor  does  a  Christian  need  any  kind  of  ostentation 
to  commend  him  either  to  God  or  his  fellow-men.  When  such 
Christians  meet,  they  soon  know  each  other.  '  Christ  in  them  the 
hope  of  glory,'  becomes  a  means  of  mutual  recognition;  for,  'as  in 
water,  face  answereth  to  face,  so  the  heart  of  man.'  " 


WORKING  FOR  THE  FREED  MEN.  62$ 

After  my  return  I  wrote  to  friend  Rogers,  and 
will  here  insert  his  reply,  as  it  gives  some  account 
of  the  freedmen's  school : 

"Cairo,  Illinois,  December  21,  1862. 

4Levi  Coffin  : 

"  Dear  Brother — Your  very  kind  favor  I  received  in  due  time, 
for  which  I  am  under  very  strong  obligations  to  you.  I  have 
thought  very  much  of  the  precious  visit  I  enjoyed  with  you 
while  here,  and  hope  it  was  not  without  profit  to  myself.  These 
social  interviews,  if  rightly  enjoyed,  can  but  be  a  source  of  great 
usefulness  to  us  in  producing  greater  spirituality  of  mind,  and 
leading  us  closer  to  the  man  Christ  Jesus.  The  school  under  the 
charge  of  our  good  friends  Hadley  and  wife  more  than  answers 
our  highest  hope.  It  has  been  in  progress  five  days  and  a  half, 
and  I  think  I  may  be  safe  in  asserting  that  over  fifty  have  learned 
the  alphabet  entire,  and  most  of  them  are  in  the  a  b  ab,  and 
perhaps  half,  if  not  more,  can  spell  words  of  three  letters.  Those 
who  visit  the  school  are  greatly  astonished  at  their  progress. 
Where  is  there  a  parallel  case  among  the  whites  ?  Talk  as  much 
as  you  may  about  their  dull  and  blunt  parts,  we  can  not  find  an 
equal  number  of  whites  that  will  excel  them  in  the  avidity  with 
which  they  try  to  learn.  Old  and  young  come  together—  the 
majority,  however,  are  children.  They  are  seen  all  about  after 
school  hours,  with  books  in  hand,  learning  their  lessons.  May 
we  hope,  my  dear  brother,  that  from  this  small  beginning  there 
may  he  great  and  important  results  growing  to  bless  the  colored 
race  ?  Brother  Hadley  and  lady  are  excellent  folks  ;  I  have  begun 
to  appreciate  their  services  very  highly,  and  think  their  influence 
to  be  very  salutary  indeed.  May  they  not  go  unrewarded  for 
their  self-sacrificing  labors  to  benefit  the  despised  of  our  country. 
As  our  school  advances  I  will  keep  you  informed  from  time  Jo 
time,  and  hope  I  may  hear  from  thee,  true  yoke-fellow. 

"Your  most  humble  and  obedient  servant,  and  brother  in 
Christ,  J.  B.  Rogers." 

After  my  return  from   Cairo  I  devoted  my  whole 
time  and  energy  to  the  work  for  the  freed  slaves.     I 
wrote  many  letters  to  my  friends  in  the  country — 
53 


626  REMINISCENCES. 

in  Ohio  and  Indiana — and  they  began  at  once  to  col- 
lect bedding,  clothing,  and  money,  and  forward  them 
to  me.  We  had  no  facilities  for  sending  them  to 
the  various  camps  of  the  freedmen,  or  for  properly 
distributing  them.  It  seemed  necessary  to  have 
some  regular  and  responsible  organization  here  on 
the  border,  to  receive  and  forward  the  supplies. 

A  meeting  was  called,  and  the  Western  Freed- 
men's  Aid  Commission  was  organized,  comprising 
many  prominent  members  of  the  different  religious 
denominations  of  our  city.  I  was  appointed  general 
agent  of  this  commission.  WTe  went  to  work  at 
once  and  opened  an  office  and  wareroom  where  the 
supplies  sent  for  the  freedmen  could  be  received, 
and  stored  until  forwarded  to  their  destination. 

The  members  of  the  Society  of  Friends  in  various 
parts  of  the  country  had  become  deeply  interested 
in  the  subject,  and  were  actively  at  work.  Miami 
Quarterly  Meeting  had  appointed  a  committee,  the 
members  of  which  had  issued  a  printed  circular,  to 
Friends,  on  the  subject  of  the  sufferings  and  wants 
of  the  freedmen.  The  response  to  this  appeal  came 
in  the  shape  of  supplies  from  various  parts  of  Ohio 
and  Indiana. 

The  Aid  Commission  was  organized  in  January, 
1863.  It  will  be  remembered  that  President  Lin- 
coln's emancipation  proclamation  took  effect  the 
first  day  of  that  year. 

General  Grant,  who  at  that  time  had  command  of 
the  Southern  division  of  the  army,  gave  us  free 
transportation  for  all  supplies  for  the  freedmen  and 
for    our    agents    and    teachers.      We    sent  efficient 


WORKING  FOR  THE  FREED  MEN.  627 

agents  to  attend  to  the  proper  and  judicious  distri- 
bution of  the  clothing  and  other  articles,  and  a 
number  of  teachers,  well  supplied  with  books,  to 
open  schools  among  the  colored  people.  Notwith- 
standing the  hardships  and  dangers  to  be  encoun- 
tered in  going  into  the  enemy's  land,  several  noble 
young  men  volunteered  their  services.  Among  the 
first  that  accompanied  the  supplies  were  Isaac 
Thorne,  John  L.  Roberts,  and  Franklin  Coggeshall. 
Boats  passing  down  the  river  were  often  fired  into 
by  guerrillas  concealed  in  the  trees  and  shrubbery 
along  the  bank,  and  the  trip  was  a  hazardous  one 
on  other  accounts. 

To  Nashville  and  other  points  in  Tennessee,  then 
in  possession  of  the  Union  forces,  the  freedmen 
had  gathered  by  thousands,  in  great  destitution  and 
suffering.  The  work  constantly  increased,  and  the 
demands  upon  us  far  exceeded  our  supplies.  Dur- 
ing the  winter  and  spring  I  frequently  took  hasty 
trips  into  the  country  to  endeavor  to  arouse  a 
deeper  interest  on  this  subject  among  the  people, 
and  attended  many  of  the  Quarterly  Meetings  of 
Friends  in  Ohio  and  Indiana,  to  encourage  increased 
action  in  behalf  of  the  freedmen.  These  efforts 
were  blessed  with  success,  and  our  supplies  largely 
increased. 

Other  denominations  began  to  take  a  lively  inter- 
est, and  as  our  organization  was  anti-sectarian,  all 
were  united  in  this  work  of  benevolence,  and  la- 
bored together  harmoniously. 

Our  field  of  labor  had  now  become  so  large  that 
it  seemed  necessary  for  me  to  visit  it  again,  and  in 


628  REMINISCENCES. 

the  latter  part  of  May  I  left  home  to  engage  in  this 
mission.  It  necessitated  a  trip  down  the  Mississippi 
River,  and  to  various  points  in  the  South.  Most  of 
the  freedmen  formerly  at  Cairo  were  now  stationed 
at  Island  Number  Ten,  where  they  were  cultivating 
the  land,  under  charge  of  Chaplain  B.  Thomas.  My 
first  call  was  at  Columbus,  Kentucky,  twenty  miles 
below  Cairo,  where  there  was  a  large  colony.  I 
went  next  to  Island  Number  Ten,  and  thence  to 
Memphis,  Tennessee.  I  arrived  at  the  latter  place 
on  Sabbath  morning,  and  was  very  cordially  re- 
ceived by  Chaplain  Eaton,  who  had  been  appointed 
by  General  Grant  general  superintendent  of  contra- 
bands on  the  Mississippi,  and  to  whom  we  had 
forwarded  large  supplies  of  clothing,  farming  uten- 
sils, and  school-books. 

At  Memphis  there  were  three  large  colonies  or 
villages  of  the  freed  people,  who  were  cultivating 
the  ground  with  farming  implements  which  we  had 
sent  them.  Chaplain  Eaton  made  me  welcome  at 
his  quarters  during  my  stay  in  Memphis,  and  gave 
me  all  the  assistance  in  his  power,  and  every  facility 
I  needed  to  accomplish  my  mission.  I  found  him 
to  be  a  very  intelligent  and  agreeable  man  and 
Christian  worker,  and  much  interested  in  the  wel- 
fare of  the  freedmen,  but  greatly  overworked  with 
so  heavy  a  charge  upon  him.  On  my  expressing  a 
wish  to  visit  the  camps  on  the  day  of  my  arrival, 
and  attend  the  meetings  of  the  colored  people,  he 
procured  two  cavalry  horses,  well  equipped,  and  we 
rode  out  to  the  camps. 

As  Eaton  held  the  rank  of  colonel,    we  had  no 


WORKING  FOR  THE  FREEDMEN. 


629 


difficulty  in  passing  the  picket  lines.  We  arrived  at 
Camp  Holly  Springs  in  time  to  visit  the  teachers  in 
their  tents  before  the  hour  of  worship.  Their  meet- 
ing-house was  a  long  shelter,  covered  with  clap- 
boards. The  services  were  conducted  by  friend 
Conner,  of  Ohio,  a  missionary  sent  to  this  place  by 
the  United  Presbyterians.  The  meeting  was  very 
large  and  interesting,  and  before  the  crowd  dis- 
persed I  had  the  privilege  of  addressing  the  lately 
emancipated  slaves. 

We  dined  in  a  large  tent  with  the  missionary,  his 
wife,  and  two  young  lady  teachers,  and  afterward 
attended  a  meeting  on  President's  Island,  where  a 
large  colony  had  lately  been  established.  All  of  the 
colored  people  here  lived  in  tents ;  their  church  and 
school-house  was  a  shelter  made  of  brush.  S.  J. 
Wright  was  located  there  under  the  auspices  of  the 
American  Missionary  Association.  Franklin  Cogge- 
shall  and  other  teachers  were  laboring  there.  In 
the  evening  we  paid  a  short  visit  to  the  teachers  at 
Camp  Shiloh.  Each  of  these  camps  had  a  strong 
picket  guard  of  colored  men,  who  kept  a  sharp  look- 
out ;  raids  were  often  made  by  the  rebels,  and  it 
was  necessary  to  guard  against  surprise. 

A  strong  Union  force  was  stationed  in  this  vicin- 
ity at  the  time  of  my  visit,  and  several  gunboats 
were  lying  on  the  river  ready  for  service.  I  visited 
both  the  colored  and  white  hospitals  at  this  point. 
In  the  latter  there  were  a  large  number  of  wounded 
soldiers,  who  had  been  brought  in  from  various 
battle-fields,  and  among  them  I  found  some  young 
men  from  Indiana  and  other  Western  States,   with 


630 


REMINISCENCES. 


whom  I  was  acquainted,  and  who  seemed  glad  to 
see  me.  To  witness  the  sufferings  of  the  wounded 
was  enough  to  move  the  stoutest  heart.  I  never 
before  so  fully  realized  the  horrors  of  war. 

I  was  admitted  into  the  old  fort  where  a  regiment 
of  colored  soldiers  was  being  organized  and  drilled, 
and  met  with  the  teacher  and  missionary  who  la- 
bored among  them.  His  name  was  Norton,  and  he 
was  a  member  of  the  Presbyterian  Church.  Not- 
withstanding the  efforts  that  were  made  to  relieve 
and  care  for  the  lately  emancipated  slaves,  I  found 
many  of  them  in  a  suffering  condition.  Those  who 
were  in  the  camps  outside  of  the  city  were  in 
charge  of  the  superintendents,  and  their  wants  were 
provided  for  as  well  as  the  means  at  command 
would  allow,  but  more  than  two  thousand  had  taken 
refuge  within  the  city  limits,  and  their  condition  was 
truly  deplorable. 

As  the  slaveholders  fled  before  the  advancing 
Union  forces  they  took  with  them  their  able-bodied 
slaves,  and  when  these  tried  to  escape  and  reach  the 
Union  lines,  they  were  pursued  and  fired  upon  by 
their  masters,  who  had  rather  shoot  them  down  than 
let  them  go  free.  The  slaves  came  into  Memphis 
every  day,  many  of  them  wounded,  and  all  of  them 
suffering  for  lack  of  food  and  clothing.  While  1 
was  visiting  one  of  the  colored  hospitals,  a  large 
brick  house— the  residence  of  an  aristocratic  South- 
erner— in  the  suburbs  of  the  city,  which  had  been 
appropriated  to  the  use  of  the  sick  and  wounded 
freedmen,  a  company  of  slaves  was  brought  in, 
some  of  them  suffering  from  gunshot  wounds.    They 


WORKING  FOR  THE  FREEDMEN. 


631 


said  they  had  attempted  to  escape  from  their  mas- 
ters, and  had  been  pursued.  Two  of  their  number 
were  shot  dead,  and  the  others  were  so  disabled 
that  they  were  lying  helpless  by  the  roadside  when 
a  company  of  Union  soldiers  discovered  them  and 
brought  them  in. 

After  remaining  two  days  at  Memphis,  I  obtained 
a  pass  to  Corinth,  Mississippi,  byway  of  La  Grange, 
Bolivar,  and  Jackson,  Tennessee.  The  railroads 
were  all  under  military  control,  but  Chaplain  Eaton 
had  been  authorized  by  General  Grant  to  give  free 
transportation  to  all  agents  visiting  the  freedmen, 
also  to  our  teachers  and  supplies.  There  was  much 
red  tape  in  the  rules  and  regulations  of  the  military 
department.  I  had  to  report  to  the  provost-marshal 
and  obtain  a  permit  to  go  South — then  report  to  the 
various  military  posts,  and  have  it  indorsed. 

At  La  Grange,  some  fifty  miles  south  of  Memphis, 
there  was  a  contraband  camp  in  charge  of  Chaplain 
Joel  Grant,  of  the  Twelfth  Illinois  Infantry.  I  had 
previously  forwarded  boxes  of  school-books,  cloth- 
ing, blankets,  and  farming  utensils  to  this  place  and 
to  Corinth.  Of  the  two  thousand  contrabands 
gathered  at  this  point,  many  had  no  shelter  but 
cast-off  army  tents;  there  was  much  destitution  and 
suffering  among  them.  One  of  our  teachers,  John 
L.  Roberts,  had  prepared  a  long  shelter  of  brush, 
and  was  about  to  open  a  school.  A  strong  Union 
force  was  stationed  here,  under  command  of  General 
Smith,  of  Ohio.  A  college  building  was  used  as  a 
hospital  for  sick  and  wounded  soldiers,  and  a  large 
private   residence,   in  the   suburbs  of  the  city,  was 


632  REMINISCENCES. 

occupied  as  a  hospital  for  the  contrabands.  Many 
of  the  freedmen  here  were  in  Government  service 
as  waiters,  cooks,  washers,  teamsters,  etc.,  and  a 
colored  regiment  was  being  organized. 

Superintendent  Grant  accompanied  me  to  visit 
the  farm  grounds  which  the  freedmen  were  cultiva- 
ting within  the  picket  lines,  and  to  see  the  soldiers 
in  camp  and  in  the  hospitals.  I  found  here  a  num- 
ber of  our  Ohio  boys.  In  the  evening  I  attended 
religious  service  in  the  contrabands'  camp,  and  at 
night  found  comfortable  quarters  in  the  mansicn 
that  had  been  deserted  by  its  owner,  and  was  now 
used  as  a  hospital  for  the  colored  people. 

Next  morning  I  returned  to  the  large  double  tent 
which  constituted  the  headquarters  of  Chaplain 
Grant.  He  told  me  that  during  the  night  a  large 
number  of  contrabands  had  come  in — mostly  women 
and  children — for  whom  no  shelter  could  be  pro- 
vided, as  the  tents  were  already  crowded  full.  A 
few  blankets  were  all  that  could  be  furnished  them, 
and  they  remained  exposed  to  the  heavy  dews  dur- 
ing the  night  and  the  hot  sun  during  the  day,  unless 
they  made  a  shelter  of  green  brush.  I  visited  them 
as  they  sat  in  their  rags  and  dirt,  and  listened  to 
their  accounts  of  the  privation  and  suffering  they 
had  undergone  before  reaching  the  Union  lines. 
Although  their  destitution  was  extreme,  I  heard  no 
murmurs  or  complaints.  Their  hearts  seemed  full 
of  praise  to  God  for  their  deliverance  from  slavery; 
they  regarded  it  as  an  answer  to  the  prayers  they 
had  sent  up  so  often  in  their  days  of  cruel  bondage. 


WORKING  FOR  THE  FREEDMEN.  633 

I  was  touched  by  their  simple  expressions  of  thanks- 
giving, and  felt  my  eyes  fill  with  tears. 

I  attended  the  opening  of  John  L.  Roberts' 
school,  under  the  shelter  of  green  brush,  and  was 
much  interested  to  see  the  eagerness*  with  which  his 
pupils  pressed  forward  to  have  their  names  regis- 
tered and  receive  the  school-books.  When  this  was 
done  they  retired  in  good  order  to  their  seats, 
formed  of  rough  slabs,  holding  carefully  in  their 
hands  the  precious  books,  of  which  they  knew  no 
word  or  letter.  The  parents  of  many  of  them  looked 
on  with  deep  interest. 

While  at  La  Grange  I  witnessed  the  arrival  of  a 
company  of  contrabands,  thirty-one  in  number, 
mostly  women  and  children.  They  were  Brought 
in  by  a  company  of  cavalry  scouts,  and  rode,  part  in 
a  wagon  to  which  four  mules  were  attached,  part  in 
an  elegant  carriage,  drawn  by  a  span  of  bay  horses^ 
The  cavalry  had  been  out  in  pursuit  of  a  band  of 
guerrillas,  and  had  gathered  up  these  negroes 
from  the  plantation  of  a  rich  planter,  whose  house 
had  been  the  headquarters  of  the  guerrillas.  The 
contrabands  were  quite  jubilant  at  the  prospect  of 
liberty,  and  collected  in  a  semicircle  around  the 
superintendent's  tent  to  have  their  names  and  ages 
registered.  One  old  woman,  whose  head  was  as 
white  as  wool,  stood  first'  and  when  she  was  asked 
her  age,  she  replied:  "Don't  know,  massa;  dey 
tole  me  I  was  twenty-one  and  made  me  do  de  work 
of  a  gal.      I  s'pose  I's  seventy-five  or  eighty." 

The  chaplain  put  her  down  as  seventy-five,  then 
proceeded  to  put  the  same  question  to  the  others. 


634  REMINISCENCES. 

They  could  not  tell  how  old  they  were,  and  he  had 
to  register  their  names  and  guess  at  their  ages. 
When  this  was  done  the  old  woman  made  a  speech 
to  us,  part  of  it  amusing  and  part  quite  pathetic. 

She  said:  "  Yesterday  when  de  sogers  come  I  wa3 
out  milkin'  de  cows  and  prayin'  dat  de  Lord  would 
send  de  Yankees  here.  Massa  had  tried  to  scare 
us ;  he  told  us  if  de  Yankees  got  hold  of  us  dey 
would  work  us  mos'  to  death,  then  send  us  off  to 
Cuba  and  sell  us,  but  de  Lord  didn't  tell  me  so,  and 
I  kep'  prayin'  dat  dey  would  come.  While  I  was 
milkin'  I  happened  to  raise  my  head,  and  bless  de 
Lord,  dere  was  de  Yankees'  heads  poppin'  up  above 
de  fence.  Oh,  my  heart  almos'  jumped  out  of  me 
for  joy.  Dey  come  right  up  and  surrounded  de 
house  ;  de  rebs  was  gone  but  massa  was  dere.  I 
quit  milkin'  and  walked  right  by  de  captain.  He 
said  for  us  all  to  get  ready,  he  was  going  to  take  us 
out  of  slavery.  Oh,  dat  made  me  feel  good.  I 
took  de  bucket  of  milk  into  de  kitchen  and  set  it 
down,  and  went  out  into  de  yard  and  tole  de  captain 
how  dey  had  used  us  and  how  dey  had  'bused  us, 
all  right  before  massa's  face  and  he  dasn't  cheep. 
De  boys  was  plowin'  in  de  field  and  de  captain  sent 
sogers  to  tell  'em  to  unhitch  de  mules  and  hitch  'em 
to  de  wagon,  and  I  tell  you  dey  done  it  mighty 
quick.  Dey  put  four  mules  to  de  wagon,  den  dey 
fetched  out  de  fine  carriage  and  fine  horses  and 
made  'em  ready.  Den  we  fetched  out  our  old  bags 
and  old  beds  and  put  in  de  wagon,  and  de  captain 
tole  us  to  put  in  provisions  to  eat.  I  tell  you  it  was 
all  done  mighty  quick,  and  we  drove  off,  some  of  us 


WORKING  FOR  THE  FREED  MEN.  635 

riden'  in  de  fine  carriage  and  de  rest  in  de  wagon. 
De  sogers  went  before  and  behind  us,  and  here  we 
all  is,  bless  de  Lord  !  " 

All  listened  with  intense  interest  to  the  old 
woman's  story,  told  in  her  own  simple  language. 
She  pointed  to  several  of  the  company,  and  said: 
"  Dese  are  my  children  and  grandchildren;"  then 
turning  to  us,  she  continued:  "  Gent'men,  dis  is  all 
de  work  of  de  Lord.  I  has  been  prayin'  many 
years  dat  He  would  send  deliverance  to  us  poor 
slaves,  and  my  faith  never  failed  me  dat  He  would 
hear  my  prayer,  and  dat  I  would  live  to  be  free." 
She  then  broke  forth  in  a  song  of  praise  and  thanks- 
giving, in  which  others  joined  her,  singing  in  that 
peculiar,  plaintive  manner  characteristic  of  the  mu- 
sical utterances  of  slaves — those  who  sing  from  the 
depths  of  heart  experience.  I  was  renewedly  con- 
vinced that  many  of  the  Lord's  children  were  to  be 
found  among  the  poor  untutored  slaves. 

At  La  Grange  I  took  the  train  for  Corinth,  Mis- 
sissippi, going  by  way  of  Bolivar  and  Jackson,  Ten- 
nessee; the  road  by  way  of  Grand  Junction  having 
been  destroyed  by  the  rebels.  Our  route  to  Corinth 
lay  through  the  enemy's  country,  where  there  had 
been  much  fighting  and  great  destruction  of  prop- 
erty. The  road  was  strongly  guarded,  squads  of 
soldiers  being  posted,  at  short  distances,  along  the 
entire  route.  Breastworks  had  been  thrown  up  here 
and  there,  and  rifle-pits  were  to  be  seen  every  few 
miles.  The  desolation  wrought  by  war  was  visible 
on  every  side.  Fences  were  gone,  houses  burned, 
and  plantations  deserted ;  everything  seemed  to  be 


636  REMINISCENCES. 

going  to  destruction.  Two  large  armies  had  passed 
over  the  land,  leaving  ruin  in  their  track.  The 
rebel  army  had  taken  away  or  destroyed  the  prop- 
erty of  Union  men  in  the  South  ;  the  Federal  army 
had  done  the  same  with  the  property  of  the  rebels, 
and  nothing  remained  for  the  poor  slaves  to  live 
upon.  The  women  and  children,  and  the  aged  and 
feeble  were  often  found  on  the  ruined  plantations 
suffering  for  the  means  of  life.  Our  soldiers  fre- 
quently shared  their  rations  with  them,  but  could 
do  little  to  alleviate  the  sudden  and  general  distress. 
A  large  military  force  was  stationed  at  Corinth, 
but  having  proper  credentials,  I  found  no  difficulty 
in  passing  the  picket  lines.  Colonel  Alexander, 
superintendent  of  contrabands  at  this  place,  received 
me  cordially,  and  gave  me  lodging  in  his  tent.  I 
found  about  six  thousand  contrabands  within  the 
picket  lines.  Several  teachers  and  missionaries 
were  stationed  here,  and  about  three  hundred  chil- 
dren attended  school.  The  cabins  and  tents  of  the 
contrabands  were  kept  clean,  and  were  visited  often 
by  the  distributing  agents  and  teachers.  It  was 
truly  an  arduous  field  of  labor;  numbers  of  newly 
emancipated  slaves  arrived  every  day,  and  there  was 
much  destitution  and  suffering.  Colonel  Alexander 
and  I  rode  out  to  view  the  farm  and  gardens  culti- 
vated by  the  freedmen — about  one  thousand  acres 
were  under  cultivation,  one  hundred  and  twenty-five 
being  in  garden.  The  soldiers  were  supplied  with 
vegetables  from  these  gardens.  A  regiment  of  col- 
ored soldiers  was  organized  and  equipped  at. this 
place.     It  was    called  the  Alabama  Regiment,  be- 


WORKING  FOR  THE  FREED  MEN. 


63/ 


cause  most  of  the  men  composing  it  were  from  that 
State.  They  were  all  able-bodied,  and  presented  a 
fine  appearance  on  dress  parade.  Their  colonel  told 
me  that  they  were  the  most  orderly  and  best  be- 
haved regiment  in  camp;  it  was  the  first  time  that 
their  manhood  had  been  recognized,  and  they  were 
anxious  to  prove  that  they  were  worthy  of  the  con- 
fidence reposed  in  them.  A  second  regiment  of 
colored  soldiers  was  nearly  full.  There  were  many 
stanch  abolitionists  among  the  Northern  soldiers 
stationed  here,  and  when  off  duty  they  spent  much 
time  teaching  the  colored  soldiers  to  read.  The 
latter  appeared  to  be  making  fine  progress  ;  there 
was  a  great  demand  for  school  books  among  them. 
I  mingled  with  them  in  their  quarters,  and  endeav- 
ored to  encourage  them  in  their  efforts  to  learn, 
promising  to  forward  some  books  to  them  when  I 
returned  to  Memphis. 

I  spent  about  three  days  at  Corinth,  visiting  the 
schools  and  teachers,  attending  the  religious  meet- 
ings of  the  freedmen,  and  visiting  many  of  them  in 
their  tents  and  hospitals.  I  also  visited  many  of  the 
Northern  soldiers  in  their  tents.  The  evening  be- 
fore I  left  Corinth  I  witnessed  the  arrival  of  a  large 
company  of  contrabands,  many  of  them  clothed 
only  in  rags,  and  suffering  for  want  of  food.  They 
were  provided  for  as  well  as  the  means  at  command 
would  allow.  On  my  way  back  to  Memphis  I  made 
short  visits  at  Bolivar  and  Jackson.  Between  Cor- 
inth and  Jackson  we  stopped  at  a  way  station,  and 
took  on  a  company  of  contrabands  who  had  been 
gathered  together  and  brought   to   this  place  by  a 


638 


REMINISCENCES. 


company  of  soldiers.  They  were  taken  on  to  Jack- 
son, where  a  camp  was  being  organized. 

At  Jackson  a  strong  guard  of  soldiers  mounted  to 
the  top  of  the  cars,  and  accompanied  us  the  rest  of 
the  way,  as  guard.  The  day  before  there  had  been 
a  raid  of  guerrillas  on  the  road  between  here  and 
Memphis,  and  a  number  of  rails  had  been  torn  up, 
but  the  destruction  had  been  discovered  in  time  to 
save  the  train.  A  brave  Union  citizen,  at  the  risk 
of  his  life,  flagged  the  approaching  train  and  warned 
the  engineer  of  the  danger.  A  company  of  soldiers 
aboard  soon  repaired  the  track,  and  there  was  only 
a  detention  of  a  few  hours,  where  there  might  have 
been  a  frightful  accident.  We  reached  Memphis  in 
safety,  without  having  seen  guerrillas  on  our  route. 
I  stopped  again  with  my  friend  Colonel  Eaton,  and 
resumed  my  labors  of  visiting  the  schools,  hospitals 
and  camps  of  the  freedmen  and  soldiers.  A  num- 
ber of  wounded  soldiers  had  just  been  brought  up 
from  Vicksburg,  where  desperate  fighting  was  going 
on.  Among  them  were  several  from  Ohio,  but 
none  with  whom  I  was  acquainted.  It  was  a  painful 
sight  to  see  their  mangled  bodies,  and  to  know  that 
they  must  soon  die,  or,  if  they  survived,  to  be 
maimed  and  crippled  all  their  lives. 

On  Sabbath  morning  I  went  over  to  President's 
Island,  and  attended  a  large  and  interesting  meeting 
of  the  freedmen,  which  was  held  in  the  shade  of  the 
trees.  Afterward  I  dined  with  our  teachers  and 
with  Superintendent  Barnes,  of  Illinois,  an  excellent 
man,  who  died  not  long  afterward  while  engaged  in 
this  work.      In  the  evening  I  returned  to  Memphis. 


WORKING  FOR  THE  FREEDMEN.  639 

expecting  to  start  down  the  river  to  Helena,  Arkan- 
sas, and  other  points  where  contrabands  were  con- 
gregated. The  next  day  I  obtained  a  permit  and  a 
free  pass,  and  went  on  board  the  sanitary  boat, 
Alice  Dean,  from  Cincinnati.  It  was  used  to  bring 
sick  and  wounded  soldiers  up  the  river  from  points 
below,  to  hospitals  where  they  could  be  cared  for. 
Two  large  boats,  the  Jacob  Strader  and  the  Tycoon, 
went  in  company  with  us,  one  before  and  the  other 
behind  us.  They  were  loaded  with  troops,  having 
four  thousand  soldiers  on  board,  who  were  going 
down  to  join  Grant's  army  at  Vicksburg.  A  larger 
number  had  gone  down  the  day  before.  It  was  not 
considered  safe  for  boats  to  pass  up  and  down  the 
river  without  troops  on  board,  or  unaccompanied  by 
a  gunboat,  for  several  had  lately  been  fired  into ;  on 
board  of  one  a  woman,  who  had  been  laboring 
among  the  freedmen,  was  killed  by  a  shot  from  the 
bank.  I  felt  that  I  was  in  the  midst  of  war  and 
danger,  but  was  favored  to  rest  in  peace  and  to  ar- 
rive safely  at  Helena.  After  reporting  at  the  office 
of  the  provost-marshal  and  showing  my  credentials, 
I  called  on  Chaplain  Sawyer,  the  superintendent  of 
contrabands  at  this  post,  who  received  me  cordially. 
He  was  from  Grant  County,  Indiana,  and  we  had 
previously  had  some  acquaintance.  I  met  another 
person  here  whom  I  had  known  before — William 
Shugart,  son  of  one  of  my  old  neighbors.  He  was 
captain  of  the  First  Indiana  Cavalry.  General  Pren- 
tice was  commander  of  this  post  at  the  time  of  my 
visit.  I  found  here  three  thousand  six  hundred 
contrabands,   about  one-half  of  whom  earned  their 


64O  REMINISCENCES. 

support  in  Government  service,  and  by  cultivating 
the  ground;  the  others — mostly  women  and  chil- 
dren— were  entirely  dependent.  Eight  hundred  had 
come  in  the  night  before  I  arrived,  having  been 
brought  up  the  river  in  boats  from  points  below. 

Three  large  churches  were  filled  with  colored  peo- 
ple, and  many  found  shelter  in  other  houses  and  in 
tents.  Beside  those  in  Helena,  quite  a  number  were 
in  camps  two  miles  out  of  town.  In  company  with 
Chaplain  Fisher,  assistant  superintendent,  I  visited 
Camp  Deliverance,  containing  four  hundred  and 
eighty,  Camp  Wood  with  four  hundred  and  ninety, 
and  Camp  Colony,  with  two  hundred  and  fifty. 
They  were  all  within  the  picket  lines  of  the  army,  - 
but  were,  I  thought,  in  an  unsafe  position,  for  a 
large  rebel  army  was  camped  not  far  away,  and  it 
was  feared  that  an  attempt  would  be  made  to  retake 
the  town. 

On  our  return  to  Helena  we  heard  the  roar  of 
cannon  some  distance  down  the  river;  it  continued, 
with  intervals  of  cessation,  for  several  hours,  and 
we  surmised  that  a  severe  engagement  was  taking 
place.  Next  morning  we  learned  that  the  boats 
which  were  conveying  troops  down  the  river  to 
Vicksburg  were  fired  into  by  guerrillas  on  the  bank, 
and  that  a  gunboat  which  accompanied  the  trans- 
ports had  shelled  the  woods  for  some  distance,  and 
dispersed  the  guerrillas. 

I  had  intended  to  start  down  the  river  the  follow- 
ing day,  to  visit  the  camps  of  contrabands  between 
Helena  and  Vicksburg,  but  was  advised  not  to  risk 
my  life  by  undertaking  such  a  journey.    I  concluded 


WORKING  FOR  THE  FREEDMEN.  64  z 

to  return  to  Memphis,  and  while  waiting  for  an  up- 
river  boat  visited  the  freedmen  in  the  churches. 
The  chaplains  in  charge  had  gathered  them  into 
these  buildings  for  instruction,  and  were  teaching 
them  the  alphabet  from  charts  hung  in  front  of  the 
pulpits.  It  was  interesting  to  watch  them,  to  see 
their  eagerness  to  learn.  No  schools  had  then  been 
established  at  Helena ;  school-books  and  teachers 
were  much  needed. 

One  devoted  Christian  woman,  M.  R.  Mann,  was 
laboring  there,  distributing  clothing  among  the 
freedmen.  Here,  as  elsewhere,  there  was  much 
destitution  and  suffering. 

I  took  passage  on  a  boat  that  was  conveying  some 
wounded  soldiers  to  Memphis,  and  reached  that 
place  in  safety.  There  was  some  difficulty  about 
getting  passage  farther  up  the  river,  for  all  the  boats 
had  been  pressed  into  service  by  the  Government, 
for  the  purpose  of  conveying«soldiers  and  supplies 
to  General  Grant's  army.  Some  of  the  boats  had 
taken  passengers  and  freight  aboard,  and  were  ready 
to  start  up  the  river,  but  the  order  was  imperative, 
and  we  were  kept  in  suspense  for  some  time.  It 
was  finally  decided  that  one  large  boat  should  take 
the  passengers  and  freight  of  the  other  smaller  ones 
and  proceed  on  her  way,  and  about  dark  we  started. 
The  Tillman  was  a  large,  handsome  boat,  but  we 
were  much  crowded.  I  stopped  one  day  at  Island 
Number  Ten,  where  there  were  more  than  a  thou- 
sand contrabands  in  camp,  and  where  several  of  our 
teachers  were  located,  and,  proceeding  on  my  jour- 
ney, reached  Cairo  early  Sabbath  morning. 
54 


642  REMINISCENCES. 

The  boat  that  brought  me  to  Cairo  was  much 
crowded,  having-  eight  hundred  passengers  on  board. 
There  were  some  sick  and  wounded  soldiers,  a  num- 
ber of  rebel  prisoners,  and  a  company  of  white  ref- 
ugees from  the  South — mostly  women  and  children. 
This  company  was  landed  on  the  wharf,  in  charge 
of  a  Government  officer,  to  be  sent  out  by  railroad, 
and  scattered  among  the  people  in  Indiana  and  Illi- 
nois, to  find  sustenance.  They  numbered  about 
three  hundred,  and  were  the  most  wretched,  forlorn- 
looking  company  of  people  I  had  ever  seen.  All 
appeared  to  be  in  deep  distress.  They  had  been 
ruined  by  the  war;  being  Unionists  in  sentiment 
and  opposed  to  secession,  their  property  had  been 
destroyed  or  taken  by  the  rebels,  their  houses 
burned,  and  the  men  forced  to  flee  for  their  lives  or 
enter  the  rebel  service.  The  husbands  and  fathers 
of  some  of  these  families  had  been  shot  down  before 
their  eyes  ;  others  h»d  succeeded  in  escaping  and 
joining  the  Union  army.  These  refugees  had  been 
gathered  together  by  Union  soldiers,  and  sent,  at 
Government  expense,  to  the  free  States,  to  be  pro- 
vided for  by  the  more  fortunate  Northern  people, 
whose  homes  had  not  been  destroyed  by  war.  I 
spent  some  time  walking  about  among  them  and 
listening  to  their  stories  of  suffering  and  distress. 
The  deepest  sympathies  of  my  heart  were  stirred  in 
their  behalf.  Their  situation  was  indeed  pitiful. 
Some  were  sick  and  lying  on  the  wet  ground,  with 
but  a  scanty  supply  of  bed  clothing.  Others  were 
moving  about  in  a  dejected  and  spiritless  manner, 
trying  to  prepare  something  to  eat.      Army  rations 


WORKING  FOR  THE  FREEDMEN. 


643 


had  been  issued  to  them,  but  the  food  was  coarse 
and  unfit  for  delicate  women  and  children  and  sick 
persons.  One  aged  grandmother,  ninety-five  years 
of  age,  was  munching  a   piece  of  cold  corn  bread. 

I  had  witnessed  many  scenes  of  destitution  and 
suffering  among  the  contrabands  in  the  South,  but 
this  surpassed  them  all.  The  colored  people  were 
hopeful ;  they  had  gained  their  liberty,  and  in  the 
midst  of  privation  and  hardship  were  praising  the 
Lord  for  their  deliverance  from  bondage.  The  ref- 
ugees were  .  despondent,  and  many  of  them  wept 
bitterly  as  they  related  their  sad  stories.  Many  of 
them  had  been  in  comfortable  circumstances;  they 
were  now  ruined  and  dependent  upon  the  charity  of 
strangers.  Before  I  left  this  pitiful  group,  some  of 
the  ladies  of  the  town  came  among  them  to  minister 
to  their  wants. 

There  were  still  a  number  of  contrabands  in  the 
old  barracks.  I  attended  their  meeting  in  the  fore- 
noon, and  spent  most  of  the  Sabbath  with  them. 
In  the  evening  I  took  passage  on  the  Evansville 
packet,  and  stopped  the  next  day  to  visit  the  con- 
traband camps  at  Smithland  and  Paducah,  Kentucky. 
The  day  following,  I  arrived  at  Evansville,  and 
called  to  see  Major  A.  L.  Robinson — with  whom  I 
was  acquainted — to  consult  with  him  regarding  the 
best  plan  of  taking  up  a  collection  for  the  aid 
of  the  freedmen  of  the  South.  He  was  an  influen- 
tial man  and  a  popular  attorney  at  law,  and  I  knew 
that  his  action  in  the  matter  would  have  weight  with 
the  people.  We  concluded  to  call  together  the 
ministers  of  the  different  churches  and  other  prom- 


644  REMINISCENCES. 

inent  citizens,  endeavor  to  get  them  interested  in 
the  subject,  and  consult  with  them  whether  it  would 
be  better  to  call  a  public  meeting  or  make  individual 
appeals.  The  latter  course  was  decided  upon,  and 
after  heading  the  list  with  a  subscription  of  fifty 
dollars,  Major  A.  L.  Robinson  went  around  with 
me  to  solicit  contributions.  We  spent  that  evening 
and  the  most  of  next  day  in  canvassing,  and  suc- 
ceeded in  collecting  six  hundred  and  forty-five  dol- 
lars. I  then  took  leave  of  my  kind  friend,  who  had 
so  efficiently  aided  me  in  making  collections,  and 
took  passage  on  the  steamer  Gray  Eagle  for  Louis- 
ville. Most  of  the  waiters,  cooks,  and  deck-hands 
on  the  boat  were  colored  people  belonging  to 
Louisville.  Some  of  them  knew  me,  and  when  they 
learned  my  mission  they  took  a  collection,  volun- 
tarily, among  themselves  which  amounted  to  more 
than  seven  dollars,  and  which  they  placed  in  my 
hands  to  be  expended  for  the  relief  of  their  colored 
brethren  in  the  South.  When  the  boat  stopped  at 
Louisville  I  crossed  over  to  Jeffersonville,  and  spent 
the  night  with  my  friend,  Dr.  Field.  Next  morn- 
ing I  collected  thirty  dollars  for  the  freedmen. 

I  afterward  visited  New  Albany,  where  J  called 
on  J.  G.  Atterbury,  pastor  of  the  Second  Presby- 
terian Church.  After  making  known  to  him  my 
mission,  he  went  around  with  me  to  see  the  minis- 
ters of  the  other  churches.  Their  interest  was 
aroused,  and  it  was  decided  .to  call  a  meeting  for 
the  afternoon  of  the  next  day — Sabbath — and  to 
present  the  subject  to  the  people.  Notices  were 
given  in  all  the  churches  that  such  a  meeting  would 


WORKING  FOR  THE  FREEDMEN. 


645 


be  held  in  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Centenary- 
Church,  and  a  large  company  gathered  at  the  time 
appointed.  I  gave  them  an  account  of  the  condi: 
tion  and  wants  of  the  freed  people  in  the  South, 
and  spoke  of  my  recent  visit  among  them.  Several 
speeches  were  made  by  others,  and  much  interest 
was  manifested.  Two  prominent  men  were  ap- 
pointed to  assist  me  next  day  in  making  collections. 
In  the  evening  I  attended — by  invitation — the  Afri- 
can Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  and  gave  a  brief 
account  of  the  scenes  I  had  witnessed  among  the 
lately  emancipated  slaves.  A  liberal  collection  was 
taken  up,  and  the  next  day  we  collected  two  hun- 
dred and  thirty- seven  dollars.  At  Louisville  I  re- 
ceived contributions  from  Elder  Adams,  pastor  of 
the  colored  church,  and  several  other  colored 
persons. 

On  my  return  to  Cincinnati  I  had  the  satisfaction 
of  reporting  to  our  board  the  amount  of  about  one 
thousand  dollars,  the  sum  of  the  various  collections. 
The  members  of  the  board  seemed  quite  encouraged 
with  my  success  ;  new  fields  of  labor  were  opening, 
and  there  was  a  constant  demand  for  assistance. 
The  work  increased  constantly,  and  I  found  little 
time  to  rest.  Boxes  of  clothing,  bedding,  books, 
and  other  articles  came  in  large  numbers  from  the 
country,  to  be  shipped  to  the  suffering  freedmen. 
They  were  consigned  to  me,  and  this  entailed  a 
great  deal  of  labor.  Their  receipt  must  be  acknowl- 
edged and  inquiries  answered ;  I  often  spent  the 
greater  part  of  the  night  writing  letters. 

I  often  received  pressing  appeals  from  our  teach- 


646 


REMINISCENCES. 


ers  and  agents,  representing  the  extreme  destitution 
and  suffering  of  the  freed  people,  and  begging  for 
more  help.  Having  visited  the  camps  I  could  easily 
picture  to  myself  the  scenes  they  drew,  and  my 
feelings  were  constantly  harrowed  up,  and  my  deep- 
est sympathies  excited.  I  often  made  short  tours 
to  the  country  to  solicit  contributions  and  to  en- 
deavor to  arouse  the  sympathy  of  the  people.  I 
was  successful  in  making  collections  wherever  I 
went,  and  thi^  enabled  us  to  extend  our  labors ;  to 
send  more  teachers,  and  more  relief  to  the  sufferers. 

The  field  of  operations  was  constantly  widening  ; 
colonies  of  freedmen  were  being  organized  at  Vari- 
ous points  in  Tennessee,  Mississippi  and  Kentucky. 
Each  day  brought  new  tales  of  suffering  and  incited 
us  to  fresh  effort.  Vicksburg  had  fallen,  and  of  the 
thousands  of  slaves  collected  in  that  vicinity  many 
were  dying  for  want  of  the  common  necessaries  of 
life.  A  terrible  battle  was  fought  at  Helena  about 
a  week  after  I  left  there,  and  the  freedmen's  camps 
outside  the  town  were  destroyed  by  the  rebels. 
The  cabins  were  burned,  and  many  of  the  aged  and 
sick  ones  perished  in  them.  It  was  reported  that 
the  rebels  were  driven  back  with  great  loss,  and  the 
final  victory  won  by  the  valor  of  a  regiment  of  col- 
ored soldiers  who  bad  been  kept  in  reserve  till  the 
last,  and  who  fought  with  desperation  \vhen  ordered 
into  action.  The  contrabands  at  that  point  were 
now  left  without  shelter,  and  suffered  greatly. 

The  army  at  Corinth,  Mississippi,  had  been  called 
to  Vicksburg,  and  the  large  and  prosperous  colony 
of  freedmen  at  that  point,    whom  I   had  visited  so 


WORKING  FOR  THE  FREEDMEN. 


647 


short  a  time  before,  were  obliged  to  leave  hastily 
and  seek  refuge  at  Memphis  and  President's  Island. 
Their  gardens  and  farms  were  abandoned  to  the 
rebels,  and  they  were  deprived  of  the  fruit  of  their 
labors.  Other  similar  misfortunes,  and  the  inhuman 
massacre  of  colored  troops  at  Fort  Pillow,  tended  to 
increase  our  sympathy  for  the  freedmen. 

In  addition  to  the  work  in  the  South,  there  were 
many  demands  made  upon  us  here.  I  have  men- 
tioned that  companies  of  contrabands  were  fre- 
quently brought  on  boats  to  this  city,  landed  on  the 
wharf,  and  then  left  to  shift  for  themselves.  The 
number  increased,  and  we  petitioned  Government 
to  establish  a  home  for  the  freedmen  on  this  side  of 
the  river  and  issue  rations  to  them  until  places  could 
be  found  for  them  in  the  country.  This  was  even- 
tually done.  A  tract  of  land  was  leased  in  the 
suburbs  of  the  city,  and  a  large  building  erected  at 
the  expense  of  Government.  The  quartermaster  at 
this  post  was  ordered  to  issue  rations  and  furnish 
fuel  and  medical  attendance.  The  Western  Freed- 
men's  Aid  Commission  agreed  to  furnish  clothing, 
bedding,  books,  etc.,  and  take  the  general  over- 
sight of  the  institution.  We  employed  several 
teachers,  and  a  large  school  was  kept  up  as  long  as 
Government  sustained  the  home — a  period  of  three 
years. 

In  the  autumn  of  1863  the  subject  of  establishing 
a  Freedmen's  Bureau  was  agitated  by  the  various 
freedmen's  associations.  President  Lincoln  had 
been  consulted  on  the  matter ;  he  favored  having 
the  subject  brought  before  Congress,  and  suggested, 


648  REMINISCENCES. 

unofficially,  that  a  strong  delegation  from  the  differ- 
ent associations  should  meet  in  Washington  and 
endeavor  to  influence  the  members  of  Congress. 

This  suggestion  was  acted  upon,  and  delegations 
from  the  associations  of  Boston,  New  York,  Phila- 
delphia, Cincinnati  and  Chicago  met  at  Washington 
in  December.  I  was  one  of  the  delegates  from  our 
association.  We  had  interviews  with  the  heads  of 
the  different  departments,  and  found  Secretary  Stan 
ton  and  Secretary  Chase  warmly  in  favor  of  the 
establishment  of  the  Bureau.  President  Lincoln 
promised  to  send  a  message  to  Congress  on  the 
subject.  We  appointed  a  committee  to  draft  an 
address  to  the  members  of  Congress;  several  prom- 
inent members  who  were  interested  in  the  matter 
agreed  to  have  a  bill  brought  before  their  body,  and 
do  all  they  could  to  promote  its  passage.  We  felt 
assured  that  our  labors  would  result  in  success. 

After  spending  about  a  week  at  Washington,  I 
visited  the  freedmen's  associations  of  Philadelphia, 
New  York  and  Boston,  to  invite  them  to  turn  their 
attention,  in  part,  to  the  great  field  of  labor  opening 
in  the  Southwest.  I  did  not  wish  to  divert  their 
supplies  from  their  own  field  ;  it  was  not  my  pur- 
pose to  collect  in  their  districts,  but  to  explain  to 
them  the  extent  and  increase  of  the  work  west  of 
the  mountains  and  encourage  them  to  help  us.  I 
was  cordially  received  wherever  I  went,  and  assured 
of  co-operation  and  assistance. 

Women  Friends  of  Philadelphia  had  an  organiza- 
tion for  aiding  the  freedmen  by  collecting  clothing, 
and  material  for  clothing,  which  their  sewing  circles 


WORKING  FOR  THE  FREEDMEN. 


649 


made  into  suitable  garments.  I  was  in  Philadelphia 
when  one  of  their  regular  meetings  was  held  in  Arch 
Street  Meeting-House,  and  was  invited  to  attend 
and  give  information  regarding  the  freedmen  in  the 
Western  field.  I  complied  with  the  request  and 
gave  an  account  of  my  experiences,  and  the  scenes 
1  had  witnessed  while  visiting  the  contraband  camps. 
Several  large  boxes  of  clothing  and  blankets  were 
afterward  forwarded  to  our  association  from  this 
society.  Numerous  liberal  contributions  were 
handed  to  me.  Besides  the  associations  of  New 
York  and  Boston,  I  visited  also  those  of  Lynn,  Mas- 
sachusetts, and  Providence  and  Newport,  Rhode 
Island,  receiving  contributions  at  each  of  those 
places,  and  the  promise  of  other  supplies,  clothing, 
shoes  and  blankets,  which  were  afterward  sent. 

I  attended,  on  New  Year's  day,  the  meeting  of 
the  old  anti-slavery  society  at  Plymouth,  and  stood 
on  the,  famous  Plymoutn  Rock,  with  Samuel  J.  May, 
Wendell  Phillips,  and  others  of  my  old  co-laborers 
in  the  anti-slavery  cause.  This  was  a  jubilee  meet- 
ing of  the  old  abolitionists. 

After  visiting  William  Lloyd  Garrison  and  others 
of  similar  principles  in  Boston,  I  returned  home, 
having  received  during  my  travels  the  sum  of  two 
thousand  dollars — contributions  voluntarily  handed 
to  me  by  individuals,  to  be  devoted  to  the  relief  of 
the  freedmen  in  our  district  of  labor.  .  I  felt  encour- 
aged to  persevere  in  the  work,  feeling  that  my 
efforts  had  been  blessed. 

The  American  Missionary  Association  of  New 
York  aided  us  materially  in  our  work,  not  only  send- 
55 


650 


RE  MINIS  GEN  CES. 


ing  large  boxes  of  clothing,  but  supplying  teachers 
to  assist  those  already  in  the  field  or  to  open  new 
schools. 

After  my  return  from  the  East,  I  was  actively  en- 
gaged in  receiving  supplies  and  forwarding  them  to 
our  agents  and  teachers,  to  be  distributed  at  the 
most  needy  points. 


31ISSI0N  TO  ENGLAND.  6$  I 


CHAPTER  XX. 

MISSION  TO  ENGLAND — LABORS  IN  BEHALF  OF  THE 
FREEDMEN INCIDENTS  OF  THE  WORK CONTRI- 
BUTIONS FROM  ALL  CLASSES  OF  SOCIETY — PUBLIC 
MEETINGS. 

IN  March,  1864,  I  made  another  visit  to  our  field 
of  labor  in  the  South,  to  see  that  a  judicious  dis- 
tribution of  alms  was  made  to  the  sufferers,  and  to 
look  after  the  welfare  of  our  numerous  teachers, 
who,  at  the  cost  of  much  privation  and  self-sacrifice, 
were  doing  a  noble  work  among  the  freedmen. 

On  my  return  home  my  mind  was  impressed  with 
the  thought  that  if  our  friends  in  England  could 
understand  the  conditions  and  wants  of  these  suffer- 
ing thousands  of  lately  emancipated  slaves,  many 
of  them  would  willingly  help  us  in  this  great  work. 
I  was  personally  acquainted  with  several  prominent 
ministers  of  our  society,  and  others  who  had  visited 
this  country,  and  knew  something  of  the  sympathy 
and  state  of  feeling  that  existed  there  in  regard  to 
the  freedmen.  I  thought  that  it  might  be  right  for 
me  to  lay  the  subject  before  the  philanthropists 
of  England,  but  in  meditating  on  the  matter  I  felt 
many  misgivings.  I  was  inclined  to  plead  excuses, 
to  say,  as  Moses  did,  that  I  was  not   eloquent,   but 


652  REMINISCENCES. 

slow  of  speech  and  of  a  slow  tongue,  but  I  remem- 
bered that  the  Lord  said  to  Moses:  "Go,  and  I  will 
be  with  thy  mouth,  and  teach  thee  what  to  say," 
and  told  him  that  Aaron  should  meet  him  and  go 
with  him,  and  the  thought  occurred  that  I  might 
meet  an  Aaron  on  the  other  side  of  the  water,  who 
would  assist  me.  After  much  thought  and  earnest 
prayer,  the  path  in  that  direction  seemed  clear.  I 
brought  the  subject  before  my  dear  wife  and  she 
encouraged  me  to  go.  My  health  seemed  to  be 
failing  under  the  pressure  of  my  labors  here,  and 
she  thought  that  rest  and  a  change  of  work  would 
be  of  great  benefit  to  me.  I  then  presented  the 
matter  to  the  board  of  directors  of  the  Freedmen's 
Aid  Commission,  under  whose  auspices  I  proposed 
to  go.  They  appeared  to  be  much  pleased  with  my 
prospective  mission,  and  gave  me  their  united  sanc- 
tion and  encouragement.  They  asked  me  what 
salary  I  would  require,  or  what  per  cent,  of  my  col- 
lections I  would  be  satisfied  with;  to  which  I  replied 
that  I  had  never  collected  money  for  benevolent 
purposes  in  that  way,  that  my  mission  might  not 
be  a  successful  one — I  might  not  collect  enough  to 
pay  expenses — but  if  they  were  willing  to  bear  my 
expenses  I  would  engage  in  the  mission  and  do  the 
best  I  could.  I  wished  to  go  entirely  untrammeled 
by  any  pecuniary  considerations,  or  any  limitations 
of  time.  They  at  once  agreed  to  furnish  means 
for  my  expenses,  leaving  the  other  matters  to  my 
choice.  Preparations  were  then  made  for  the  jour- 
ney, and  I  was  furnished  with  numerous  credentials. 
In  addition  to  the   commission  as  general  acent 


MISSION  TO  ENGLAND. 


653 


of  the  Western  Freedmen's  Aid  Commission,  given 
me  by  the  board  of  directors,  a  number  of  official 
documents  were  voluntarily  offered ;  one  from  the 
board  of  directors  of  the  Western  Tract  and  Book 
Society — of  which  I  had  been  a  member  for  many 
years — and  one  signed  by  the  mayor  of  the  city  and 
some  prominent  judges  and  lawyers  of  the  courts 
of  Cincinnati.  I  was  also  presented  with  a  recom- 
mendation signed  by  the  faculty  of  Lane  Seminary 
— a  theological  school  on  Walnut  Hills — and  another 
signed  by  the  ministers  of  the  different  religious 
denominations  in  the  city.  Most  of  these  docu- 
ments were  prepared  without  my  knoweledge,  and 
though  they  expressed  more  than  I  felt  I  merited,  I 
received  them,  with  gratitude  for  my  friends'  kind- 
ness, knowing  that  they  would  be  of  much  service 
to  me  in  my  mission.  I  obtained  also  from  the 
Monthly  Meeting,  of  which  I  was  a  member,  a  cer- 
tificate of  membership  in  the  Society  of  Friends, 
indorsed  by  the  correspondents  of  the  Yearly  Meet- 
ing. Thus  equipped  with  all  necessary  documents 
I  took  leave  of  my  family  and  friends  at  Cincinnati, 
the  first  of  5th  month,  May,  and  started  on  my 
mission.  I  remained  a  day  or  two  at  New  York, 
where  I  received  from  Secretary  Chase,  at  Wash- 
ington, the  passport  to  Europe  which  was  then 
required,  and  for  which  I  had  previously  applied. 
I  received,  besides,  a  general  letter  of  recommenda- 
tion from  the  secretary;  also  one  of  similar  charac- 
ter from  Henry  Ward  Beecher. 

I   then   took  passage  on   the   steamship    City   of 
Edinburgh,   for  Liverpool,   arriving  at  that  port  in 


654 


REMINISCENCES. 


safety  after  a  voyage  of  thirteen  days,  during  which 
time  we  encountered  strong  head  winds  and  some 
very  rough  weather.  From  Liverpool  I  went  to 
London,  and  stopped  at  a  hotel.  Here  I  met  Will- 
iam Blaine,  of  Liverpool,  a  Friend  whom  I  had 
once  met  in  America.  It  was  pleasant  to  recognize 
a  familiar  face  among  so  many  strangers,  and  we 
greeted  each  other  as  old  friends.  London  Yearly 
Meeting  of  Friends  was  then  in  session.  The  next 
day,  first  day  (Sabbath),  I  rode  out  to  Tottenham 
and  attended  the  morning  meeting.  Here  I  met 
with  Josiah  Forster  who  had  been  at  my  house  in 
America — this  place  was  the  home  of  the  noted 
Forster  family.  I  dined  with  this  dear  old  friend, 
and  then  returned  to  my  quarters  in  London.  The 
next  morning  I  went,  accompanied  by  William 
Blaine,  of  Liverpool,  to  the  Devonshire  House,  that 
old  and  spacious  edifice  where  London  Yearly  Meet- 
ing is  held,  where  it  was  established,  two  centuries 
ago,  in  the  days  of  George  Fox  and  William  Penn. 

From  all  parts  of  the  kingdom,  Friends  were 
gathered  here  to  attend  the  great  annual  assembly 
of  this  once  despised  and  persecuted  people,  now  a 
wealthy  and  influential  body  of  Christians.  Many  of 
them  held  high  positions  in  the  Government;  John 
Bright,  Samuel  Gurney,  William  Edward  Forster, 
Henry  Pease  and  others  being  members  of  Parlia- 
ment. The  apartments  of  both  men  and  women  in 
this  large  building  were  well  filled.  It  is  a  plain 
structure,  comfortably  and  conveniently  arranged, 
and  will  accommodate  a  large  assembly  of  people. 
Two  sessions  of  the  Yearly  Meeting  were  held  in  a 


MISSION  TO  ENGLAND.  655 

day,  one  in  the  forenoon  and  one  in  the  afternoon.  I 
took  my  seat  with  William  Blaine  near  the  center 
of  the  building,  having  not  yet  made  myself  and 
my  mission  known  to  the  prominent  members  of 
the  meeting,  or  to  those  ministers  whom  I  recog- 
nized— John  Pease,  Benjamin  Seebohm  and  John 
Hodgkin.  These  eminent  Friends  had  visited 
America  several  years  before  on  a  mission  of  gospel 
love,  and  I  had  some  acquaintance  with  them. 

After  the  adjournment  I  made  myself  known  to 
these  persons ;  they  gave  me  a  hearty  greeting  and 
introduced  me  to  other  prominent  Friends.  I  was 
invited  to  dine  with  John  Pease  and  others  at  their 
boarding-place ;  here  I  had  an  opportunity  of  show- 
ing them  my  credentials  and  informing  them  of  my 
mission.  They  appeared  to  be  much  interested,  and 
John  Pease  proposed  to  introduce  the  subject  before 
the  meeting  the  next  day.  After  the  devotional 
services  closed,  the  next  morning,  and  the  clerk 
opened  the  business  meeting,  John  Pease  rose  and 
informed  the  meeting  of  my  presence,  and  my  mis- 
sion to  that  country.  He  then  requested  me  to 
come  forward  and  occupy  a  more  prominent  place  ; 
I  was  sitting  where  I  had  sat  the  day  before.  In 
this  he  was  joined  by  other  Friends,  and  the  clerk 
invited  me  forward  and  I  was  placed  by  the  side 
of  John  Pease,  Benjamin  'Seebohm  and  others,  on 
the  upper  seat.  Such  a  prominent  position,  before 
such  a  large  body  of  people,  was  embarrassing  to 
me  ;  I  felt  my  inability  to  do  justice  to  the  cause 
that  I  had  come  to  advocate.  The  clerk  read  my 
certificate    of    membership    and    standing    in     the 


656  REMINISCENCES. 

Society  of  Friends  and  my  commission  from  the 
Western  Freedmen's  Aid  Commission  of  Cincin- 
nati, and  alluded  to  the  documents  of  recommenda- 
tion given  me  by  Secretary  Chase  and  others.  I 
was  then  requested  to  give  an  account  of  the  con- 
dition and  wants  of  the  Freedmen  in  America.  I 
rose  and  said  that  I  felt  diffident  about  occupying 
much  of  the  time;  knowing  that  much  business 
would  come  before  the  Yearly  Meeting,  I  would 
endeavor  to  confine  my  remarks  to  the  outlines, 
and  not  enter  into  the  details  of  the  subject — an 
evening  meeting,  called  for  that  purpose,  would 
perhaps  be  more  appropriate  for  an  extended  state- 
ment. John  Pease  spoke  up  and  said  :  "  Don't  be 
afraid  of  occupying  too  much  time."  All  diffidence 
seemed  to  vanish,  and  I  was  favored  to  give  a  com- 
prehensive account  of  the  condition  and  wants  of 
the  lately  emancipated  slaves  in  America  and  of  our 
labors  among  them.  I  stated  that  my  mission  to 
England  was  not  intended  to  be  confined  to  the 
Society  of  Friends,  but  was  to  philanthropists  in 
general;  our  association  was  anti-sectarian,  but  evan- 
gelical, and  all  denominations  of  Christians  could 
labor  together  harmoniously  in  this  great  work  of 
benevolence.  The  meeting  seemed  to  be  deeply 
interested  in  the  matter,  and  gave  me  much  encour- 
agement. Next  day  a  note  was  sent  in  from  the 
women's  meeting,  requesting  me  to  come  in  their 
apartment  and  give  them  an  account  of  the  freed 
slaves  in  America,  similar  to  that  which  I  had  given 
the  men's  meeting.  The  clerk  informed  me  of  this 
request,  and  asked  me  if  I  was  willing  to   comply 


MISSION  TO  ENGLAND.  657 

with  it.  I  said  that  I  would  give  the  women  Friends 
the  desired  information  at  any  time  that  was  suit- 
able to  them.  The  clerk  sent  in  a  note  to  that 
effect,  and  a  message  soon  came  back  that  they 
were  ready  to  receive  the  visit.  The  meeting  then, 
as  is  the  custom  in  such  cases,  nominated  two 
Friends  to  accompany  me,  and  Robert  Alsop  and 
William  Satterthwaite — both  ministers- — went  with 
me  into  the  women's  apartment.  Here  we  occupied 
the  upper  seat,  and  faced  a  large  and  intelligent 
audience  of  English  women.  I  felt  that  this  was  a 
fit  place  to  present  an  account  of  the  extreme  des- 
titution and  suffering  which  I  had  so  lately  wit- 
nessed among  the  thousands  of  women  and  children 
whose  chains  had  so  recently  been  stricken  off.  I 
felt  that  the  cause  I  had  come  to  plead  would  find 
quick  sympathy  in  the  benevolent  hearts  of  the 
mothers  and  wives  and  sisters  before  me.  I  gave 
them  a  brief  account  of  my  visits  among  the  freed- 
men,  and  spoke  of  their  wants  and  sufferings.  After 
a  few  appropriate  remarks  from  some  of  the  women 
we  returned  to  the  men's  apartment. 

The  object  of  my  mission  was  .now  well  under- 
stood by  both  men  and  women  Friends  of  London 
Yearly  Meeting,  and  as  representatives  were  there 
from  all  parts  of  the  kingdom,  I  felt  that  the  way 
was  prepared  for  me  inside  the  limits  of  our  relig- 
ious society.  But  as  I  have  said  before,  my  mission 
was  not  to  be  confined  to  the  Society  of  Friends. 
It  was  anti-sectarian,  and  my  appeal  in  behalf  of  the 
freedmen  was  intended  for  the  British  public.  I 
had   letters    of    introduction  to  prominent  men  of 


658  REMINISCENCES. 

ether  denominations,  and  to  John  Bright,  Richard 
Cobden  and  other  members  of  Parliament. 

During  the  session  of  the  Yearly  Meeting  I 
became  acquainted  with  many  influential  Friends 
from  various  parts  of  the  kingdom,  who  invited  me 
to  visit  their  neighborhoods,  kindly  offering  their 
assistance  in  my  work  in  those  localities,  and  cor- 
dially inviting  me  to  their  homes.  They  suggested 
that  public  meetings  should  be  called  and  the  sub- 
ject in  that  way  be  introduced  to  the  notice  of  the 
people.  I  thanked  them  for  their  kindly  manifested 
interest,  and  said  I  had  not  yet  decided  what  course 
to  pursue  in  bringing  the  matter  before  the  public. 
I  had  by  this  time  moved  my  quarters  to  Friends' 
Institute,  near  the  meeting-house,  where  an  excel- 
lent boarding-house  was  kept  for  the  accommodation 
of  traveling  Friends,  and  where  a  large  number 
of  Friends  congregated  to  take  dinner.  This  gave 
me  the  opportunity  of  extending  my  acquaintance 
among  them. 

Great  harmony  and  brotherly  love  prevailed  dur- 
ing the  transaction  of  business  in  the  meeting ;  the 
great  Head  of  the  Church  appeared  to  rule  and 
reign,  and  the  wing  of  divine  goodness  seemed  to 
overshadow  the  asssembly. 

When  the  meeting  was  over,  and  Friends  had 
gone  to  their  homes,  I  felt  lonely  and  depressed  in 
spirit.  I  reflected  that  I  was  a  stranger  in  the  great 
city  of  London,  and  knew  not  what  course  to  pur- 
sue in  order  to  effect  the  object  of  my  mission.  I 
had  been  a  worker  and  not  a  speaker  in  the  anti- 
slavery  cause;  I  had  always  avoided  public  speaking 


MISSION  TO  ENGLAND.  fyg 

or  prominence  of  any  kind,  yet  the  work  before  me 
seemed  to  demand  the  very  qualifications  which  I 
felt  I  lacked. 

A  sense  of  the  great  responsibility  resting  upon 
me  weighed  me  down.  I  felt  that  I  was  unequal  to 
the  task,  and  feared  that  I  had  mistaken  my  call  to 
the  work ;  I  might  make  a  failure  in  my  attempt, 
and  injure  the  cause  I  had  come  to  promote.  These 
serious  discouragements  engrossed  my  thoughts  the 
most  of  the  night,  so  that  I  slept  little.  I  prayed 
earnestly  for  divine  guidance  and  direction  in  all  my 
movements,  and  toward  morning  the  cloud  seemed 
to  pass  from  my  mind ;  I  became  quiet  and  peace- 
ful, believing  that  some  way  would  open  for  me  to 
plead  the  cause  of  the  suffering  freedmen. 

Sleep  then  came  to  me,  and  I  awoke  in  the  morn- 
ing refreshed  and  hopeful.  Soon  after  breakfast 
Robert  Alsop,  cf  Stoke-Newington,  called  to  see 
me  and  said  that  his  wife  had  sent  him  to  take  me 
to  their  house — that  I  must  make  my  home  with 
them  for  awhile.  I  thanked  him  for  his  kind  invita- 
tion and  said  that  I  would  pay  them  a  visit.  At  his 
house  I  found  kind  friends  and  congenial  spirits 
who  sympathized  with  me  in  my  arduous  mission, 
and  wished  to  give  me  all  the  aid  and  encourage- 
ment in  their  pq^er.  Robert  Alsop  and  his  excel- 
lent wife  Christine  were  both  prominent  ministers 
in  our  society.  I  also  met  here  his  sister,  Chris- 
tiat  a  Alsop,  of  Maiden,  a  minister,  who  expressed 
much  interest  in  my  work.  Several  friends  were 
invited  to  the  house  to  take  tea  with  me,  among 
whom   were    Stafford    Allen    and    his    amiable   wife 


660  '  REMINISCENCES. 

Hannah ;  they  seemed  to  sympathize  deeply  with 
the  cause  I  had  at  heart,  and  afterward  invited 
me  to  make  my  home  with  them.  I  received 
much  encouragement ;  new  light  and  hope  bright- 
ened my  pathway ;  plans  of  procedure  were  sug- 
gested for  consideration,  and  liberal  contributions 
were  made  by  Stafford  Allen,  Robert  Alsop  and 
others. 

Joseph  Bevan  Braithwaite,  a  minister  and  barris- 
ter, had  manifested  much  interest  in  my  mission. 
He  came  to  see  me  to  counsel  with  me  and  encour- 
age me  in  the  work.  As  he  was  a  man  of  much 
influence  I  found  his  advice  and  assistance  to  be 
of  great  service  to  me.  He  went  around  with  me 
to  deliver  some  introductory  letters  which  I  had, 
addressed  to  prominent  men  of  his  acquaintance. 
I  was  told  by  him  and  other  influential  Friends  that 
my  success  would  depend  largely  upon  the  encour- 
agement that  I  received  and  the  start  that  I  made 
in  London.  They  suggested  that  we  should  get  up 
an  invited  meeting,  as  they  called  it — invite  promi- 
nent men,  ministers  and  members  of  Parliament  to 
meet  me  at  the  house  of  some  well-known  Friend;  I 
would  thus  have  an  opportunity  to  bring  to  their 
consideration  the  needs  and  sufferings  of  the  freed 
slaves  and  confer  with  them  as  to  the  best  plan  for 
prosecuting  my  mission.  I  had  become  satisfied 
that  if  I  succeeded  in  unlocking  the  heart  of  the 
British  public  I  must  get  the  key  in  London,  and 
that  much  depended  on  the  character  and  standing 
of  those  who  gave  countenance  to  and  took  part  in 
the  wcrk.      I   submitted  the  matter  of   the  invited 


MISSION  TO  ENGLAND.  66 1 

meeting  entirely  to  my  friends.  Dr.  Hodgkin 
agreed  to  call  such  a  meeting  at  his  house,  and  sent 
out  letters  of  invitation  indorsed  by  the  prominent 
Friends  I  have  mentioned,  and  by  others.  On  such 
occasions  it  was  known  beforehand  what  the  princi- 
pal proceedings  were  to  be,  who  would  serve  as 
chairman,  and  who  would  take  part  in  the  meeting. 

A  well-known  public 'man  had  consented  to  take 
the  chair,  and  John  Bright,  William  Edward  Forster 
and  other  members  of  Parliament  had  agreed  to 
participate  in  the  proceedings  of  the  meeting. 

While  these  arrangements  were  being  made  I 
received  a  letter  from  Liverpool  inviting  me  to 
attend  a  public  meeting  at  that  place — which  had 
been  appointed  to  consider  the  subject  of  the  freed- 
men  in  America.  The  writer  informed  me  that 
they  had  an  organization  at  Liverpool  which  had 
been  collecting  funds  and  forwarding  to  the  Boston 
Freedmen's  Association,  and  they  did  not  propose 
to  change  the  channel  through  which  their  contribu- 
tions had  -been  sent.  Several  speakers  were  to 
address  the  meeting,  and  I  was  invited  to  speak ; 
my  expenses  would  be  paid  if  I  accepted  the  invi- 
tation. I  felt,  on  reading  the  letter,  that  I  could  not 
fill  their  expectations,  and  was  disposed  to  decline 
the  invitation,  but  my  friends  urged  me  to  accept  it, 
and  I  went. 

My  friend  William  Blaine  welcomed  me  to  his 
hospitable  home  and  entertained  me  during  my  stay 
in  Liverpool.  I  had  letters  of  introduction  to  sev- 
eral prominent  men  in  that  place,  which  proved  of 
service  to  me. 


662  REMINISCENCES. 

We  had  a  large  and  interesting  meeting,  and  I 
was  favored  to  speak  without  embarrassment  on  the 
subject  of  my  mission.  A  liberal  contribution  was 
made,  and  fifty  pounds  were  awarded  to  me  for  our- 
Western  field  of  labor.  I  also  received  other  con- 
tributions from  private  individuals,  and  returned  to 
London  feeling  well  satisfied  with  my  visit  to  Liver- 
pool. 

The  invited  meeting  at  Dr.  Hodgkin's  was  largely 
attended,  about  seventy-five  people  being  present. 
Among  them  were  prominent  ministers  of  various 
religious  denominations,  members  of  Parliament, 
such  as  John  Bright,  Richard  Cobden,  William 
Edward  Forster  and  Samuel  Gurney,  and  several 
noted  speakers  ;  Newman,  Hall,  Dr.  Massie,  Dr. 
Tomkins  and  others.  Representatives  of  the  prin- 
cipal London  papers  were  also  present.  The  meet- 
ing was  opened  with  prayer.  The  chairman  then 
made  a  pretty  long  introductory  speech,  giving 
some  account  of  my  life  and  labors  in  the  anti- 
slavery  cause,  then  introduced  me  to  the  audience 
with  eulogies  which  I  felt  I  did  not  merit. 

When  I  rose  to  speak  I  said  that  I  had  not  come 
to  England  to  speak  of  what  I  had  done,  but  of 
what  I  hoped  to  do.  I  had  come  to  tell  them  a 
plain,  simple  story  of  facts  in  regard  to  the  freed- 
men  whom  I  had  recently  visited,  and  to  endeavor 
to  arouse  their  sympathy.  I  said:  "You  were 
lately  engaged  in  a  noble  work  of  philanthropy — 
during  the  time  of  the  Irish  famine  and  Lancaster 
distress — and  we  had  the  privilege  of  aiding  you 
in  it.      We  are   now  engaged   in   a  work  that  has 


MISSION  TO  ENGLAND.  663 

no  parallel  in  history ;  there  has  been  nothing 
like  it  since  the  children  of  Israel  were  led  out  of 
the  land  of  bondage."  I  then  explained  the  con- 
dition and  wants  of  these  people  ;  the  extent  of 
our  field  of  labor  and  the  daily  increase  of  the 
number  of  sufferers.  I  said  that  the  work  for 
the  freedmen  commenced  east  of  the  mountains — 
in  Maryland,  Virginia,  and  the  Carolinas — that 
associations  were  organized  in  Boston,  New  York, 
and  Philadelphia,  composed  of  excellent  men  who 
had  done  a  noble  work,  and  we  had  aided  them  be- 
fore the  work  opened  in  the  West,  and  that  I  knew 
they  had  received  some  aid  from  this  country,  and 
that  these  noble  philanthropists  were  still  doing  a 
good  work  among  the  freedmen,  and  worthy  of 
their  patronage  and  aid.  But  that  these  camps 
and  colonies  in  the  East  were  now  nearer  self- 
supporting  than  they  were  in  this  great  new  field 
now  opened  west  of  the  mountains  which  I  repre- 
sented. I  stated  that  nearly  three-fifths  of  all  the 
slaves  in  the  United  States  were  located  west  of  the 
range  of  Allegheny  Mountains,  and  that  the  Eastern 
cities  were  the  money  centers  of  our  country;  the 
people  there  were  more  wealthy  than  those  of  the 
West ;  that  I  would  ask  that  a  part  of  their  contri- 
butions should  go  to  this  great  neAV  field. 

However,  I  did  not  plead  for  these  alone.  Al- 
though I  was  an  agent  of  the  Western  Freedmen 's 
Aid  Commission,  the  first  organization  established 
wesr  of  the  mountains,  I  had  no  personal  or  local 
inteiests  to  promote.  I  plead  for  the  thousands  of 
suffering  freedmen  in  the  United  States,  and  when 


664  REMINISCENCES. 

the  most  needy  cases  were  met  through  the  most 
economical  channel,  my  mission  would  be  com- 
pleted. I  told  them  that  I  had  not  come  to  Pin- 
gland  to  beg,  but  to  lay  the  matter  fairly  before 
them  ;  it  was  not  simply  an  American  question,  but 
one  of  Christian  philanthropy  the  world  over.  I 
did  not  wish  to  dictate  to  them  what  course  they 
should  pursue  in  regard  to  collecting  and  forwarding 
funds,  but  I  would  suggest  that  they  organize  a 
freeclmen's  association,  appoint  their  own  treasurer 
and  banker,  and  transact  their  business  through  a 
bank.  I  did  not  wish  to  take  the  responsibility  of 
receiving  and  forwarding  money. 

John  Bright  followed  me  in  a  short  speech  com- 
mending my  suggestion,  then  William  Edward 
Forster,  Newman  Hall,  Dr.  Massey  and  others 
spoke.  A  resolution  to  organize  a  London  Freed- 
men's  Aid  Society  was  then  adopted,  and  the  work 
was  fairly  begun.  Samuel  Gurney,  M.P.,  suggested 
that  they  should  not  complete  their  organization 
then ;  there  were  a  number  of  prominent  men  not 
present  whom  he  wished  to  interest  in  the  subject, 
and  he  proposed  to  invite  a  similar  meeting  at 
his  house.  This  was  agreed  to,  and  the  company 
separated. 

The  London  papers  of  the  next  morning  con- 
tained accounts  of  our  meeting,  giving  the  names 
of  those  who  were  present,  and  a  synopsis  of  the 
speeches,  so  that  my  mission  to  England  was  soon 
known  all  over  the  kingdom.  The  meeting  at 
Samuel  Gurney's  was  quite  aristocratic  in  character, 
being  largely  composed  of  lords,    dukes,    bishops, 


MISSION  TO  ENGLAND.  665 

and  members  of  Parliament.  Several  prominent 
ladies  were  also  present.  J.  B.  Braithwaite  accom- 
panied me  to  this  meeting.  A  servant  dressed  in 
livery  met  us  at  the  carriage  and  conducted  us  into 
the  hall — where  we  registered  our  names — then  into 
an  adjoining  room,  where  a  table  was  spread  with 
fruits,  pastry  and  other  dainties,  and  supplied  with 
coffee,  tea  and  wine.  After  partaking  of  some 
refreshments,  the  guests  were  conducted  to  the 
large  elegant  parlor  on  the  floor  above,  where  the 
meeting  was  to  be  held,  by  a  servant  of  higher 
grade,  who  announced  our  names  as  we  entered  the 
door.  Here  we  were  met  by  Samuel  Gurney  and 
wife,  who  introduced  us  to  the  ladies  and  gentlemen 
present.  When  this  was  over,  and  I  was  seated 
near  the  lord  who  was  to  preside  over  the  meeting, 
I  thought  "This  is  quite  a  contrast  to  the  scenes  I 
so  recently  witnessed  among  the  refugee  slaves  of 
the  South,  whose  cause  I  have  come  to  plead,"  and 
a  secret  prayer  arose  in  my  heart  that  I  might  be 
able  to  do  justice  to  their  cause. 

The  meeting  was  opened  by  prayer,  from  one  of 
the  bishops,  after  which  the  secretary  read  several 
letters  from  those  who  had  been  invited,  expressing 
regret  that  they  could  not  come,  and  sympathy 
with  the  object  of  the  meeting.  My  credentials 
were  then  read,  and  Secretary  Chase's  letter  of 
recommendation,  which  was  short  and  to  the  point. 
The  chairman  mentioned  that  I  had  other  letters 
from  various  sources,  but  said  that  he  was  sure 
what  had  been  read  would  be  sufficient — that  I  was 
known  to  many  present  by  reputation,  and  to  some 
56 


656  REMINISCENCES. 

personally.  He  then  went  on  to  give,  in  an  intro- 
ductory speech,  a  brief  sketch  of  my  life  and  labors, 
concerning  which  some  one  had  informed  him. 
When  I  rose  to  speak,  I  disclaimed  any  merit  for 
what  I  had  done,  and  proceeded  to  give  an  account 
of  my  late  experiences  among  the  freedmen,  and  to 
speak  of  their  needs  and  sufferings.  My  remarks 
were  the  same,  in  substance,  that  I  had  made  at  the 
previous  meeting.  In  referring  to  the  war,  I  said : 
"I  had  no  sympathy  with  war  under  any  circum- 
stances. I  believe  that  the  terrible  conflict  now 
raging  in  our  country  was  permitted  by  the  Al- 
mighty to  come  upon  us  as  a  judgment  for  the  great 
sin  of  slavery,  and  that  the  North  is  guilty  as  well 
as  the  South,  and  must  also  suffer.  The  people  of 
the  North  have  connived  at  and  sustained  the  sys- 
tem of  bondage — neither  is  England  innocent  in 
this  matter.  She  was  guilty  of  introducing  slavery 
into  America,  and  has  done  much  to  sustain  it  by 
purchasing  the  products  of  slave-labor.  She,  too, 
has  suffered,  in  a  degree,  in  consequence  of  this 
war."  I  alluded  to  the  Lancaster  distress,  occa- 
sioned by  the  lack  of  cotton.  After  speaking  of 
the  work  as  being  one  of  Christian  benevolence  the 
world  over,  and  explaining  the  extent  of  the  field 
of  labor  that  in  the  providence  of  God  had  been 
opened  before  us,  I  took  my  seat. 

Charles  Buxton,  M.  P.,  followed  me  in  an  able 
speech  ;  after  which  several  other  gentlemen  spoke. 
I  was  asked  a  number  of  questions  concerning  the 
freedmen,  among  the  rest  was  the  inquiry,  "Do 
they  manifest  a  disposition  to  help  themselves?"     I 


MISSION  TO  ENGLAND.  667 

replied  that  we  had  been  agreeably  surprised  in  that 
particular ;  in  general  they  were  inclined  to  support 
themselves  when  they  had  an  opportunity.  They 
did  not  wish  to  become  paupers.  "However,"  I 
said,  "there  is  quite  a  difference  among  them; 
some  are  nearly  as  trifling  and  worthless  as  white 
people."  This  remark  caused  laughter  all  over  the 
room. 

A  prominent  bishop  of  London  inquired  about 
prejudice  against  color  in  America,  saying  that  he 
understood  colored  people  were  not  permitted  to  sit 
at  the  table  with  white  folks,  or  ride  with  them  in 
public  conveyances,  and  were  often  refused  admit- 
tance at  hotels. 

I  replied  that  a  great  deal  of  that  kind  of  preju- 
dice still  existed  in  our  country,  but  that  it  had  less- 
ened since  the  war  commenced. 

The  bishop  said:  "In  this  country  we  respect 
people  according  to  their  merits.  I  had  the  honor 
of  dining  with  this  brother  to-day,"  placing  his 
hand  on  the  woolly  head  of  a  very  black  man  who 
sat  near  him — a  bishop  from  Sierra  Leone,  Africa. 

The  subject  of  organizing  a  London  Freedmen's 
Aid  Society  was  next  introduced  ;  an  account  of  the 
proceedings  of  the  meeting  at  Dr.  Hodgkin's  was 
read  and  united  with,  and  the  organization  com- 
pleted. Sir  Thomas  Fowell  Buxton  was  appointed 
president;  Samuel  Gurney,  M.P.,  treasurer;  and 
William  Allen,  sub-treasurer.  Frederick  Tomkins, 
Esq.,  M.A.,  D.C.L.,  Rev.  Samuel  Garratt,  B.A., 
Rev.  John  Curwin,  and  F.  W.  Chesson,  Esq.,  were 
made  honorary  secretaries.      A  large  and  influential 


668  REMINISCENCES. 

committee  was  then  appointed  to  promote  the 
object  of  the  association,  consisting  of  the  follow- 
ing names: 

Charles  Buxton,  Esq.,  M.P.  ;  W.  E.  Foster,  Esq.,  M.P.  ;  Henry 
Pease,  Esq.,  M.P.  ;  John  Bright,  Esq.,  M.P.  ;  Hon.  and  Rev. 
Baptist  W.  Noel;  Rev.  W.  Brock,  D.D.  ;  Dr.  Hodgkin ;  Rev. 
Dr.  Worthington,  F.R.G.S.  ;  Rev.  J.  W.  Massie,  D.D.,  LL.D. , 
Rev.  J.  C.  Gallaway,  M.A.  ;  Rev.  W.  Tyler;  Rev.  Newman  Hall, 
LL.B.  ;  Rev.  R.  L.  H.  Wiseman;  J.  B.  Braithwaite,  Esq.; 
Robert  Alsop,  Esq.;  Thomas  "  Norton,  Esq.;  Richard  Smith, 
Esq.  ;  Thomas  Hughes,  Esq.,  B.  A.  ;  Andrew  Johnston,  Esq.  ; 
T.  M.  Ludlow,  Esq.  ;  J.  C.  B.  Potter,  Esq.  ;  W.  J.  Probyn,  Esq.  ; 
Mr.  Serjeant  Parry;  Gerard  Ralston,  Esq.;  William  M.  Wood, 
Esq.  ;  Stafford  Allen,  Esq.  ;  William  Binns  Smith,  Esq.,  Benja- 
min Scott,  Esq.,  Chamberlain;   Rev.  John  Shedlock  »M.A. 

The  association  held  its  first  meeting  a  short  time 
after  in  the  Devonshire  House — where  the  Yearly 
Meeting  of  Friends  is  held — to  make  arrangements 
for  forwarding  the  cause  to  which  I  was  devoted. 
The  London  papers  had  published  the  proceedings 
of  the  meeting  at  Samuel  Gurney's,  thus  again  giv- 
ing prominence  to  my  mission.  I  frequently  re- 
ceived letters  inviting  me  to  attend  meetings  at 
various  places.  I  proposed  to  labor  under  the  aus- 
pices of  the  London  Association,  making  reports  to 
them  of  all  collections,  and  paying  into  the  hands 
of  their  treasurer  all  the  money  I  received — leaving 
them  to  dispose  of  it  as  they  thought  proper — thus 
relieving  me  of  the  responsibility  of  forwarding  it. 
I  informed  them  that  our  treasurer,  J.  F.  Larkin, 
was  a  banker,  and  I  suggested  that  all  funds  awarded 
to  the  Western  Freedmen's  Aid  Commission  by  the 
London    Association    should    be   forwarded    to  our 


MISSION  TO  ENGLAND. 


66g 


treasurer  through  bank.  This  suggestion  was  ap- 
proved of,  and  we  were  informed  that  the  bank- 
ing-house of  Barclay,  Bevan,  Tritton  and  Company 
would  receive  and  forward  all  contributions  for  the 
freedmen  without  charge.  It  was  proposed  to  pub- 
lish a  special  appeal  to  the  people,  and  hold  meet- 
ings in  the  various  towns  and  cities. 

This  arrangement  would  lead  me  at  once  into 
public  speaking,  to  which  I  was  not  accustomed ;  I 
felt  that  I  was  not  fitted  for  it ;  my  voice  was  weak 
and  my  health  feeble.  I  had  been  a  successful  col- 
lector for  the  freedmen  in  my  own  country,  and  this 
had  generally  been  accomplished  by  holding  meet- 
ings of  a  mere  private  character,  calling  ministers 
and  prominent  men  together  in  the  various  towns 
and  cities,  and  arousing  their  interest,  and  having 
some  prominent  citizen  selected  to  accompany  me 
in  making  individual  calls.  In  this  way  I  had  been 
successful  in  accomplishing  much  for  the  freedmen  ; 
feelings  of  discouragement -and  misgivings  perplexed 
me  for  a  time.  I  feared  that  I  could  not  succeed  so 
well  in  addressing  large  assemblies;  that  I  could  not 
extend  my  voice  over  an  audience  in  a  large  church 
or  public  building.  That  was  my  only  fear.  I  felt 
no  diffidence  or  embarrassment;  I  was  fresh  from 
the  field  of  suffering,  an$l  could  talk  about  it  any 
length   of  time,    giving  a  plain   statement  of  facts. 

When  I  made  these  statements  to  the  committee, 
several  responded  that  is  all  we  want,  and  you  can 
be  heard  to  satisfaction.  I  told  them  that  when  the 
thought  of  going  to  England  to  plead  the  cause  of 
the  slave  was  first  presented  to  my  mind,  I  felt  dis- 


670  REMINISCENCES. 

posed  to  plead  excuses,  as  Moses  did,  but  I  remem- 
bered that  he  was  told  that  Aaron  would  meet  him 
and  go  with  him,  and  I  thought,  perhaps,  I  would 
meet  Aarons  on  this  side  of  the  water  who  would 
speak  for  me.  Dr.  Massie  volunteered  to  be  my 
Aaron  and  go  with  me ;  Dr.  Tomkins  also  volun- 
teered to  aid  me  in  the  work,  and  to  attend  as  many 
of  the  meetings  as  his  other  engagements  would 
permit.  They  were  both  clergymen  and  prominent 
speakers.  Dr.  Tomkins  and  Dr.  Massie  had  both 
taken  a  deep  interest  in  promoting  the  object  of  my 
mission.  The  way  now  seemed  to  open  pleasantly 
before  me.  I  frequently  received  invitations  to 
breakfasts  and  dinners  and  teas,  to  meet  other 
guests.  J.  B.  Braithwaite  often  accompanied  me 
to  these  gatherings,  where  I  was  introduced  to 
members  of  the  higher  classes  of  society,  and  after 
the  repast  must  necessarily  make  a  speech  on  the 
subject  of  my  mission,  and  answer  many  questions 
in  regard  to  American  affairs. 

I  found  a  great  deal  of  misconception  and  preju- 
dice to  combat  among  some  of  those  occupying 
high  positions.  I  endeavored  to  correct  the  false 
impressions  made  by  Southern  agents  and  copper- 
head papers  as  to  the  real  cause  of  the  war,  and  in 
answering  questions  I  had  to  talk  a  great  deal  on 
the  various  subjects  connected  with  our  struggle  in 
America.  I  felt  deeply  sensible  of  the  necessity  of 
great  care  and  watchfulness  in  all  that  I  said,  and 
earnestly  craved  to  be  guided  by  best  wisdom  in 
all  my  movements.  Duties  began  to  crowd  upon 
me.     Among  the  letters  I  received  relative  to  my 


MISSION  TO  ENGLAND. 


671 


mission  were  several  from  Birmingham  inviting  me 
to  visit  that  place  and  hold  meetings.  An  associa- 
tion had  been  organized  there,  called  the  Birming- 
ham and  Midland  Counties  Freedmen's  Aid  Associa- 
tion, and  it  was  proposed  to  load  a  ship  with  cloth- 
ing and  other  material  most  needed  by  the  freed- 
men;  Arthur  Albright  and  Benjamin  Cadbury  had 
written  to  me  on  the  subject,  making  inquiries  in 
regard  to  the  articles  needed,  and  asking  other  ques- 
tions, which  I  answered  by  letter.  I  received  a  letter 
from  the  widow  of  Joseph  Sturge,  that  noble  phi- 
lanthropist of  Birmingham,  proposing  to  have  an 
invited  meeting  for  me  at  her  house.  I  attended  it 
at  the  time  appointed,  accompanied  by  William 
Allen.  The  following  account  of  the  meeting  is 
taken  from  the  Birmingham  Daily  Gazette,  of  July 
ist,  i< 


"AID     FOR     ESCAPED     SLAVES. 

"  MEETING  AT  MRS.  JOSEPH  STURGE'S. 

"Yesterday  evening  a  meeting  was  held  at  the  house  of  Mrs. 
Joseph  Sturge,  in  Wheeley's  Road,  for  the  purpose  of  hearing 
an  address  from  Mr.  Levi  Coffin,  a  member  of  the  Society  of 
Friends,  who  has  come  over  from  America  to  seek  aid  for  the 
thousands  of  escaped  slaves  who  are  now  to  be  found  within 
the  Federal  lines.  What  Mr.  Levi  Coffin  himself  has  done  will 
be  best  told  by  quoting  an  extract  from  a  letter  written  by  him 
in  answer  to  some  inquiries  that  had  been  made  about  the  middle 
of  June:— 'The  number  of  fugitive  slaves  that  I  have  had  the 
privilege  of  assisting  in  their  escape  from  slavery  is  over  three 
thousand.  The  most  of  these  I  have  had  the  satisfaction  of 
sheltering  under  my  roof,  and  feeding  at  my  table.  This  has 
been  through  the  course  of  more  than  thirty  years  past,  and 
mostly  before  this  cruel  war  commenced.  I  claim  no  merit  for 
simply   doing  my  duty  in    feeding   the   hungry  and   clothing   the 


672 


REMINISCENCES. 


naked  ;  I  desire  not  to  speak  of  it  boastingly,  but  to  feel  humbly 
thankful  that  I  had  the  privilege  of  aiding  these  poor  sufferers 
in  the  time  of  their  distress,  when  fleeing  from  the  land  of  whips 
and  chains,  and  seeking  a  land  of  liberty  in  Queen  Victoria's 
domains.  I  am  glad  to  hear  of  your  exertions  to  load  a  ship 
of  useful  articles  for  the  poor  refugees  ;  you  can  hardly  go  amiss, 
as  they  need  everything,  coming  as  they  do  bare  and  destitute, 
not  only  of  clothing  but  of  cooking  utensils,  farming  tools,  etc. ; 
tools  of  every  description  ;  without  knife,  fork,  spoon,  plate  or 
cup,  you  can  well  imagine  that  all  things  would  be  acceptable.' 
A  large  number  of  ladies  and  gentlemen  assembled  at  the  hour 
appointed,  and  after  partaking  of  tea  proceeded  to  the  large 
room  where  the  meeting  was  held.  Mr.  Edward  Gem  took  the 
chair,  and  there  were  present  Messrs.  John  Yates,  James  Bald- 
win, John  Palmer,  William  Allen,  Frederick  Giles,  Thomas 
Aston,  Howard  Lloyd,  J.  C.  Woodhill,  James  R.  Boyce,  George 
Hunt,  W.  W.  Allford,  John  Reynolds,  G.  B.  Kenway,  Benjamin 
Hudson,  William  Morgan,  Arthur  Albright,  Edmund  Sturge, 
Thomas  Aston,  F.  Pigott,  Thomas  Crawley,  William  Barwell, 
Henry  Heaton,  Alexander  Forrest,  S.  A.  Goddard,  Charles 
Felton,  R.  A.  Husband,  G.  Glossop,  Thomas  Gibson,  J.  Mitchell, 
Brooke  Smith,  Rev.  F.  Watts,  John  Cadbury,  James  Stubbin, 
J.  S.  Wright,  William  White,  Charles  B.  Partridge,  T.  Simons, 
Charles  Pumphrey,  B.  H.  Cadbury,  W.  S.  Atkins,  William  Blews, 
Rev.  P.  Reynolds,  Joseph  Blakemore.  Among  those  who  sent 
apologies  were  the  Rev.  Dr.  Miller,  Dr.  Newman,  Captain  War- 
low,  Rev.  J.  J.  Brown,  Rev.  J.  H.  Burges,  Rev.  W.  B.  Benison, 
Mr.  John  Goodman,  Rev.  J.  H.  Scowcroft,  Mr.  G.  F.  Muntz,  and 
Mr.  G.  Dixon. 

"  The  Chairman,  in  opening  the  proceedings,  said  the  practi- 
cal but  pleasant  gatherings  held  under  the  hospitable  roof  of  Mrs. 
Joseph  Sturge  were  made  still  more  pleasant  because  they  knew 
they  were  always  for  something  connected  with  the  improvement 
of  the  spiritual  and  temporal  interests  of  their  fellow-creatures. 
They  had  that  evening  a  most  interesting  subject  to  look  intc, 
and  one  which  he  felt  convinced  would  meet  with  the  sympathy 
of  all.  There  were  in  all  one  hundred  and  six  answers  to  the 
invitation  to  attend  the  meeting.  Some  of  the  answers  inclosed 
promises  of  subscriptions,  among  which  were  ,£10  from  Mr.  R. 
L.  Chance,  10s.  from  Mr.  John  Onions,  ^5  from  Mr.  Avery,  and 


MISSION  TO  ENGLAND. 


673 


£2  from  Mr.  Barwell.  The  Rev.  Mr.  Marsden  had  also  written, 
allowing  the  use  of  his  name  in  forwarding  the  objects  of  the 
meeting,  and  the  Rev.  Dr.  Miller  said  that  he  was  greatly  pressed 
by  business,  and  therefore  prevented  from  being  present.  The 
immediate  object  of  the  meeting  was  to  make  the  acquaintance 
of  a  gentleman  who  had  been  during  the  whole  of  his  life  inter- 
ested in  the  great  question  of  the  emancipation  of  slaves.  Mr. 
Cjffin  brought  with  him  a  letter  from  Secretary  Chase,  who  said 
that  Mr.  Coffin  was  well  known  to  him  as  a  conscientious  and 
faithful  member  of  the  Society  of  Friends,  as  one  anxious  and 
diligent  in  benevolent  labors  for  the  fugitive  slaves,  and  as  one 
worthy  of  the  confidence  and  esteem  of  all  good  men.  He  also 
brought  with  him  testimonials  signed  by  Mr.  Harris,  Mayor 
of  Cincinnati,  by  Judge  Storer,  the  members  of  his  Monthly 
Meeting,  and  many  others,  including  the  authorities  of  the 
American  Reform  Tract  and  Book  Society.  During  the  whole 
of  his  life  Mr.  Coffin  had  not  aided  and  abetted  slaves  in  leaving 
their  masters,  but  when  he  found  them,  after  they  had  escaped, 
hungry  and  naked,  he  fed  and  clothed  them.  In  doing  this  he 
had  set  an  example  for  their  imitation,  and  although  they  could 
not  do  as  he  had  done  directly,  they  could  do  it  indirectly  by 
giving  contributions  toward  the  ship-load  of  goods  to  be  sent  for 
the  relief  of  freed  colored  men,  or  by  giving  money  with  which 
the  necessaries  of  life  might  be  purchased  for  them.  In  conclu- 
sion the  Chairman  read  the  following  letter  he  had  that  morning 
received  from  Mr.  Adams,  the  American  Ambassador: — 


"  '  Legation  of  the  United  States,  London,  ~) 
29th  June,  1864.  j 

"'Sir — I  shall  take  great  pleasure  in  transmitting  a  copy  of 
your  note  to  me  to  my  Government.  I  have  no  doubt  that  every- 
thing possible  will  be  done  to  facilitate  the  reception  of  goods 
destined  for  so  benevolent  a  purpose,  and  the  feeling  of  kindness 
the  act  will  create  will  be  worth  far  more  than  all. 
"  '  I  am,  very  truly  yours, 

"  '  C.  F.  Adams. 
'•'  '  Edward  Gem,  Esq.,  Birmingham.' 

"  Mr.  Levi  Coffin  was  then  introduced  by  the  Chairman,  and 
said  that  having  had  the  satisfaction  once,  some  years  ago,  of  a 
very  pleasant  acquaintance  with  their  dear  friend  Joseph  Sturge, 

57 


674  REMINISCENCES. 

in  America,  and  having  had  the  pleasure  of  corresponding  with 
him  both  before  that  time  and  afterward,  it  was  very  pleasant 
to  him  to  have  the  privilege  of  meeting  that  company  at  his 
former  residence.  There  had  been  some  mention  made  of  his 
anti-slavery  labors,  and  it  might  not  be  improper  for  him  to 
explain  what  his  labors  really  were  in  connection  with  the  Under- 
ground Railroad.  The  phrase  itself  was  first  made  use  of  by 
slaveholders,  who,  not  being  able  to  capture  those  who  had  fled 
from  their  plantations,  said  there  must  be  an  underground  road 
to  Canada.  Well,  he  dared  say,  many  people  in  this  country,  as 
well  as  in  America,  did  not  understand  exactly  the  position  he 
occupied  toward  those  poor  slaves  who  were  seeking  their  liberty 
in  the  domains  of  Queen  Victoria.  Soon  after  he  removed  to  the 
town  of  Newport,  in  Indiana,  he  found  that  many  fugitive  slaves 
were  passing  that  way,  and  were  often  captured  and  taken  back. 
Those  who  were  disposed  to  give  them  facilities  in  their  escape 
were  afraid  of  the  penalty  attached  to  the  harboring  of  fugitives, 
but  he  thought  he  ought  to  do  what  was  right  and  what  was 
taught  in  the  New  Testament,  by  feeding  the  hungry  and  cloth- 
ing the  naked.  He  was  not  fearful  of  the  penalty,  and  it  soon 
got  to  be  known  among  the  slaves  that  he  was  ready  to  feed  and 
shelter  those  who  came  to  him.  The  result  was,  that  during  the 
twenty  years  he  remained  at  Newport  he  had  the  privilege  of 
sheltering  under  his  roof  an  annual  average  of  one  hundred  and 
six.  When  he  removed  to  Cincinnati  the  work  became  heavier, 
and  he  had  in  one  year  as  many  as  one  hundred  and  eighty-nine. 
In  all,  he  had  had  the  privilege  of  relieving  3,300.  He  wished 
to  be  understood  that  in  speaking  on  this  subject  he  claimed  no 
merit;  what  he  had  done  was  his  duty,  and  he  trusted  he  felt 
humbly  thankful  that  he  had  had  the  opportunity  of  rendering 
some  assistance  to  those  poor  sufferers  in  the  time  of  their  dis- 
tress. He  had  always  taken  the  ground  that  everybody  had  a 
right  to  liberty  who  had  not  forfeited  it  by  crime,  but  that  it  was 
no  part  of  his  business  to  interfere  with  what  was  law  in  the  slave 
States.  He  did  not  incite  or  assist  any  slaves  to  make  their 
escape,  what  he  did  for  them  was  done  after  they  had  run  away, 
and  then  he  was  disposed  to  give  them  all  the  aid  and  comfort 
he  could.  He  often  told  slaveholders  that  it  was  no  part  of  his 
business  to  interfere  with  slaves  on  their  estates,  but  that  if  a 
slave   had   run   away  and   he   found  him    needing   assistance   he 


MISSION  TO  ENGLAND.  675 

»» ould  help  him.  He  added,  that  on  the  same  principle  he 
would  feed  the  slaveholders  if  they  came  to  him  hungry,  but 
that  he  would  not  help  them  in  the  capture  of  escaped  slaves. 
After  the  American  war  broke  out,  a  great  number  of  slaves  came 
within  the  Federal  lines  in  a  destitute  and  suffering  condition, 
and  his  attention  was  turned  in  that  direction  before  they  had 
any  association  organized  west  of  the  mountains.  He  visited  the 
camps  and  colonies  formed  on  the  Mississippi,  and  he  found  the 
poor  people  in  a  state  of  destitution  far  exceeding  anything  he 
had  anticipated.  He  felt  that  something  must  be  done  on  their 
behalf,  and  he  could  not  remain  still.  He  had  now  come  to 
this  country  as  the  representative  of  the  Western  Freedmen's 
Aid  Commission,  which  was  organized  in  Cincinnati  in  1863,  and 
was  the  first  organization  for  that  object  in  the  West.  His  con- 
cern was  not  local,  but  was  for  the  general  body  of  suffering 
thousands  and  tens  of  thousands,  gathered  in  different  parts  of  his 
country.  In  the  camps  on  the  Mississippi  there  were  now  fifty 
thousand,  all  destitute,  and  in  Tennessee,  Alabama,  and  Georgia, 
there  was  an  equal  number,  and  one  which  was  rapidly  increas- 
ing. In  the  course  of  this  year  it  was  expected  the  whole  number 
would  reach  half  a  million.  Of  the  poor  people  who  were  desti- 
tute, three-fourths  were  women  and  children,  the  able-bodied 
men  being  mostly  employed  in  some  position  connected  with 
the  army.  Everything  was  needed  by  them,  and  everything  that 
the  people  of  Birmingham  might  give  would  be  thankfully 
received,  and  would  be  of  great  benefit. 

"Mr.  Albright  and  Mr.  William  Allen  afterward  addressed 
the  meeting,  and  on  the  suggestion  of  Mr.  Morgan  a  number  of 
new  names  were  added  to  the  Birmingham  and  Midland  Counties 
Freedmen's  Aid  Association. 

"A  subscription  in  aid  of  the  objects  for  which  the  meeting  was 
held  was  commenced  in  the  room,  and  numerous  donations  were 
announced." 

"  To  the  above,  extracted  from  the  '  Gazette,'  the  committee 
of  che  Birmingham  and  Midland  Counties  Freedmen's  Aid  Asso- 
ciation desire  to  add,  that  the  concluding  result  of  the  meeting, 
in  numerous  addresses  from  gentlemen  present,  in  spontaneous 
important  contributions  of  both  goods  and  money,  and  in  hearty 
offers  of  other  aid,  was  most  cheering,  and  strongly  encourages 
th^  belief  that   their  prime   object    of  loading   a  ship  with  raanu. 


676  REMINISCENCES. 

fac lures   and   commodities  for  the  freed   refugee   negroes  will   be 

promptly  accomplished. 

"W.MORGAN,        -\ 

"  B.  H.  CADBURY,  I  Secretaries  " 

"C.  FELTON,  j 

After  my  return  to  London,  I  was  engaged  in 
attending  parlor  meetings  by  invitation,  and  public 
breakfasts,  dinners  .and  tea  parties  among  the 
higher  classes  of  society,  where  the  subject  of  my 
mission  and  American  affairs  in  general  were  freely 
discussed.  These  were  pleasant  occasions,  and 
productive  of  good  results.  The  ladies  were  organ- 
izing sewing  societies  and  making  up  new  clothing 
for  the  freedmen,  also  collecting  second-hand  cloth- 
ing. The  firm  of  Johnson,  Johnson  and  Company 
had  kindly  offered  to  receive  and  forward  to  Liver- 
pool, without  charge,  all  packages  of  clothing  and 
other  articles  for  the  freedmen. 

Goods  for  shipment  were  now  rapidly  accumula- 
ting, and  knowing  that  duties  were  very  high  at 
that  time,  I  called  on  our  Minister,  Charles  F. 
Adams,  to  consult  with  him  in  regard  to  getting  the 
duties  remitted  on  all  goods  shipped  for  the  benefit 
of  the  freedmen.  He  manifested  a  deep  interest  in 
the  subject,  and  agreed  to  write  to  Washington  at 
once,  requesting  me  also  to  write.  I  accordingly 
wrote  to  Secretary  Chase,  requesting  immediate 
action  on  the  part  of  our  Government  in  the  mat- 
ter, and  informing  him  that  I  would  probably  ship 
a  large  amount  of  clothing  and  other  goods  for  the 
relief  of  the  freed  slaves.  It  was  but  a  short  time 
until  Minister  Adams  was  informed  that  the  duties 


MISSION  TO  ENGLAND.  fyy 

would  be  remitted  on  all  goods  shipped  for  the 
benefit  of  the  freedmen,  and  bearing  certain  desig- 
nated marks.  The  way  was  now  clear  to  ship  the 
goods  free  of  expense.  The  railroads  charged  no 
freight  to  Liverpool,  a  commission  house  there 
received  and  forwarded  all  packages  for  the  freed- 
men without  charge,  and  the  regular  lines  of  steam- 
ships from  Liverpool  to  New  York  agreed  to  give 
them  free  transportation  to  that  city.  I  had  the 
goods  consigned  to  C.  C.  Lee,  Secretary  of  the  Na- 
tional Freedmen's  Aid  Society  of  New  York,  to  be 
forwarded  to  our  association  at  Cincinnati.  When 
all  these  arrangements  were  completed  I  felt  great 
relief  and  encouragement.  I  had  found  many  warm 
friends,  and  received  efficient  aid,  and  valuable  con- 
tributions of  money  and  clothing  were  now  being 
forwarded  for  the  relief  of  those  whose  cause  I  had 
come  to  plead.  All  this  was  a  source  of  great  sat- 
isfaction to  me ;  I  felt  that  my  efforts  were  being 
blessed. 

The  London  and  Birmingham  societies  were  now 
actively  at  work.  The  London  committee  had 
arranged  for  public  meetings  at  various  towns  and 
cities  round  about,  and  issued  handbills  and  other 
advertisements  announcing  my  name  at  the  head  of 
the  list  of  speakers.  I  felt  my  inability  to  meet 
the  expectation  of  the  people  as  a  public  speaker, 
but  I  looked  to  a  higher  power  for  guidance,  and 
the  fear  of  man  was  taken  away.  I  was  enabled  to 
tell  a  plain  story  of  facts  to  large  audiences,  appar- 
ently to  their  satisfaction,  and  was  often  embar- 
rassed by  applause.     Dr.  Massie  traveled  with  me 


678 


REMINISCENCES. 


to  these  appointments  at  Manchester,  Bradford, 
Leicester,  Sheffield,  Rochester,  Newcastle-on-Tyne, 
Kendal,  and  numerous  other  places.  Dr.  Tom- 
kins  also  attended  a  number  of  these  meetings, 
and  gave  us  efficient  aid.  Both  these  gentlemen 
were  able  speakers,  and  in  full  sympathy  with  the 
North ;  they  had  traveled  in  America,  and  were 
strong  advocates  of  the  Federal  cause.  Our  meet- 
ings were  largely  attended ;  much  interest  was  man- 
ifested, and  committees  were  organized  to  carry  on 
the  work.  In  addition  to  newspaper  notices  and 
printed  circulars,  the  following  appeared  in  the 
Anti-Slavery  Reporter,  the  organ  of  the  British  and 
Foreign  Anti-Slavery  Society,  August  1,   1864: 

"LEVI  COFFIN'S  MISSION  TO  ENGLAND. 
"Levi    Coffin,    of    Cincinnati,    a    member    of    the    Society    of 
Friends,  has  come  to  England  for  the  purpose   of  advocating   the 
cause  of  the  refugees  in  the  United  States,  who  have  been  eman- 
cipated  in  consequence  of    the  war,  either  by   running  away,  or 
by  being   abandoned  by   their  former  masters.     We  have  already 
given    prominence    in    our   columns    to     the    condition    of    these 
unfortunate   people,   and    therefore  need   not   now   further   dwell 
upon   the   subject.      Mr.    Coffin   comes  highly  recommended,  and 
has  himself  been  instrumental  in  rescuing  many  slaves,  while  the 
Fugitive  Slave  law — now  haopily  repealed — was    in    full   fore 
After  a   preliminary  meeting,  held   at   the  close   of  June,    at   Dr, 
Hodgkin's,  another  was  held  at  the  house  of  Mr.  Samuel  Gurney 
M.P.,  President  of  the  British  and   Foreign  Anti-Slavery  Society 
when   a   committee  was   organized   to   promote  the  objects  of  Mr 
Coffin's  mission.     The  committee  of  the  British  and  Foreign  Anti 
Slavery  Society  passed   the  following  resolution,  at  their  last  gen 
eral  meeting,  on  Friday,  the   1st  of  July  : 

"RESOLUTION. 

"  '  The   committee,    having  examined    the  credentials   of   Levi 
Coffin,  of  Cincinnati,  and  being  satisfied   that   the  object  of  his 


MISSION  TO  ENGLAND. 


679 


mission  to  England  is  most  worthy,  and  that  he  is  himself  in 
every  respect  deserving  of  confidence,  have  great  pleasure  in 
commending  the  cause  of  the  freedmen  of  the  United  States,  as 
advocated  by  him,  to  the  prompt  and  kind  consideration,  and 
especially  to  the  liberality  of  the  friends  of  the  colored  race  in 
this  country. 
"  '  (Signed) 

;<  '  Samuel  Gurney,  President, 

"  '  Edmund  Sturge,  Chairman  of  Committee. 

"  '  L.  A.  Chamerovzow,  Secretary.'  " 

The  London  Freedmen's  Aid  Society  issued  the 
following  circular  in  letter-form,  which  was  largely 
circulated: 

"FREEDMEN'S  AID  SOCIETY. 

"  Levi  Coffin,  from  America,  well  known  on  the  other  side  of 
the  Atlantic  for  the  part  which  he  has  taken  in  aiding  the  fugi- 
tive slaves  (several  thousands  of  whom  he  has  personally  assisted 
in  their  escape  to  Canada),  is  now  in  this  country  for  the  purpose 
of  enlisting  the  sympathies  of  philanthropists  on  behalf  of  the 
refugee  negroes,  who,  as  is  well  known,  have  fled  in  great  multi- 
tudes from  bondage,  in  consequence  of  the  war,  many  of  them  in 
a  state  of  deplorable  destitution  and  ignorance. 

"As  the  accredited  agent  of  the  Western  Feedmen's  Aid  Com- 
mission his  labors  in  this  cause  are  altogether  disinterested.  And 
having  kindly  arranged  to  act  in  concert  with  the  Freedmen's 
Aid  Society  in  this  country,  the  committee  are  glad  to  avail  them- 
selves of  his  advocacy,  and  cordially  commend  him  to  the  con- 
fidence and  sympathy  of  the  friends  of  the  negro  in  this  import- 
ant crisis  of  the  history  of  the  colored  race. 

"  As  a  member  of  the  Society  of  Friends,  he  can  as  little  sym- 
pathize with  war  as  with  slavery,  and,  in  urging  the  claims  of 
these  poor  fugitives,  he  desires  that  his  advocacy  may  be  main 
tained  upon  simple  Christian  grounds,  apart  from  all  political 
considerations. 

"  (Signed) 

"T.  Fowell  Buxton,  President  of  the  Freedmen's  Aid  Society. 

"  Samuel  GuiiNEYj  Treasurer  of  the  Freedmen's  Aid  Society. 
'!  London',  July  20,  1864." 


68q  REMINISCENCES. 

After  attending  the  series  of  meetings  arranged 
by  the  London  committee  in  many  of  the  principal 
towns  in  England,  I  returned  to  my  pleasant  home  at 
Stafford  Allen's,  Stoke-Newington,  London,  to  rest 
awhile  from  my  arduous  labors.  The  unusual  exer- 
tion of  addressing  public  assemblies,  generally  even- 
ing meetings  that  held  to  a  late  hour,  and  raising  my 
voice  so  that  it  could  be  heard  over  large  audiences, 
told  upon  my  health,  and  I  felt  the  need  of  recruit- 
ing my  strength.  It  was  laid  upon  me,  at  these 
meetings,  to  make  the  first  speech,  and  I  endeav- 
ored to  tell  a  plain  and  concise  story,  leaving  it  to 
others  to  make  eloquent  appeals  and  rhetorical  dis- 
plays. It  became  an  easy  matter  for  me  to  talk  on 
the  subject  of  the  freedmen ;  I  was  never  at  a  loss 
for  words  to  express  myself.  The  subject  lay  near 
my  heart  and  I  could  talk,  concerning  it,  to  any 
class  of  people,  as  I  could  not  have  done,  perhaps, 
on  any  other  subject.  It  mattered  not  to  me  what 
title  they  held,  or  how  high  a  position  they  occu- 
pied in  the  Government.  It  was  the  wealthy, 
influential  class  whom  I  wished  to  interest  in  the 
subject  of  my  mission,  and  my  letters  of  introduc- 
tion and  credentials  had  introduced  me  to  the 
higher  classes  of  society.  I  had  been  received  with 
much  kindness  and  respect,  and  felt  at  my  ease 
among  them. 

After  spending  several  days  with  my  kind  friends 
in  London,  Stafford  Allen  and  his  amiable  wife 
Hannah,  who  always  cheered  and  comforted  me 
with  their  kindness,  I  again  engaged  in  active  ser- 
vice, feeling  much  refreshed.      My  time  was  largely 


MISSION  TO  ENGLAND.  68 1 

spent  in  holding  parlor  meetings,  which  often  re- 
sulted in  the  organization  of  sewing  societies  to 
make  up  clothing  for  the  freedmen.  J.  B.  Braith- 
waite  and  wife,  and  Stafford  Allen  and  wife,  with 
many  other  kind  friends  in  and  about  London,  ren- 
dered me  much  service  in  my  labors.  I  was  again 
invited  to  Birmingham,  and  attended  a  public  meet- 
ing in  the  town-hall,  and  several  other  meetings 
more  private  in  their  character. 

The  Birmingham  and  Midland  Counties  Associa- 
tion was  doing  a  noble  work  for  the  freedmen. 
Arthui  Albright  had  taken  a  deep  interest  in  the 
cause,  and  gave  me  efficient  help  in  many  ways. 
He  traveled  with  me  in  that  part  of  the  country, 
and  wrote  and  circulated  documents  relating  to  the 
freedmen.  He  was  a  man  of  wealth  and  influence, 
and  his  untiring  energy  and  perseverance  in  the 
work  did  much  to  promote  the  cause  in  which  I 
labored. 

In  September  I  visited  Dublin,  Ireland,  accom- 
panied by  Dr.  Massie  and  wife,  who  had  friends 
and  relatives  there.  Samuel  Bewley  had  been  no- 
tified of  my  expected  visit,  and  met  me  at  the 
quay,  and  conducted  me  to  his  house,  where  I  had 
a  pleasant  home  during  my  stay  in  that  part  of  the 
country.  An  invited  meeting,  or  rather  a  public 
breakfast,  was  gotten  up  by  Samuel  Bewley  and 
Jonathan  Pirn,  at  Friends'  Institute,  where  a  number 
of  the  most  prominent  men  in  Dublin  were  invited 
to  meet  me  and  confer  on  the  subject  of  my  mission. 
This  conference  resulted  in  holding  a  public  meet- 
ing, at  which  the  Lord   Mayor  presided.      After  the 


682  REMINISCENCES. 

reading  of  my  credentials  and  a  short  introductory 
speech  by  the  chairman,  I  addressed  the  assembly 
at  some  length  on  the  subject  of  my  mission.  Sev- 
eral short  speeches  followed,  and  much  encourage- 
ment was  given.  The  proceedings  of  the  meeting 
were  published.  The  following  is  taken  from  the 
Dublin  Daily  Express: 

"CONTRIBUTIONS  IN  AID  OF  THE  COLORED 
REFUGEES  IN  NORTH  AMERICA, 

"At  a  meeting  held  at  the  Friends'  Institute,  Molesworth 
Street,  on  the  1 2th  inst.,  called  for  the  purpose  of  enabling  Mr. 
Levi  Coffin,  of  Cincinnati,  Ohio,  to  give  information  as  to  the 
present  state  of  the  fugitives  from  slavery  in  the  valley  of  the 
Mississippi,  and  of  the  exertion  made  for  their  relief, 
"  Alexander  Parker,  Esq.,  in  the  chair, 
the  following  resolutions  were  adopted  : — 

"  I. — Moved  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Massie ;  seconded  by  John  L. 
Blood,  Esq.,  and  resolved — 

"That  the  exertions  of  the  Western  Freedmen's  Aid  Society 
of  Cincinnati,  and  of  the  other  associations  in  America,  for  the 
relief  and  instruction  of  the  colored  fugitives  from  slavery,  are 
deserving  of  our  warm  sympathy,  and  that  we  commend  those 
associations  to  the  liberality  of  the  Christian  public. 

'■'  II. — Moved  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Kirkpatrick ;  seconded  by  John 
Bagot,  Esq.,  and  resolved— 

"That  the  following  gentlemen  be  appointed  a  committee  to 
take  such  steps  as  they  may  think  desirable  for  bringing  this  sub- 
ject before  the  notice  of  the  public  : — 

"Thomas  Drury,  David  Drummond, 

"  William  Todd,  Henry  Wigham, 

"Maxwell  M'Master,  John  L.  Blood,  Esqrs. 

"John  Sibthorpe, 

"  III. — Moved  by  Maxwell  M'Master,  Esq.  ;  seconded  by  James 
Haughton,  Esq.,  J. P.,  and  resolved — 

"  That  Alexander  Parker  and   Samuel  Bewley,   Esqrs.,  be   re- 


MISSION  TO  ENGLAND.  683 

quested   to  act  as  treasurers   to   receive   any   funds   that  may   be 
subscribed,  and  to  remit  the  same  to  America. 

"Alexander  Parker,  Chairman. 
"Alexander  Parker,  Esq.,  having   left  the  chair,  and  John  Bar- 
rington,  Esq.,  the  Lord  Mayor  Elect,  having  been  called  thereto, 
it  was  moved  by  the  Rev.   Dr .   Massie  ;  seconded  by  John  Bagot, 
Esq.,  and  resolved — 

"That  the  thanks  of  this  meeting  are  due,  and  are  hereby 
given  to  Alexander  Parker,  Esq.,  for  his  kindness  and  courtesy 
while  presiding  at  this  meeting,  and  for  the  valuable  assistance 
which  he  has  given  to  this  cause. 

"John  Barrington,  Chairman. 
"Jonathan  Pim, 


Secretaries." 
"  William  Fry,    ' 

Over  two  hundred  pounds  (£200)  was  paid  into 
the  hands  of  Samuel  Bewley,  treasurer,  and  for- 
warded to  our  treasurer  at  Cincinnati  before  I  re- 
turned to  England. 

The  work  was  now  fairly  commenced  in  Ireland  ; 
much  interest  was  manifested.  Dr.  Massie  returned 
home  from  Dublin,  and  I  visited  Cork,  Waterford, 
and  other  towns  in  the  south  of  Ireland.  The  Dub- 
lin papers  had  given  a  favorable  notice  of  my  mis- 
sion. Letters  and  circulars  preceded  me  to  those 
places,  and  meetings  were  appointed.  Wherever  I 
went  in  this  part  of  the  kingdom,  as  in  England, 
homes  were  provided  for  me.  Some  kind  friend 
met  me  at  the  depot,  and  conducted  me  to  his 
house,  so  that  I  never  felt  I  was  among  strangers. 
The  meetings  were  satisfactory  and  the  contribu- 
tions liberal.  After  making  this  hasty  tour  to  the 
south  of  Ireland,  I  went  back  to  England,  where  I 
had  engagements  to  fill;  I  expected  to  return  to 
Ireland  in  a  few  months. 


684  REMINISCENCES. 

I  attended,  by  invitation,  the  Methodist  General 
Conference  at  Bradford,  and  the  Baptist  Union  at 
Birmingham,  also  the  semi-annual  Conference  of  the 
Congregationalists  at  Lyons.  I  then  visited  Scot- 
land, accompanied  by  Dr.  Massie.  We  had  ap- 
pointments at  Kendal,  Carlisle,  and  other  places  on 
our  way  to  Edinburgh,  having  large  and  interesting 
meetings  and  warm  receptions.  I  formed  many 
pleasant  acquaintances  at  Kendal,  and  our  call  for 
the  freedmen  was  nobly  responded  to. 

We  held  meetings  at  Edinburgh,  Glasgow,  and 
nearly  all  the  principal  towns  in  Scotland,  having 
hearty  receptions  and  good  audiences  wherever  we 
went.  Liberal  contributions  were  made,  and  public 
interest  was  manifested  in  various  ways.  The  daily 
papers  published  our  speeches  and  the  proceedings 
of  the  various  meetings.  I  met  with  many  warm 
sympathizers  in  Scotland,  and  made  many  pleasant 
acquaintances  there  whom  I  still  hold  in  loving  re- 
membrance. The  following  account  of  our  labors 
in  Scotland  was  given  in  the  British  Friend,  a  peri- 
odical published  at  Glasgow : 

"  FREEDMEN'S  AID  SOCIETY. 

"  We  presume  most  of  our  readers  are  aware  that  a  society 
under  the  above  name  has  recently  been  established  in  London, 
Sir  Thomas  Fowell  Buxton,  Bart.,  being  President,  and  Samuel 
Gurney,  M.P.,  Treasurer.  In  promotion  of  its  object,  our  friend, 
Levi  Coffin,  of  Cincinnati,  Ohio,  who  is  well  known  to  Friends 
as  the  General  Agent  of  the  Western  Freedmen's  Aid  Commis- 
sion, has  been  laboring  in  many  of  the  large  towns  in  England,  in 
conjunction  with  Dr.  Massie,  of  London. 

"Arriving  in  Edinburgh  on  the  1st  lilt.,  they  held  a  public 
meeting  in  that   city,  besides  some   of  a  more  private  and   social 


MISSION  TO  ENGLAND. 


685 


character  ;  also  in  Glasgow,  Paisley,  Ayr,  Port-Glasgow,  Green- 
ock, Perth,  and  Dundee.  At  Glasgow  a  meeting  of  ladies  was 
convened,  when  a  committee  was  named  to  co-operate  with  the 
gentlemen's  committee,  and  both  have  since  been  engaged  in 
endeavoring  to  interest  the  public  in  the  cause;  obtaining  con- 
tributions in  money,  clothing,  etc.  All  the  associations  thus 
formed,  it  is  understood,  are  to  act  in  concert  with  that  of  Lon- 
don, and  other  similar  organizations  having  the  same  benevolent 
end  in  view — the  shelter,  feeding,  clothing,  and  educating  of  the 
colored  refugees  from  slavery,  in  consequence  of  the  war  in 
America. 

"Dr.  Massie  left  Glasgow  on  the  19th  ult,  since  which  time 
Levi  Coffin  has  been  holding  parlor  meetings,  mostly  in  the  city. 
While  we  write  he  is  at  Helensburg,  one  of  the  watering-places 
on  the  Clyde.  After  meeting  the  ministers  of  the  various  denom- 
inations in  Glasgow,  he  is  to  pay  a  second  visit  to  Dundee  ;  soon 
after  which  he  expects  to  proceed  to  Belfast,-  and  other  towns  in 
the  north  of  Ireland. 

After  closing  my  labors  in  Scotland,  I  crossed 
over  the  Channel  to  Belfast,  Ireland,  where  I  was 
cordially  received  and  entertained  at  the  pleasant 
home  of  Richard  Bell.  I  had  letters  of  introduction 
to  Dr.  McCosh  and  other  prominent  men,  which 
were  of  great  service  to  me.  After  holding  a  con- 
ference with  them,  the  following  letter  of  invitation 
to  a  public  meeting  was  sent  out: 

"Levi  Coffin,  of  Cincinnati— a  member  of  the  Society  of 
Friends — with  unquestionable  credentials  and  letters  of  intro- 
duction, is  desirous  to  hold  a  meeting  with  the  benevolent  public 
of  Belfast  and  to  make  an  appeal  to  them  on  behalf  of  the  liber- 
ated slaves  in  America,  for  whose  spiritual  and  temporal  interests 
large  means  are  now  required. 

"The  Mayor  of  Belfast  has  kindly  granted  the  use  of  the  Town- 
Hall,  and  has  consented  to  preside  at  a  meeting,  appointed  to  be 
held   there   on   Second    day    (Monday)    the    12th   instant,    at    one 


686  REMINISCENCES. 

o'clock,    and  we  respectfully  invite  you   to   be    present    on    the 
occasion. 

"Belfast,  12th  month  (December)  9,  1864. 
"John  Owden,  Henry  Cooke,  D.D.,  LL.D., 

"Joseph  Richardson,  John  Edgar,  D.D., 

"  Richard  Bell,  James  McCosh,  LL.D., 

*' Joshua  Pirn,  Thos.  H.  Purdon,  M.D., 

"E.  H.  Thompson,  C.  D.  Purdon,  M.D., 

"  Charles  Seaver,  Incumbent,  Joseph  W.  McKay, 

St.  John's  Church,  Wesleyan  Minister, 

"Robert  Hannay,  Incumbent,  James  Donnelly, 

Christ  Church,  Wesleyan  Minister." 

The  public  meeting  was  well  attended  by  eminent 
men,  and  several  short  speeches  were  made,  which 
were  all  published  in  the  daily  papers.  The  follow- 
ing account  of  the  meeting,  with  an  appeal,  was 
printed  in  letter-form,  and  addressed  to  prominent 
persons  in  the  north  of  Ireland,  who  were  not  at  the 
meeting,  and  liberal  contributions  were  received: 

"CONTRIBUTIONS  IN  AID  OF  THE  COLORED  FREED- 
MEN  IN  AMERICA. 

"  At  a  meeting  held  in  the  Town-Hall,  Belfast,  on  the  12th 
instant,  for  the  purpose  of  enabling  Levi  Coffin,  of  Cincinnati, 
Ohio,  to  give  information  respecting  the  colored  freedmen  in  the 
valley  of  the  Mississippi, 

"The  Mayor  of  Belfast  in  the  chair, 
the  following  resolution  was  adopted — 

"Resolved — 'That  this  meeting  has  heard  with  much  satisfac- 
tion, the  simple,  luminous,  and  convincing  statements  of  Ltvi 
Coffin  respecting  the  condition  of  the  emancipated  slaves  in 
America,  and  the  extreme  necessity  of  immediate  efforts  to  meet 
their  great  spiritual  and  temporal  wants.  We  return  him  our  very 
sincere  thanks  ;  and  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  out  effectually 
this   benevolent  object,  we   appoint  the   following   committee   to 


MISSION  TO  ENGLAND. 


687 


use  immediately  the  most  effective  means  of  securing  the  co-oper- 
ation of  the  benevolent  in  Belfast.' 
"  The  Mayor,  Professor  Macdouall, 

"John  Owden,  Esq.,  Dr.  Thomas  II.  Purdon, 

"Richard  Bell,  Esq.,  John  Young,  Esq., 

"  Rev.  R.  Hannay,  John  Simms,  Esq., 

"  Rev.  Hugh  Hanna,  Rev.  James  Donnelly, 

"Rev.  Dr.  M'Cosn,  Rev.  M.  M'Cay, 

"Rev.  Dr.  Morgan,  Joshua  Pirn,  Esq., 

"  Rev.  Charles  Scaver,  William  Mullan,  Esq. 

Rev.  Dr.  Edgar, 


>;■ 


E.  H.  Thompson    <      Secretaries. 


o 


"APPEAL. 


"Since  the  commencement  of  the  fearful  war  in  America,  it  is 
calculated  that  upward  of  a  million  of  those  who  were  held  in 
bondage  have  made  their  escape,  or  have  been  deserted  by  their 
masters.  The  greatest  part  of  these  are  aged  people,  women,  and 
children.  In  the  freedmen's  camps  of  the  Mississippi  valley  alone 
there  are  more  than  50,000  dependent  persons,  and  this  number 
is  daily  increasing.  A  very  large  proportion  have  arrived  in  a 
state  of  utter  destitution,  the  clothing  of  the  men  and  women 
being  literally  in  rags,  and  many  of  the  children  completely 
naked.  They  have  been  most  kindly  received  and  cared  for  by  a 
large  number  of  philanthropic  persons  of  all  denominations  ;  but 
it  is  a  serious  consideration  how  their  wants  are  to  be  met, 
especially  during  the  present  winter.  The  Government  supplies 
them  with  rations,  but  every  other  need  must  be  provided  from 
private  sources.  It  is  fully  expected  that  if  they  are  now  fur- 
nished with  clothing,  tools,  etc.,  they  will  in  a  short  time  be  able 
to  maintain  themselves.  Books,  slates,  and  every  article  of  school 
use  have  to  be  supplied  to  them,  and  their  eagerness  to  learn  to 
tead,  and  willingness  to  work,  have  been  most  cheering. 

"The  work  is  great,  and  one  in  which  the  Christians  of  this 
country,  without  reference  to  political  or  sectarian  considerations, 
may  gracefully  manifest  a  deep  interest.  The  American  people 
responded  nobly  to  our  call  for  aid  during  the  Irish  famine,  and 
have  the  strongest  claims  on  our  sympathy  and  assistance  at  the 


688  REMINISCENCES. 

present  time.  We  inclose  subscription  list,  and  respectfully,  but 
earnestly,  request  you  will  add  your  contribution  thereto,  and 
return  same  promptly. 

"John  Edgar,  D.D., 
"  E.  H.  Thompson. 
"  Richard  Bell  &  Co.,  have  consented  to  act  as  Treasurers. 
"Belfast,  12th  month,  December  19,  1864." 

I  attended  the  Quarterly  Meeting  of  Friends  at 
Belfast,  where  I  had  the  opportunity  of  presenting 
the  subject  of  my  mission,  and  explaining  the  ex- 
tent of  the  work  in  America.  I  visited  Lisburn 
and  other  neighborhoods  in  the  north  of  Ireland, 
receiving  encouragement  and  liberal  contributions. 
Wherever  I  went,  I  met  with  many  kind  friends. 

From  Belfast  I  went  to  Moyallen,  county  Down, 
where  I  was  kindly  received  by  John  G.  Richardson 
and  wife,  and  entertained  for  several  days,  during 
which  time  I  was  visiting  and  attending  meetings 
in  that  neighborhood.  I  met  with  good  success  in 
collections.  I  then  returned  to  Dublin,  where  I 
again  had  a  pleasant  home  with  my  kind  friends, 
Samuel  Bewley  and  his  interesting  family,  while  I 
remained  in  Dublin,  where  I  had  formed  many 
pleasant  acquaintances  during  my  former  visit,  and 
whom  I  shall  ever  remember  with  kind  regard.  I 
found  the  committee  had  been  actively  engaged, 
and  a  considerable  amount  of  money  and  clothing 
had  been  collected  and  forwarded.  The  work  was 
still  in  progress,  and  the  ladies'  sewing  societies 
were  rendering  efficient  aid.  I  attended  several 
meetings  in  Dublin,  and  other  neighborhoods  of 
Friends,    and  finding  a  general  interest  manifested 


MISSION  TO  ENGLAND. 


689 


in  the  work  for  the  freedmen,  I  felt  much  encour- 
aged. 

It  was  now  the  first  of  the  year  1865.  I  thought 
that  the  labors  of  my  mission  were  nearly  at  an  end, 
and  that  I  might  look  forward  to  returning  home 
in  the  second  month  (February).  I  felt  that  my 
labors  had  been  much  blessed;  I  had  succeeded 
beyond  my  most  sanguine  expectations.  Freed- 
men's  associations  had  been  organized  in  nearly  all 
the  principal  towns  in  England,  Ireland  and  Scot- 
land. A  noble  response  had  been  made  to  my 
appeal  in  behalf  of  the  suffering  refugee  slaves. 
A  large  amount  of  money,  clothing,  hardware, 
cutlery,  shoes,  blankets,  etc.,  had  been  forwarded 
to  our  association  in  Cincinnati.  After  spending  a 
week  or  two  very  pleasantly  in  that  part  of  Ireland, 
attending  several  meetings  in  Dublin  and  visiting 
other  neighborhoods  of  Friends,  and  receiving  lib- 
eral contributions,  I  took  leave  of  my  kind  friends 
at  Dublin,  and  crossed  over  the  Irish  Channel  to 
Holyhead,  and  took  the  train  to  Birmingham, 
where  I  had  been  requested  to  meet  Dr.  Haynes, 
who  had  just  arrived  in  England,  being  sent  as  an 
Agent  of  the  National  Freedmen's  Aid  Society  of 
New  York.  They  were  encouraged,  no  doubt,  by 
hearing  of  my  great  success  in  Europe. 

After  attending  some  meetings  in  Birmingham 
and  vicinity,  I  returned  to  London,  where  I  met 
with  a  cordial  welcome  at  my  pleasant  home  at 
Stafford  Allen's.  My  headquarters,  however,  were 
at  Friends'  Institute,  of  which  I  have  spoken  be- 
fore. I  found  little  time  for  rest.  The  work  of 
58 


6go 


REMINISCENCES. 


my  mission  seemed  to  be  increasing  upon  me  every- 
day. My  correspondence  was  large;  I  was  fre- 
quently receiving  remittances  and  letters  of  invita- 
tion to  attend  meetings  and  to  visit  various  places. 
The  demands  upon  me  were  so  numerous  that  I 
could  not  comply  with  them  all.  The  way  did  not 
seem  clear  for  me  to  quit  the  work  and  go  home,  as 
I  had  intended.  Letters  from  home  encouraged  me 
to  continue  longer  in  the  work  if  my  health  per- 
mitted, as  the  result  of  my  labors  was  quite  bene- 
ficial to  the  cause  I  represented.  My  friends  in 
England  also  encouraged  me  to  remain,  and  I  de- 
cided to  stay  until  some  time  in  the  spring.  During 
the  winter  I  attended  a  number  of  Quarterly  Meet- 
ings of  Friends  in  different  parts  of  the  kingdom, 
where  I  had  the  opportunity  of  pleading  the  cause 
of  the  freedmen. 

John  Hodgkin  had  written  an  admirable  address 
to  the  Society  of  Friends,  and  others,  on  the  subject 
of  the  freedmen.  It  was  printed  in  pamphlet  form 
and  read  in  all  the  Quarterly  Meetings,  and  widely 
circulated.  Friends  everywhere  were  fully  informed 
on  the  subject,  and  earnestly  engaged  in  the  work. 
At  a  public  meeting  held  in  Friends'  Meeting-House 
at  Leeds,  after  the  business  session  of  the  York 
Quarterly  Meeting  was  over,  about  a  thousand 
pounds  were   subscribed. 

The  committee  of  the  London  Freedmen's  Aid 
Society  had  arranged  for  a  general  meeting  to  be 
held  in  Exeter  Hall  on  the  evening  of  February 
15th,  on  the  subject  of  the  conditions  and  wants  of 
the    freedmen    in   America.      It  was    advertised    in 


MISSION  TO  ENGLAND. 


6gl 


the  principal  London  papers,  and  large  bills  were 
posted  in  all  the  most  public  places  giving  the 
names  of  those  who  would  address  the  meeting. 
I  was  surprised  to  find  my  name  placed  at  the  head 
of  the  list,  and  would  have  objected  had  it  not 
been  too  late.  I  had  taken  a  deep  cold  and  was 
suffering  with  sore  throat  and  hoarseness,  so  that 
it  appeared  impossible  for  me  to  speak  as  adver- 
tised, but  my  friends  were  anxious  for  me  to  be 
present,  and  though  I  had  been  confined  to  my  bed 
for  several  days  previous,  I  managed  to  attend  the 
meeting.  My  hoarseness  had  measurably  left  me, 
but  I  still  felt  feeble  and  unable  to  address  an  audi- 
ence. I  was  seated  on  the  platform  near  the  chair- 
man and  surrounded  by  many  of  the  prominent  men 
of  London.  All  the  space  in  the  large  hall  appeared 
to  be  occupied,  the  ladies'  apartment  and  all  the 
galleries  being  filled.  The  number  of  people  pres- 
ent was  estimated  at  five  thousand.  I  thought  that 
I  should  not  attempt  to  speak,  but  after  the  chaii- 
man  had  spoken  and  the  meeting  was  fairly  opened, 
my  feelings  became  warmed  up,  and  I  now  felt 
more  like  speaking.  When  I  was  introduced  to  the 
meeting  and  began  to  speak,  my  voice,  to  my  aston- 
ishment and  that  of  my  friends,  seemed  to  grow 
stronger  and  clearer,  so  that  it  could  be  heard  all 
over  the  hall.  J.  B.  Braithwaite  came  to  me  when 
the  meeting  was  over  and  said  that  he  had  never 
heard  me  speak  so  well — that  I  had  been  distinctly 
heard  all  over  that  large  assembly.  The  following 
account  of  the  meeting  is  taken  from  the  Evening 
Star,  of  February  16,  1865  : 


692 


REMINISCENCES. 


THE  FREEDMEN'S  AID  SOCIETY. 


"  A  public  meeting  in  support  of  the  objects  of  this  admirable 
society  was  held  in  Exeter  Hall  last  night.  There  was  a  large 
attendance,  and  the  proceedings  were  of  a  peculiarly  enthusiastic 
and  unanimous  character.  The  following  gentlemen  were  among 
those  present: — Sir  T.  Fowell  Buxton,  Bart.;  the  Rev.  Dr. 
Haynes,  President  of  the  National  Freedmen's  Relief  Association, 
and  Mr.  Levi  Coffin,  the  representative  of  the  Freedmen's  Aid 
Commission  of  Cincinnati;  Mr.  W.  E.  Forster,  M.P.  ;  the  Rev. 
Dr.  Massie;  the  Rev.  J.  H.  Hinton,  M.A.  ;  the  Rev.  James  Davis, 
Secretary  of  the  Evangelical  Alliance;  the  Rev.  Samuel  Garratt, 
13. A.  ;  the  Rev.  Henry  Richard;  the  Rev.  Newman  Hall,  LL.B.  ; 
the  Rev.  James  H.  Wilson;  Mr.  M.  D.  Conway,  of  Virginia;  Mr. 
J.  Bevan  Braithwaite;  Mr.  J.  Morgan,  of  Birmingham;  Mr.  Will- 
iam Allen;  Mr.  Stafford  Allen;  the  Rev.  Crammond  Kennedy, 
late  United  States  Army  Chaplain;  Mr.  F.  W.  Chesson,  and  Mr. 
R.  Alsop. 

"Sir  T.  F.Buxton  was  called  to  the  chair. 

"The  Rev.  Samuel  Garratt  opened  the  proceedings  with  prayer. 

"  The  Chairman,  who  was  received  with  cheers,  rose  and  ad- 
dressed the  meeting.  He  said  that  the  present  meeting  was,  to 
some  extent,  connected  with  the  great  anti-slavery  struggle  which 
took  place  in  England  more  than  thirty  years  ago.  In  1834 
slavery  was  abolished  throughout  the  British  colonies;  and  now 
they  could  assert  that  more  than  two  millions  of  the  slave  popula- 
tion of  the  United  States  had  gained  their  freedom.  (Cheers.) 
But  while  they  rejoiced  in  this  great  change  they  should  not  for- 
get the  misery  and  destitution  which  this  change  involved. 
They  knew  how  difficult  it  was  to  meet  the  distress  caused  by  the 
cotton  famine  in  Lancashire ;  and  they  could  conceive  how  this 
would  be  aggravated  by  the  fact  that  those  freedmen  who  were 
suffering  from  the  destitution  were  without  that  education  which 
every  free  man  must  have  acquired  for  himself.  These  men  were 
not  taught  from  their  youth,  they  were  not  able  to  supply  their 
own  needs  and  wants,  and  were  undergoing  the  greatest  misery. 
They  were  escaping  in  thousands,  partly  from  their  plantations 
and  partly  left  by  their  owners,  who  were  driven  southward. 
They  considered  that  they  had  a  right  to  appeal  to  the  people  of 
this  country  in  behalf  of  these  freedmen,  not  merely  on  the 
ground  of  charity,  but  as  a  debt  due  by  this  country  to  those 
who  were  suffering.  They  could  not  forget  on  this  occasion  how 
much  they  had  profited  by  their  enforced  labor,  and  that  it  was 
to  their  labor  that  they  owed  the  prosperity  of  their  northern 
counties.  (Hear,  hear.)  They  appealed  to  them  with  the  more 
confidence  that  the  destitution  was  of  a  transient  character, 
because  in  the  course  of  a  short  time  those  freedmen  would 
become  absorbed  into  the  working  population  of  the  United 
States.  (Hear,  hear.)  In  order  to  show  them  that  the  abolition 
of  slavery  had  been  of  advantage  to  their  colonies  he  would  state 


MISSION  TO  ENGLAND.  693 

that  in  their  West  India  Islands  they  grew  in  1831,  when  there 
was  a  high  protective  duty,  8,920,132  cwt.  of  sugar;  while,  in 
1862,  with  no  protective  duty,  and  no  extraneous  help,  they  grew 
9,800,000  cwt — or  nearly  1,000,000  more  than  when  slavery 
existed.  (Cheers.)  •  It  might  be  said  that  the  property  of  a 
country  ought  to  be  met  by  the  property  and  the  wealth  of  that 
country  itself.  That  in  some  measure  was  true  ;  but  it  was  not  an 
argument  which  they  could  cast  in  the  teeth  of  their  kinsmen 
across  the  Atlantic  who  had  helped  to  relieve  their  starving  Irish 
and  the  destitution  of  their  artisans  in  Lancashire.  (Cheers.) 
They  should  embrace  this  opportunity  of  showing  their  good-will 
and  friendship  to  their  kinsmen  in  America.  (Hear,  hear.)  There 
were,  unhappily,  people  in  both  countries  who  were  willing  to 
excite  feelings  of  hostility  between  the  two  countries,  and  they 
ought  therefore  to  take  every  means  in  their  power  to  frustrate 
these  efforts.  (Cheers.)  Might  they  not  hope  that  if  they  showed 
their  hearty  sympathy  with  their  American  brethren  in  their 
efforts,  and  cultivated  their  good-will  it  would  tend  to  the  pros- 
perity of  both  countries  ?  If  they  wished  for  the  welfare  of  their 
own  country,  the  prosperity  of  the  whole  British  Empire,  and  of 
the  whole  English  speaking  community,  they  should  take  every 
means  of  cementing  all  branches  of  the  Saxon  race  together. 
(Cheers.)  If  they  cared  for  the  progress  of  liberty,  the  extension 
of  self-government,  and  the  happiness  of  the  world,  they  should 
desire  to  unite  together  those  two  nations  which  enjoyed  in  the 
highest  degree  those  blessings.  (Cheers.)  It  was  with  this  object 
that  they  brought  this  society  before  the  public,  and  they  trusted 
that  its  claims  would  be  heartily  responded  to  by  London,  and 
by  the  country  generally.      (Cheers.) 

"The  Rev.  Dr.  Massie  then  read  letters  of  apology  from  a  num- 
ber of  gentlemen  who  were  unable  to  attend  the  meeting. 

"The  Chairman  then  called  upon  Levi  Coffin,  Esq.,  the  dele- 
gate of  the  Western  Freedmen's  Aid  Society,  who,  he  said,  had 
come  to  this  country  with  letters  of  introduction  from  Secretary 
Chase  and  many  other  gentlemen  occupying  high  positions  on  the 
other  side  of  the  Atlantic. 

"Mr.  Levi  Coffin  then  came  forward,  and  was  received  with 
loud  cheers.  He  said  that  he  was  suffering  from  such  an  attack 
of  illness  that  had  it  not  been  for  the  deep  interest  he  took  in 
this  cause  he  should  not  have  come  forward  to  say  anything  on 
the  present  occasion.  Mr.  Coffin  then  proceeded  to  say  that  he 
wished  it  to  be  distinctly  understood  that  his  mission  was  simply 
one  of  Christian  philanthropy,  and  had  nothing  whatever  to  do 
with  the  political  bearings  of  either  the  side  of  the  North  or  South, 
As  a  member  of  the  Society  of  Friends  he  could  have  as  little 
sympathy  with  war  as  he  could  have  with  slavery.  In  traveling 
over  this  country  he  found  a  misconception  existed  in  many  per- 
sons' minds  with  regard  to  the  number  and  location  of  these  poor 
refugees.  The  impression  seemed  to  be  that  they  had  come  to 
the  North,  and  were  scattered  about   the   free   States.     This  was 


694 


REMINISCENCES. 


an  incorrect  view.  The  freed  slaves  were  principally  gathered  in 
the  Federal  lines  in  the  seceded  States.  As  both  armies  had 
swept  over  the  country,  nothing  was  left  for  the  poor  negro. 
They  therefore  came  in  the  deepest  distress — in  fact  many  of  them 
were  in  such  a  state  of  destitution  that  it  beggared  description. 
They  came  in  by  thousands  anil  tens  of  thousands  until  the  num- 
ber was  now  swelled  to  two  millions.  (Cheers.)  Two  years  ago, 
last  autumn,  this  work  commenced  west  of  the  mountains  ;  in  the 
East  it  commenced  earlier.  As  the  Federal  army  advanced  down 
the  Mississippi  thousands  came  within  the  lines,  many  of  them 
almost  in  a  state  of  nudity.  He  heard  of  their  condition  and 
paid  a  visit  to  that  part  of  the  country,  and  he  found  the  destitu- 
tion greater  than  he  had  anticipated.  On  his  return  the  Western 
Feedmen's  Aid  Society  was  organized  at  Cincinnati,  and  meas- 
ures were  taken  at  once  to  relieve  the  poor  refugees  with  articles 
of  clothing,  etc.  Great  exertions  were  made,  but  the  means  at 
their  disposal  were  nothing  to  the  wants  of  the  people.  The  fol- 
lowing year  he  paid  a  second  visit  and  found  that  the  work  had 
largely  increased.  On  his  return  more  extensive  efforts  were  put 
forth,  but  thousands  perished  for  lack  of  the  means  of  helping 
them.  In  all  his  travels  he  had  never  met  with  a  single  case 
where  there  was  a  single  wish  to  return  to  slavery.  (Loud 
cheers.)  They  looked  upon  their  deliverance  as  the  intervention 
of  a  special  Providence.  He  found  them  to  be  patient  in  suffer- 
ing, disposed  to  die  rather  than  return  to  their  former  condition. 
Schools  had  been  organized  in  the  camps  and  colonies,  and  great 
progress  had  been  made  by  those  who  had  attended  these  schools. 
Tools  were  put  into  the  hands  of  those  able  to  work,  in  order  to 
make  them  self-supporting.  In  one  district  of  the  Mississippi, 
where  there  were  113,650  registered  during  the  past  year,  they 
had  had  74,981  acres  under  cultivation  in  cotton,  besides  their 
potatoes  and  other  vegetables.  (Cheers.)  Out  of  the  number 
of  slaves  he  had  mentioned  there  had  been  over  13,000  under  in- 
struction. Above  4,000  had  learned  to  read  fairly,  over  2,000  to 
write,  and  many  were  supporting  themselves  by  working ;  but 
there  were  so  many  aged,  crippled,  and  orphan  children,  that  a 
considerable  time  must  elapse  ere  they  could  relax  their  efforts. 
Most  of  the  slaves  showed  great  willingness  to  work,  and  this 
was  an  encouraging  fact.  Mr.  Coffin  having  urged  these  points 
upon  the  meeting,  said  he  must  refrain  from  proceeding  further, 
as  his  voice  was  failing  him,  and  he  then  resumed  his  seat  amidst 
loud  applause. 

"The  Rev.  Dr.  Massie  bore  testimony  to  the  great  amount 
of  good  that  Mr.  Levi  Coffin  had  accomplished.  He  said  the 
slave  planters  had  got  to  call  him  the  'Underground  Railway.' 
(Cheers.)  For  thirty-three  years  he  received  into  his  house  more 
than  one  hundred  fugitive  slaves  every  year.  (Loud  cheers.) 
These  slaves  he  housed,  clothed,  and  when  sick  attended  them, 
and  when  they  died  buried  them.      (Cheers.) 

"The  Rev.  H.  Haynes  was  called  on,  and  received  with  cheers. 


MISSION  TO  ENGLAND. 


695 


He  expressed  the  pleasure  which  he  felt  in  making  his  first  appear 
ance  in  Exeter  Hall,  and  said  that  although  he  had  his  opinion 
as  to  the  trouble  in  his  country  he  did  not  come  here  in  any 
partisan  spirit.  He  himself  had  collected  from  men  of  all  opin- 
ions $100,000  for  their  freed  slaves,  and  the  society  with  which  he 
was  connected  had  raised  $500,000.  They  were  engaged  in  a 
purely  charitable  work,  but  they  found  that  all  their  efforts  were 
unable  to  meet  the  immense  tide  of  destitution,  and  they  there- 
fore now  appeal  for  aid  to  those  in  England  who  felt  it  to  be  their 
duty  and  privilege  to  aid  them.  Whatever  differences  might 
exist  as  to  the  war  they  were  all  agreed  about  the  freedmen.  The 
freedmen  had  been  the  most  misused  of  men.  It  was  no  wonder 
that  John  Wesley,  who  lived  in  Georgia,  pronounced  slavery  to 
be  the  'sum  of  all  villainies,'  and  that  Thomas  Jefferson  said  that 
he  trembled  for  his  country  when  he  thought  of  slavery.  Then 
they  could  not  forget  how  much  Britain  owed  to  the  productions 
of  slave  labor,  nor  would  they  forget  how  much  British  eloquence 
and  remonstrances  had  to  do  with  the  freedom  of  these  slaves. 
The  influence  of  their  Clarksons,  their  Wilberforces  and  their 
Buxtons  had  been  felt  in  America,  and  George  Thompson  was 
not  forgotten  there.  (Cheers.)  And,  when  appealing  to  a 
British  audience,  he  thought  it  right  to  tell  them  that  now 
the  laws  against  the  slave-trade  in  America  were  executed : 
that  one  man  at  least  had  been  hung — (A  voice:  '  Sarve  him 
right") — that  two  millions  of  slaves  had  been  emancipated  by 
the  war;  that  Congress  had  abolished  slavery  in  Columbia  and 
prohibited  it  in  the  Territories  ;  that  Missouri,  Tennessee,  West 
Virginia,  and  Maryland  had  constitutionally  voted  the  abol- 
ition of  slavery ;  and  now  to-day  they  had  the  news  that  the 
House  of  Representatives  had  passed  an  act  of  general  eman- 
cipation. (Loud  cheers,  which  were  again  and  again  renewed.) 
Already  two  millions  of  slaves  had  been  made  free  by  the 
war,  and  the  other  two  millions  were  a  dissolving  view.  (Cheers 
and  a  laugh.)  He  then  referred  to  the  sufferings  undergone 
by  those  freed  negroes,  and  said  that  no  tongue  or  pen  could 
describe  them.  They  were  coming  in  in  hundreds  and  thousands, 
most  of  them  without  proper  clothing,  and  destitute  of  all  means 
of  assisting  themselves.  [At  this  stage  a  gentleman  who  had 
taken  up  a  place  on  the  platform,  here  stood  forward,  and  inter- 
rupted the  speaker,  and  declared  with  great  vehemence,  'I  am  a 
Southern."  He  was  greeted  with  loud  hisses  and  groans,  and  in 
a  few  minutes  was  ejected  by  some  of  the  gentlemen  on  the  plat- 
form.] Dr.  Haynes  proceeded  to  say  that  unless  they  received 
the  aid  of  British  philanthropy  many  of  these  people  would  have 
to  undergo  great  suffering,  and  said  he  believed  that  these 
charities  would  promote  international  harmony  and  good-will. 
(Cheers.)  One  of  their  papers  said  the  other  day  that  it  would 
not  suit  the  North  to  go  to  war  with  England  at  present.  He 
said  that  it  would  not  suit  them  to  go  to  war  at  any  time. 
(Cheers.)       The   people  whom  he   represented   were    the    people 


6g6 


REMINISCENCES. 


who  would  see  to  it  that  no  war  was  created  between  the  two 
countries.  (Cheers.)  The  speaker  concluded  by  referring  to  the 
peace  news  from  America,  and  said  he  believed  in  it. 

"Mr.  W.  E.  Forster,  M.P.,  was  then*  called  upon.  He  said  : 
I  rise  for  the  purpose  of  moving  a  resolution  expressing  the 
approval  of  this  meeting  in  the  objects  of  this  association,  and  I 
do  so  not  merely  because  these  negroes  are  in  great  distress, 
though  that  would  be  a  reason  why  Englishmen  should  be  asked 
to  aid  them,  and  not  merely  because  we  owe  a  debt  of  gratitude 
to  the  Americans,  though  we  do.  Have  they  not  helped  our 
people  when  in  distress,  and  how  have  we  repaid  it?  Have  we 
repaid  the  debt  we  owe  them  ?  There  was  great  misery  in  Lan- 
cashire of  late;  the  misery  was  brought  on  by  this  terrible  war, 
which  we  may  say  was  not  only  caused  in  America,  but  in 
England,  by  what  we  did  originally  in  planting  this  seed  of 
slavery  among  them.  But  miserable  as  was  the  state  of  Lan- 
cashire, the  misery  of  America  was  far  greater ;  but  not  losing 
sight  of  our  suffering  they  sent  over  help.  What  have  we  done 
to  repay  them  ?  The  ship  which  came  with  the  food  which  was 
for  our  starving  operatives  was  seized  by  the  privateer  that  issued 
from  our  shores.  I  say  we  owe  something  to  them  for  what  they 
did  ;  but  it  is  not  only  that  debt  we  owe.  We  forget  what  they 
did  for  us  in  the  time  of  the  Irish  famine.  (Hear,  hear.)  It  is 
curious  how  some  people  seem  to  completely  forget  this.  I  saw 
not  long  ago  an  article  in  the  'Times' — (hisses)  -  in  rather  more 
generous  terms  than  is  usually  used,  acknowledging  the  assistance 
the  Americans  gave  to  the  Lancashire  operatives  ;  but,  said  the 
writer,  their  contributions  were  ^100,000  less  than  those  given 
during  the  Irish  famine.  But  the  sum  sent  over  for  the  Lan- 
cashire distress  was  a  handsome  sum,  for  it  amounted  to  ,£55,000, 
though  ,£170,000  was  sent  during  the  Irish  famine.  But  it  is  not 
merely  because  it  is  an  act  of  humanity  or  gratitude,  but  I  con- 
sider it  to  be  an  act  of  duty  that  we  owe,  especially,  if  we  are,  as 
I  hope  and  believe  all  here  are,  thoroughly  anti-slavery  men. 
(Cheers.)  In  fact  it  would  be  almost  impossible  to  think  of  any 
other  meeting  than  the  present  being  held  in  Exeter  Hall — 
(hear,  hear) — with  its  associations.  Being  in  this  hall  takes  me 
back  to  the.  time  when  many  years  ago  I  was  here,  before  I  per- 
sonally took  any  part  in  meetings  of  the  kind,  and  I  must  be 
allowed  to  congratulate  my  relative  who  is  in  the  chair  on  this 
occasion.  I  can  recollect  what  the  feelings  of  his  revered  grand- 
father (my  uncle)  was  upon  this  subject,  and  I  am  quite  sure  if  he 
had  wished  the  best  possible  wish  for  his  grandson  it  was  that  he 
should  take  the  chair  in  this  hall  at  a  meeting  held  on  behalf  of 
the  negro,  on  the  very  clay  when  this  news  comes  from  America. 
(Cheers.)  The  ruling  powers  of  that  county  have  irrecoverably 
pledged  themselves  to  the  abolition  of  slavery.  (Cheers.)  Let 
us  look  back  at  the  position  of  the  negro,  and  then  consider 
what  it  is  now.  It  is  now  nine  years  ago  since  the  hopes  of  the 
negro  were  very  dark.     I  take   that  time,  for  I    think   it  was    the 


MISSION  TO  ENGLAND.  6^7 

blackest  period  for  those  who  were  the  friends  of  the  negro. 
That  was  the  time  when  it  was  declared  in  an  American  court  of 
justice  that  the  negro  had  no  rights.  That  was  the  time  when 
these  four  millions  of  slaves  seemed  condemned  to  hopless  bond- 
age, for  that  great  republic,  though  free  in  name,  was  not  so  in 
fact,  for  it  was  ruled  by  the  slave  power.  That  was  the  time 
when  every  Territory  which  was  opened  out  by  Anglo-Saxon  enter- 
prise seemed  to  be  merely  conquered  for  slavery.  Even  in  their 
pride  the  slaveholders  were  not  content.  They  defied  the  princi- 
ples of  freedom — they  defied  every  one,  including  England — and 
the  'Times1  did  not  protest  against  that.  (Hear,  hear.)  There 
appeared  to  be  no  hope  for  the  negro  at  that  time,  and  the  friends 
of  freedom  were  a  simple  minority.  In  the  heart  of  the  slave- 
holder there  was  pleasure  and  profit  in  carrying  on  the  system, 
and  the  negro  could  expect  no  hope  from  him.  Only  nine  years 
have  passed,  and  what  is  the  present  condition  of  affairs?  Why, 
close  upon  two  millions  of  negroes  (and  having  tested  these 
figures,  I  believe  them  to  be  correct)  are  already  free,  and  the 
power  that  rules  the  Federal  Union,  instead  of  being  a  slavery 
one,  is  now  opposed  to  slavery  ;  State  after  State  has  abolished 
slavery.  That  very  State  of  Missouri,  over  whose  borders  went 
those  ruffians  who  endeavored  to  take  possession  of  Kansas  and 
make  it  slave  soil,  has-declared  itself  for  the  abolition  of  slavery. 
With  the  State  of  Tennessee  I  am  in  some  way  connected.  Nine 
years  ago  my  father  went  out  to  America  to  represent  the  evils 
of  slavery,  and  he  died  in  Tennessee,  believing  that  in  no  State 
in  America  was  slavery  more  deeply  rooted  than  there.  Yet  Ten- 
nessee has  abolished  it.  Maryland  has  also  done  so,  and  now  we 
have  the  news  this  morning  that  Congress  has  taken  the  first  step 
toward  declaring  that  slavery  is  illegal.  Doubtless  much  preju- 
dice exists  against  color,  but  just  in  proportion  as  they  cease  to 
be  slaves  in  the  South,  will  the  prejudice  of  the  North  against 
color  cease.  (Hear,  hear.)  We  hear  of  one  item  in  the  news 
this  morning  which,  though  little  in  itself,  is  yet  most  important. 
In  New  York,  where  the  feeling  against  color  is  strong,  a  colored 
man  has  been  admitted  to  the  bar.  (Cheers )  With  this  good 
news  also  comes  the  other  good  news  alluded  to  by  Dr.  Haynes 
respecting  the  peace  rumors.  It  is  rather  a  curious  coincidence 
that  just  when  comes  the  statement  that  the  Federal  Government 
have  irrecoverably  pledged  themselves  to  abolish  slavery,  so  that 
no  compromise  of  slavery  is  now  possible — (loud  cheers)- — there 
shjuld  come  the  peace  rumors,  coming  with  more  force  and 
credibility  than  they  have  done  before.  How  difficult  it  does 
appear  for  men  in  England  to  take  any  sensible  view  of  this 
question.  The  '  Globe,'  which  generally  in  its  articles  takes  a 
sensible  view  of  this  matter,  says  to-night  that  the  peace  news  is 
most  important,  and  that  the  anti-slavery  news  is  also  important; 
but  that  they  can  not  help  thinking  that  the  anti-slavery  action 
will  destroy  the  peace  prospects,  for  the  men  of  the  South,  when 
they  find  that  the  Government  of  the  JJnited  States  is  irretriev- 

59 


698 


R  EMINISCENCES. 


ably  pledged  to  the  abolition  of  slavery,  will  feel  that  there  is  no 
reason  to  return  to  the  Union.  Now,  how  could  a  sensible  man 
write  such  an  article  as  this?  Why,  the  men  who  have  gone  on 
this  deputation  as  well  knew  that  that  act  would  be  passed,  and 
that  that  vote  would  take  place,  as  did  the  men  who  voted  for  it 
themselves.  They  know  that  all  hopes  of  compromise  have 
disappeared.  (Cheers.)  They  are  perfectly  aware  of  that,  and 
they  know  very  well  that  no  terms  can  be  made  with  the  men 
of  the  North  except  upon  abolition.  Is  it  not  strange  that  just 
when  they  have  arrived  at  the  certainty  of  that  knowledge  they 
come  forward  with  their  peace  embassies,  and,  for  aught  1  know, 
with  their  peace  propositions.  I  am  not  surprised.  It  is  just 
what  I  expected.  It  does  not  often  do  for  political  men  to  make 
predictions,  but  I  will  venture  to  make  one  prophecy,  and  that 
is,  that  soon  after  slavery  is  abolished  the  American  war  will 
cease.  (Cheers.)  And  why?  Because  there  will  then  be  noth- 
ing to  light  about.  But  we  must  not  be  contented  with  congrat- 
ulating ourselves  on  this  matter,  we  must  consider  whether  we 
have  not  something  more  to  do.  We  can  not  forget  how  heavy 
is  the  price  which  has  been  paid  for  the  change ;  and  shall  we 
fold  our  arms  and  say  that  we  are  contented  to  see  what  has 
been  gained  for  the  cause  of  humanity  but  will  bear  none  of  the 
price?  Are  we  not  in  some  measure  responsible?  It  was  we  who 
originally  planted  slavery  there,  and  we  have  tempted  the  Ameri- 
can slave-owners  to  the  continuance  and  increase  of  the  system 
by  buying  their  cotton.  (Hear,  hear.)  We  may  say  that  we 
were  not  responsible  for  the  mode  in  which  it  was  grown.  Still, 
if  that  be  so,  is  it  not  incumbent  upon  us  to  do  everything  that 
we  can  so  that  cotton  shall  be  grown  according  to  the  principles 
of  humanity?  (Cheers.)  But  there  is  a  greater  responsibility 
even  than  that,  especially  upon  old  anti-slavery  men.  Who  was 
it  that  incited  and  excited  the  anti-slavery  men  of  America  to 
take  the  stand  which  they  have  against  slavery,  and  to  make  that 
resistance  to  the  slave  power  which  led  to  this  war?  Why,  the 
anti-slavery  men  of  England.  (Hear,  hear.)  The  war  had  been 
one  of  the  most  terrible  and  sorrowful  of  all  wars;  but  I  confess, 
for  my  part,  I  see  only  one  way  in  which  that  war  could  have 
been  avoided.  Considering  what  the  facts  of  the  case  were,  and 
what  human  nature  is,  I  do  not  believe  that  the  war  could  have 
been  avoided,  except  by  the  men  of  the  North  consenting  to  be 
ruled — to  be  themselves  enslaved  by  the  men  of  the  South — 
(cheers) — consenting  that  the  great  and  free  republic  should  con- 
tinue to  be  the  greatest  conspiracy  against  freedom  in  the  world — 
consenting  that  the  party  which  ruled  by  an  oligarchy  of  color 
should  continue  to  control  the  destinies  of  America.  (Cheers.) 
But  who  was  it  that  made  that  curse  impossible?  Why  the  anti- 
slavery  men  of  England,  who,  whenever  a  free  American  came  to 
our  shores,  exhorted  him,  preached  to  him,  taunted  him,  and 
ridiculed  him  if  he  did  not  do  his  part  to  free  his  country  from 
that  stain.       (Hear,    hear.)      The   Republican   party   then    joined 


MISSION  TO  ENGLAND. 


699 


with  the  abolitionists  so  far  as  to  say  that  'we  will  no  longer 
allow  the  power  of  this  Union  to  be  used  for  the  purposes  of 
slavery — we  don't  see  that  we  can  can  destroy,  but  we  will  allow 
it  to  go  no  further,  and  are  resolved  that  the  Territories  shall  be 
conquered  for  freedom.'  If  they  once  took  that  stand,  every  one 
who  considered  the  facts  of  the  case  dispassionately  must  have 
felt  that  war  was  a  necessity.  The  slave-owners  would  not  give 
up  their  power  without  a  struggle,  and  they  said  that  if  they  were 
not  to  rule  they  would  break  up  the  Union.  Now  the  Americans, 
if  the  majority  of  them  had  not  a  strong  conscientious  principle 
against  war  under  all  circumstances,  had  a  habit  which  was,  after 
all,  an  Anglo-Saxon  habit — they  would  fight  for  their  country. 
But  they  have  had  to  pay  a  heavy  price  for  the  glorious  change  in 
the  progress  of  humanity,  and  in  the  progress  of  the  world,  which 
this  war  has  brought  about;  and  shall  we  not  assist  them  to  bear 
this  heavy  burden  ?  We  can  not  suffer  anything  like  to  the 
extent  which  they  have  done,  nor  ought  we  ;  but  we  can  in  some 
slight  degree  assist  them  to  bear  the  burden  which  has  been 
imposed  upon  them.  (Cheers.)  I  will  say  just  one  word  as  to 
the  misunderstandings  between  us  and  the  Americans  as  bearing 
upon  this  particular  question.  There  is  a  good  deal  of  ill-feeling 
in  America  which  no  speeches  and  no  acts  of  ours  can  remove, 
because  it  springs  from  most  unworthy  motives;  but  it  is  a  sor- 
rowful fact  that  those  who  have  been  our  best  friends  in  America 
seem  to  misunderstand  us,  and  who,  if  they  have  no  ill-will  to  us, 
greatly  regret  that  we  have  done  as  we  have.  I  think  that  arises 
in  a  great  measure  from  the  fact  that  the  anti-slavery  men  have 
been  disappointed  with  our  attitude  in  this  matter.  They  feel 
that  we  have  incited  them,  and  then  when  they  imperil  their 
country  in  the  cause  of  freedom  they  naturally  complain  that  we 
look  coldly  on,  and  advise  them  to  sacrifice  their  country.  (Hear, 
hear.)  I  can  not  help  feeling  that  they  have  some  ground  for 
entertaining  that  view,  and  therefore  I  rejoice  that  we  have  now 
an  opportunity  of  coming  forward  and  endeavoring  in  some 
measure  to  remove  this  impression.  (Cheers.)  You  all  must 
know  that  the  freedom  of  these  two  millions  of  slaves  can  not 
have  been  attained  without  great  sufferings  and  privations  on 
their  part,  and  I  hope  that  we  in  England  will  do  everything  we 
can  to  assist  those  who  are  endeavoring  to  meet  the  wants  of 
these  liberated  thousands.  The  honorable  gentleman  concluded 
by  proposing  '  That  this  meeting  approves  of  the  object  of  the 
Freedmen's  Aid  Associations  in  America  which,  while  minister- 
ing immediate  temporal  relief,  seek  to  give  such  aid,  physical 
and  educational,  and  to  apply  such  moral  and  religious  culture  as 
shall,  under  the  Divine  blessing,  enable  the  once  down-trodden 
and  degraded  slave  to  act  for  himself  and  to  give  evidence  of  his 
capacity  for  the  blessings  of  freedom  and  equality  in  the  eye 
of  the  law.' 

"The  Rev.  Newman  Hall  next  addressed   the  meeting,  and   he 
urged  various   grounds  upon  which   the   people  of    this  country 


•joo 


REMINISCENCES. 


ought  to  support  the  present  society.  The  inevitable  result  of 
the  present  war  would  be  the  destruction  of  slavery — (hear, 
hear) — and  it  was  for  the  benefit  of  the  slave  that  this  enormous 
cost  was  being  borne  by  the  Government  and  the  people  of  the 
United  States.  England  had  wisely  determined  to  be  neutral 
respecting  the  war,  but  she  could  not  be  neutral  as  respected 
slavery,  and  now  an  opportunity  presented  itself  for  her  to  show 
her  sympathy  with  the  anti-slavery  movement,  and  she  ought  not 
to  neglect  it.  In  the  interests  of  peace  they  ought  to  support  it. 
There  had  been  many  public  men  in  England,  and  some  of  the 
public  journals,  that  had  said  and  done  things  calculated  to  deeply 
imbitter  the  American  feeling  against  this  country.  Cruisers  and 
blockade-runners  had  been  fitted  out  in  England,  and  the  ques- 
tion had  been  mooted  of  the  possibility  of  a  war  between  England 
and  America  when  the  present  civil  war  was  ended.  When  he 
thought  of  the  possibility  of  this  war  he  trembled.  Both  nations 
were  equally  brave — both  were  the  champions  of  freedom,  and 
the  resources  of  America  were  equal,  if  not  superior,  to  those 
of  England — and  if  they  got  to  war  with  each  other  how  the 
tyrants  of  the  world  would  chuckle.  (Loud  cheers.)  Such  a 
war  would  be  more  terrible  than  any  history  had  ever  yet  re- 
corded. (Hear.)  He  therefore  earnestly  hoped  every  man  would 
do  his  best  to  preserve  peace.  Never  let  an  unkind  sentiment  be 
broached  against  America  without  reproof,  and  let  every  allow- 
ance be  made  for  her  while  the  present  war  raged.  If  they 
helped  the  fugitive  slave  they  would  show  their  sympathy  with  a 
nation  that  had  already  done  so  much  on  behalf  of  the  slave. 
In  conclusion,  the  reverend  gentleman  suggested  that  five  mill- 
ions of  working  men  in  England  should  make  a  penny  subscrip- 
tion on  behalf  of  these  fugitive  slaves,  and  this  would  yield  no 
less  than  ,£20,000,  which  would  be  a  welcome  contribution. 
(Cheers.)  The  reverend  gentleman  seconded  the  adoption  of  the 
resolution,  and  sat  down  amidst  loud  applause. 

"  The  resolution  was  put  and  carried  unanimously. 

"Mr.  F.  W.  Chesson,  moved  the  next  resolution,  'That  this 
meeting  cordially  commends  the  delegates  from  the  Cincinnati 
and  New  York  Freedmen's  Association,  Mr.  Levi  Coffin  and  Dr. 
Haynes,  to  the  liberal  consideration  of  all  friends  of  the  slave  in 
Great  Britain,  by  contributions  in  money  and  clothing,  or  other 
means  of  relief,  for  the  support  and  improvement  of  the  freed- 
men  within  the  United  States  of  America.' 

"Mr.  Morgan,  who  is  connected  with  the  Freedmen's  Aid 
Society  of  Birmingham,  seconded  the  resolution.  He  stated  that 
that  society  had  commenced  operations  in  May  last,  and  that 
the  value  of  their  contributions  in  money  and  clothing  already 
amounted  to  ^3,000. 

"The  resolution  was  carried  with  acclamation. 

"  A  working  man  here  got  on  the  platform  and  attempted  tc 
address  the  meeting.  He  avowed  that  he  was  a  Southern  sympa- 
thizer :  but  as   soon   as  he   made   this   announcement  he  was  mel 


MISSION  TO  ENGLAND. 


70I 


with  a  storm  of  hisses.  He  vainly  endeavored  to  gain  a  hearing, 
and  then  left  the  platform  apparently  in  a  high  state  of  indigna- 
tion. 

"Rev.  Mr.  Curwen  moved  a  vote  of  thanks  to  Sir  Thomas 
Fowell  Buxton  for  his  conduct  in  the  chair. 

"The  Rev.  Dr.  Massie  seconded  the  motion,  which  was  car- 
ried with  loud  cheers. 

"The  meeting  then  separated." 

About  the  middle  of  April  I  visited  Paris  and 
other  cities  in  France,  accompanied  "by  Dr.  Massie, 
who  had  acquaintances  in  Paris  and  understood 
the  French  language  sufficiently  to  be  of  service  in 
holding  intercourse  with  the  people.  We  arrived 
in  Paris  on  Sabbath  morning,  and  took  quarters  at 
the  Hotel  de  Ville  de  Albion,  where  we  met  R.  A. 
Chamerovzow,  secretary  of  the  British  and  Foreign 
Anti-Slavery  Society;  his  home  was  in  London,  but 
he  was  spending  some  weeks  in  the  French  capital. 
His  mother  being  a  French  woman  and  his  father  a 
Russian,  he  spoke  several  languages  fluently.  Being 
well  acquainted  in  Paris  and  much  interested  in  my 
mission  he  was  very  useful  to  us.  We  attended 
the  American  Church,  of  which  Dr.  Sunderland, 
of  Washington,  was  pastor,  and  received  a  hearty 
greeting.  Dr.  Sunderland  knew  Dr.  Massie  per- 
sonally and  me  by  reputation,  and  gave  us  all  the 
aid  in  our  work  that  lay  in  his  power.  The  next 
day  we  spent  in  making  calls  and  being  introduced 
to  Protestant  ministers  and  others,  which  resulted 
in  the  appointment  of  a  meeting  at  the  house  of  M. 
Laboulaye.  This  was  attended  by  thirty-three  of 
the  most  prominent  Protestants  in  Paris,  and  by  a 
few  Catholics.  I  was  introduced  by  the  chairman, 
in  French,  and  addressed  the  meeting  through  an 


702 


R  EMINISCENCES. 


interpreter,  which  was  not  so  difficult  as  I  had  an- 
ticipated. Several  short  speeches  were  made,  in 
French,  and  much  interest  was  manifested.  This 
resulted  in  the  appointment  of  a  committee  to  ad- 
dress the  French  people  through  the  press,  and  to 
carry  on  the  work  for  the  freedmen  in  connection 
with  the  London  society.  We  held  several  other 
meetings  in  Paris,  where  I  addressed  the  people  and 
received  liberal  contributions. 

In  company  with  R.  A.  Chamerovzow  I  visited 
Versailles,  having  letters  of  introduction  to  several 
noble  French  philanthropists  of  that  place.  One  of 
these  letters  was  written  by  Christine  Alsop,  of 
London  ;  she  was  a  French  woman,  and  a  minister 
of  the  Society  of  Friends,  well  known  in  France.  I 
had  a  hearty  reception  at  Versailles,  and  received 
several  contributions.  My  intercourse  with  these 
acquaintances  was  none  the  less  cordial  because  we 
did  not  understand  each  other's  language,  but  had 
to  speak  through  an  interpreter. 

We  found  some  earnest  working  Christians  in 
Paris,  and  received  several  invitations  to  parlor 
meetings  where  their  friends  had  been  invited. 

After  remaining  a  week  in  the  French  capital  we 
returned  to  London,  feeling  that  our  time  had  been 
well  spent.  I  was  then  looking  forward  earnestly 
toward  the  time  when  I  could  be  released  from  this 
arduous  work  and  return  to  my  family  and  friends 
in  my  native  land. 

I  had  written  to  our  board  of  directors  at  Cincin- 
nati, some  weeks  before,  requesting  them  to  send 
Dr.  Storrs,  or  some  other  suitable  person,   to  take 


MISSION  TO  ENGLAND.  703 

my  place  and  continue  the  work  through  the  sum- 
mer, leaving  me  at  liberty  to  return  home.  The 
London  committee  advised  me  to  remain  or  to 
have  some  suitable  agent  to  represent  our  associa- 
tion in  my  stead. 

On  my  return  from  Paris,  I  received  a  letter  in- 
forming me  that  Dr.  Storrs  expected  to  arrive  in 
the  early  part  of  May,  and  wished  me  to  remain 
until  I  introduced  him  to  the  work.  The  time  of 
holding  London  Yearly  Meeting  of  Friends  was  now 
drawing  near,  and  I  concluded  to  stay  in  England 
until  it  was  over. 

Dr.  Storrs  arrived  a  few  days  before  the  opening 
of  that  great  annual  assembly  of  Friends.  A  meet- 
ing of  the  London  Freedmen's  Aid  Society  was 
called  to  welcome  him  as  agent  in  my  stead.  He 
informed  the  society  that  he  wished  to  labor  as  I 
had  done — under  their  auspices — and  report  to 
them.  At  Yearly  Meeting  I  had  the  opportunity 
of  introducing  him  to  Friends  from  various  parts  of 
the  country  where  I  had  labored. 

I  now  felt  that  I  was  prepared  to  leave  England, 
and  secured  passage  on  the  steamship  Scotia,  to  sail 
from  Liverpool  on  the  3d  of  June.  The  Yearly 
Meeting  closed  on  the  2d,  about  noon.  Notice 
had  previously  been  given,  that  a  meeting  on  the 
subject  of  the  freedmen  in  America  would  be  held 
at  four  o'clock  in  the  Yearly  Meeting-Mouse ;  all 
were  requested  to  attend.  It  was  stated  that  I 
would  be  present,  and  that  I  would  sail-  the  next 
day  for  America,  having  completed  my  mission. 
When    the    appointed  hour  came  that  large  house 


704 


REMINISCENCES. 


was  crowded.  The  occasion  was  to  me  a  solemn 
but  a  happy  one.  My  heart  was  filled  with  thank- 
fulness to  my  Heavenly  Father  for  his  great  mercy 
in  preserving  my  life  through  danger  and  exposure 
on  land  and  sea,  and  endowing  me  with  ability  and 
strength  to  plead  the  cause  of  the  suffering,  and, 
finally,  for  crowning  my  labors  with  great  success. 
I  expressed  my  heartfelt  thanks  to  the  people  for 
their  kindness  and  hospitality,  and  for  their  liberal 
contributions,  and  then  bade  them  an  affectionate 
farewell.  John  Pease,  Benjamin  Seebohm,  and 
others,  responded  on  behalf  of  the  meeting.  After 
shaking  hands  with  those  near  me,  I  endeavored  to 
pass  out,  but  many  rose  on  each  side  of  the  aisle  to 
bid  me  good-by,  and  my  progress  was  slow.  A 
friend  was  waiting  to  accompany  me  to  Liverpool, 
and  see  me  started  on  my  homeward  voyage. 

I  sailed  the  next  day  for  America,  havirg  been 
absent  more  than  twelve  months.  I  left  England 
with  a  thankful  and  cheerful  heart ;  it  had  been  one 
of  the  happiest  years  of  my  life.  I  could  reflect 
upon  my  labors  with  satisfaction  ;  they  had  been 
blessed  beyond  my  expectation.  Over  a  hundred 
thousand  dollars  in  money,  clothing,  and  other  arti- 
cles for  the  freedmen  had  been  forwarded  to  our 
association  in  Cincinnati  during  the  year,  and  there 
was  a  prospect  that  other  fruits  of  my  labor  would 
follow. 

I  had  a  pleasant  voyage  across  the  Atlantic,  and 
arrived  at  home  in  good  health,  receiving  warm 
welcome  and  greetings  from  my  family  and  friends. 

A  short  time  after  my  return  the  following  testi- 


MISSION  TO  ENGLAND. 


705 


monials  were  received  from  England — they  had  been 
prepared  by  a  committee  appointed  by  the  London 
Freedmen's  Aid  Society: 

"TO  MR.   LEVI  COFFIN, 

'AGENT  FOR  THE  WESTERN  FREEDMEN'S  AID  COMMISSION, 
CINCINNATI,   UNITED  STATES'. 

"  Dear  Friend, — After  taking  our  leave  of  you  after  almost  a 
year  spent  in  this  country,  in  co-operating  with  us  in  seeking  aid 
fir  the  relief  of  the  freed  slaves  of  America,  we  feel  that  it  is  due 
to  you  and  the  cause  you  represent  and  have  at  heart,  thus  to 
express  our  personal  esteem,  and  our  satisfaction  with  the  man- 
ner in  which  you  have  conducted  your  arduous  mission.  You 
arrived  in  this  country  when  in  consequence  of  misrepresentation, 
or  want  of  knowledge,  public  opinion  was  wavering  or  unformed 
upon  the  state  of  the  slave  question  on  your  side.  We  feel  that, 
by  your  circumspect  walk  and  truthful  utterances,  you  have 
aided  in  the  formation  of  more  correct  sentiments  in  reference  to 
what  is  now  known  as  the  American  question  generally,  and  the 
claims  of  the  freedmen  in  particular.  In  the  midst  of  circum- 
stances that  might  have  disheartened  a  less  devoted  and  patient 
friend  of  the  slave,  you  have  in  kindly  words  pointed  to  the  con- 
dition and  sad  necessities  of  four  millions  of  men,  gradually 
shaking  off  their  fetters  and  rising  to  the  hopeful  condition  of 
freedom.  This,  too,  has  been  done  whilst  your  health  has  been 
feeble,  and  your  heart  humbled  for  the  sufferings  entailed  upon 
your  country  by  the  death  and  desolation  of  a  cruel  war.  We 
rejoice  with  you  that  this  war  is  now  at  an  end.  When  you  left 
your  noble  country,  the  whirlwind  of  civil  rebellion  afflicted  and 
distressed  the  people.  Now,  we  trust  you  will  be  spared  to  wit- 
ness the  soil  of  your  loved  home  regenerated  from  the  crime  and 
curse  of  slavery,  and  the  people  at  peace  with  all  mankind!  Nor 
can  we  forget  the  noble  service  of  your  past  life.  Long  may  it 
be  told  that  Levi  Coffin,  in  the  darkest  days  of  slavery,  assisted 
to  rescue  thiee  thousand  three  hundred  bondsmen  and  bonds- 
women from  their  abject  and  degraded  condition,  and  placed 
them  in  the  serene  and  joyous  atmosphere  of  freedom.  And  now, 
thou  Apostle  of  Liberty,  we  bid  thee  farewell !  Thou  hast  secured 
the  blessing  of  him  that  was   ready  to   perish,  and   consequently 


706 


R  EMINISCENCES. 


the  favor  of  Him  who  said  :  'Inasmuch  as  ye  have  done  it  unto 
one  of  the  least  of  these  my  little  ones,  ye  have  done  it  unto  Me.' 
We  hope  and  believe  that  you  will  behold  this  people,  for  whose 
welfare  you  have  labored,  elevated  to  the  rank  and  position  of 
good  citizens  of  your  Republic,  and  ever  advancing  in  moral  and 
religious  culture. 

"  We  remain,  dear  and  honored  friend,  on  behalf  of  the  Freed- 
men's  Aid  Society  of  London, 

"T.  FOWELL  BUXTON,  Bart.,  Chairman. 

"SAMUEL  GURNEY,  M.P.,  Treasurer. 

"WILLIAM  ALLEN,  Sub-Treasurer. 

"FRED.  TOMKINS,  M.A.D.C.L., 

"SAMUEL  GARRATT,  M. A.,  [>  Honorary  Secretaries. 

"  F.  W.  CHESSON, 

"JOHN  CUR  WEN. 
"London,  June,  1865." 


"TO  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  COMMITTEE  OF  THE 
WESTERN  FREEDMEN'S  AID  SOCIETY  OF 
CINCINNATI,  OHIO,  UNITED  STATES. 
"Our  friend,  Levi  Coffin,  having  informed  us  of  his  intention  to 
return  to  his  native  land  on  the  3d  of  next  month,  we  think  that 
a  few  words  testifying  to  his  unselfish  and  prudent  efforts  on  this 
side  of  the  Atlantic,  in  the  cause  of  the  colored  race,  will  not  be 
unacceptable  to  you,  and  are  felt  by  us  to  be  due  to  him.  He  has 
prosecuted  his  labors  among  us  under  much  bodily  weakness ; 
but  we  are  thankful  to  say  has  been  preserved  from  an  actual 
break  down  of  his  health.  He  has  traveled  over  a  great  part  of 
England,  also  in  Scotland  and  Ireland;  he  has  visited  Paris — 
everywhere  giving  the  first  place  to  the  interests  of  your  associa- 
tion, and  making  his  way  among  strangers  by  his  sterling  integ- 
rity and  consistent  conduct.  He  has  been  very  materially  assisted 
by  Dr.  Tomkins  and  Dr.  Massie,  of  our  association,  in  combating 
the  mass  of  prejudice  and  misconception,  respecting  American 
affairs,  held  by  many  occupying  positions  of  influence  in  our 
country.  Nevertheless,  success  has  attended  their  placing  the 
claims  of  the  down-trodden  colored  men  in  America  before  the 
view  of  our  countrymen,  and  he  has  been  spared  to  see  the  dawn 


MISSION  TO  ENGLAND. 


707 


of  a  brighter  day,  and  we  trust  his  life  may  be  sufficiently  pro- 
longed to  witness  the  triumph  of  right  in  both  hemispheres,  and 
that  in  yours  especially  he  may  in  process  of  time  behold  the 
colored  race  in  the  full  enjoyment  of  their  rights  as  men  and 
citizens,  and.  that  in  his  latter  days  he  may  be  favored  to  review 
the  labor  of  his  hands  on  their  behalf  in  peace. 
"Signed  on  behalf  of  the  Society, 

"T.  FO WELL  BUXTON,  Bart.,  Chairman. 

"SAMUEL  GURNEY,  M.P.,  Treasurer. 

"WILLIAM  ALLEN,  Sub-Treasurer. 

"FRED.TOMKINS,  M.A.D.C.L.,  ") 

"F.  W.  CHESSON,  I  Honorary  Secretaries. 

"  SAMUEL  GARRATT,  M.A.,        J 

"JOHNCURWEN." 

I  felt  thankful  for  these  testimonials  of  approba- 
tion of  my  humble  efforts  on  the  other  side  of  the 
ocean  in  behalf  of  the  poor  colored  race,  though  I 
felt  that  more  was  expressed  than  I  merited. 

Our  board  was  much  pleased  with  my  work  and 
encouraged  by  its  results.  They  voted  me  a  satis- 
factory compensation  for  my  labor,  though  I  made 
no  charge. 

In  the  autumn  following  my  return  from  En- 
gland, I  attended  the  Iowa,  Western  and  Indiana 
Yearly  Meetings,  accompanied  by  my  dear  wife  and 
daughter.  At  the  first  of  these  I  met  my  dear 
friends,  J.  B.  Braithwaite  and  James  Crossfield,  from 
London,  who  had  come  to  this  country  on  a  gospel 
mission. 

At  Indiana  Yearly  Meeting,  held  at  Richmond,  I 
met  Dr.  Massie,  of  London,  who  had  traveled  with 
me  in  England  and  France,  and  rendered  me  so 
much  service  in  advocating  the  cause  of  the  freed- 
men.      He  had  come  to  America  as  a  delegate  to 


708 


REMINISCENCES. 


the  Congregational  Conference  in  Boston,  and  de- 
sired, besides,  to  visit  our  field  of  labor  among  the 
freedmen  in  the  South.  He  returned  with  me  to 
Cincinnati,  and  attended  a  meeting  of  the  Board  of 
Directors  of  the  Western  Freedmen's  Aid  Commis- 
sion, when  I  had  the  pleasure  of  introducing  him, 
and  where  he  received  a  hearty  reception.  Shortly 
afterward  I  accompanied  him  through  our  field  of 
labor  among  the  freedmen  in  the  Southern  States, 
visiting  most  of  our  schools  and  institutions  in  Ken- 
tucky, Tennessee,  Alabama  and  Georgia,  holding 
meetings  among  the  lately  emancipated  slaves,  and 
preaching  to  them.  It  was  a  deeply  interesting  visit 
to  both  of  us.  We  had  the  satisfaction  of  seeing 
many  of  the  school  children  dressed  in  English 
clothing,  which  had  been  contributed  through  our 
agency.  Their  faces  brightened,  and  they  listened 
intently  when  I  told  them  of  the  many  kind  people 
on  the  other  side  of  the  water  who  were  friendly  to 
them,  and  had  sent  them  these  nice  clothes  and 
shoes  and  school  books.  I  asked:  "What  shall 
Dr.  Massie  tell  these  good  people  for  you?"  The 
answer  was  unanimous:  "We  thank  them  !"  These 
were  happy  occasions  to  us.  I  parted  from  Dr. 
Massie  at  Augusta,  Georgia;  he  visited  Savannah, 
Charleston,  Richmond,  and  Washington,  and  I  re- 
turned home.  I  had  noted  the  most  needy  points, 
and  engaged  at  once  in  forwarding  supplies. 

We  were  constantly  receiving  clothing  and  other 
goods  from  England,  in  addition  to  our  home  con- 
tributions. During  the  fall  and  winter  we  received 
several  thousand  pounds,  and  our  friends  across  the 


MISSION  TO  ENGLAND. 


709 


channel  continued  to  remember  us  for  several  years. 
I  frequently  received  drafts  from  the  Treasurer  of 
the  London  Aid  Society.  I  continued  to  act  as 
general  agent,  and  devoted  my  time  to  the  freed- 
men's  cause  until  the  summer  of  1867,  when  I  was 
appointed  a  delegate  from  the  Western  Freedmen's 
Aid  Commission  to  attend  the  International  Anti- 
Slavery  Conference  in  Paris,  to  be  held  on  the  26th 
and  27th  of  August.  Delegates  were  expected  from 
every  civilized  country  in  the  world.  The  Secretary 
of  the  British  and  Foreign  Anti-Slavery  Society  had 
sent  me  a  notice  of  the  conference,  and  invited  me 
to  be  present. 

I  left  home  on  the  last  day  of  July,  and  sailed 
from  New  York  three  days  afterward  on  the  steam- 
ship City  of  Boston.  I  was  accompanied  on  this 
journey  by  my  son,  Henry  W.  Coffin.  We  reached 
Liverpool  on  the  14th  of  August,  and  the  next  day 
went  to  London,  where  we  took  quarters  at  Friends' 
Institute.  Many  of  my  old  friends  and  former  ac- 
quaintances called  to  see  me  and  welcomed  me  back 
to  England.  I  attended  a  meeting  of  the  London 
Freedmen's  Aid  Society,  and  received  a  most  cor- 
dial reception.  In  compliance  with  their  request  I 
gave  them  an  account  of  the  progress  of  our  work 
among  the  freedmen,  and  went  on  to  speak  of  the 
great  good  accomplished  by  their  liberal  contribu- 
tions. After  spending  a  week  in  London  very 
pleasantly,  we  left  for  the  continent,  accompanied 
by  my  dear  friend  Stafford  Allen  and  his  daughter. 
We  arrived  in  Paris  on  the  23d  of  August,  and  spent 
several  days  visiting  the  great  International  Exposi- 


710 


REMINISCENCES. 


tion  then  in  progress.  Here  I  met  many  acquaint- 
ances from  England  and  America.  The  Anti-Slavery 
Conference  convened  on  the  morning  of  the  26th, 
and  lasted  two  days.  Delegates  were  present  from 
various  countries,  and  the  proceedings  were  deeply 
interesting.  Speeches  were  made  in  different  lan- 
guages, and  most  of  them  were  translated  by  inter- 
preters into  English. 

After  the  conference  ended  we  remained  in  Paris 
several  days,  visiting  the  Exposition  and  other 
places  of  interest,  and  then  went  to  Switzerland,  by 
way  of  Strasburg  and  Basle,  to  Zurich.  I  had  ac- 
quaintances in  this  country  and  in  Germany,  who 
had  been  at  my  house  in  America,  and  wishing  to 
present  the  cause  of  the  freedmen  in  their  localities, 
I  accepted  the  invitations  which  they  had  so  often 
extended  to  me.  We  had  a  pleasant  and  instructive 
visit,  and  received  a  number  of  liberal  contributions 
for  the  freedmen.  I  had  letters  of  introduction  to 
prominent  men  in  Zurich  and  Winterthur,  where 
we  were  kindly  treated  and  entertained. 

From  Switzerland  we  crossed  Lake  Constance  into 
Germany,  and  went  to  Stuttgart,  the  capital  of  Wir- 
temberg,  where  we  were  met  by  our  friend  and 
acquaintance,  Louise  Weil.  She  was  once  a  teacher 
in  Cincinnati,  and  had  boarded  at  our  house.  She 
conducted  us  to  her  father's  house,  in  the  village  of 
Pliedshousen,  near  Tubingen,  where  we  spent  sev- 
eral days  very  pleasantly  with  her  family  and  friends; 
she  acted  as  our  interpreter  in  conversation.  I  was 
well  known,  by  name  and  reputation,  in  that  local- 
ity.     In  a  book  which   she  had  written  concerning 


M ¥  RESIGNATION. 


711 


her  travels  and  experience  in  America,  Louise  Weil 
had  given  an  account  of  my  anti-slavery  labors  and 
Underground  Railroad  operations,  and  her  German 
friends  greeted  me  as  though  they  had  known  me 
before. 

We  returned  to  London,  by  way  of  Rotterdam, 
and  attended  the  Quarterly  Meeting  of  Friends  at 
Devonshire  House,  and  several  other  meetings 
among  Friends.  We  then  went  to  Birmingham  to 
attend  an  anniversary  meeting  of  the  Freedmen's 
Aid  Society,  and  gave  them  an  account  of  the  pro- 
gress of  our  labors  in  that  cause,  and  thanked  them 
for  their  continued  liberal  aid.  After  visiting  my 
dear  friends,  Benjamin  Cadbury,  Arthur  Albright, 
and  others,  we  passed  over  to  Dublin,  and,  after 
a  short  stay  with  my  friends  in  that  part  of  Ireland, 
we  went  to  Queenstown — accompanied  by  Samuel 
Bewley — -and  took  passage  for  home,  on  the  steam 
ship  City  of  Baltimore.  We  reached  our  destination 
safely  about  the  middle  of  November,  having  been 
absent  nearly  four  months. 

Our  educational  work  among  the  freedmen  had 
increased  every  year,  and  large  supplies  of  clothing 
and  books  were  still  needed.  My  time  was  devoted 
to  this  cause ;  there  was  no  longer  need  for  the  Un- 
derground Railroad  work  in  which  I  had  so  long 
been  actively  engaged.  When  the  colored  people 
of  Cincinnati  and  vicinity  celebrated  the  adoption 
of  the  Fifteenth  Amendment  of  the  Constitution,  I 
thought  that  it  was  a  fitting  time  to  resign  my  office 
as  President  of  the  Underground  Railroad.  Many 
of  our  prominent  citizens  took  part  in  the  celebra- 


7I2 


REMINISCENCES. 


tion,  and  able  speeches  were  made  both  by  white 
and  colored  speakers.  Judge  Storer,  Judge  Hagans, 
Judge  Taft,  and  other  public  men,  were  on  the  plat- 
form, and  made  able  speeches.  Near  the  close  of 
that  great  meeting  I  was  introduced  by  the  chairman. 
I  said  that  I  had  held  the  position  of  President  of  the 
Underground  Railroad  for  more  than  thirty  years. 
The  title  was  given  to  me  by  slave-hunters  who 
could  not  find  their  fugitive  slaves  after  they  got 
into  my  hands.  I  accepted  the  office  thus  conferred 
upon  me,  and  had  endeavored  to  perform  my  duty 
faithfully.  Government  had  now  taken  the  work  of 
providing  for  the  slaves  out  of  our  hands.  The 
stock  of  the  Underground  Railroad  had  gone  down 
in  the  market,  the  business  was  spoiled,  the  road 
was  of   no  further  use. 

Amid  much  applause,  I  resigned  my  office  and 
declared  the  operations  of  the  Underground  Rail- 
road at  an  end. 


APPENDIX. 


7*3 


APPENDIX. 

I.    MEMOIR    OF   RICHARD    DILLINGHAM. 

ENTION  is  made,  in  the  preface  to  these  Remin- 
iscences, of  two  or  three  accounts  which  deserved 
a  place,  but  which  were  omitted  from  lack  of  space.  It 
has  since  been  thought  advisable  to  present  two  of  these, 
the  story  of  Richard  Dillingham  and  that  of  Calvin  Fair- 
bank,  in  the  form  of  an  appendix.  The  following  sketches 
are  necessarily  brief,  but  they  will  serve  to  illustrate  one 
phase  of  the  great  Anti- Slavery  struggle,  and  to  preserve 
the  names  of  two  individuals  who  suffered  imprisonment 
for  their  zeal  in  the  cause  of  Liberty. 

Richard  Dillingham  was  the  son  of  Quaker  parenfs, 
who  resided  in  Morrow  county,  Ohio,  and  was  himself  a 
consistent  member  of  the  Society  of  Friends.  His  con- 
nections were  all  respectable,  and  he  bore  a  high  name 
among  his  associates  for  uprightness  and  fidelity  to  con- 
scientious principles.  On  attaining  his  majority  he  en- 
gaged in  teaching  school,  hoping  thus  to  realize  a  little 
estate.  At  the  time  our  story  opens,  he  had  been  teaching 
two  or  three  years,  and  being  under  engagement  of 
marriage  with  an  amiable  and  excellent  young  woman, 
he  naturally  looked  forward  to  settling  in  life  soon,  and 
formed  many  plans  for  a  happy  and  useful  future.  He 
did  not  forsee  that  his  fond  dreams  were  never  to  be 
realized,  that  he  was  to  die  a  martyr  in  the  cause  of  Lib- 


7  1 4  APPENDIX. 

erty,  far  from  home,  friends,  and  all  that  he  held  dear 
Part  of  the  time  that  he  was  engaged  in  school  work,  he 
taught  among  the  colored  people  in  the  southern  part  of 
Ohio,  and  heard  from  them  many  piteous  talcs  of  their 
friends  and  relations  who  were  in  bondage  over  the  border. 
His  heart  was  moved  to  sympathy,  and  he  felt  that  he 
could  risk  his  life  and  liberty  in  attempting  to  rescue  the 
slave  from  cruel  oppression.  In  December,  1S48.  being 
then  in  Cincinnati,  he  was  earnestly  solicited  by  some 
colored  people  to  go  to  Nashville,  Tennessee,  and  bring 
away  their  relations  who  were  slaves  there,  under  a  hard 
master.  He  undertook  the  project,  though  fully  conscious 
that  he  encountered  great  danger.  Reaching  Nashville, 
he  made  himself  known  to  the  slaves  whom  he  had  come 
to  rescue,  and  made  private  arrangements  with  them 
about  escaping.  At  the  appointed  time  the  party  left  the 
city,  the  three  slaves  being  in  a  hack,  which  Dftlingham 
had  hired,  with  a  free  colored  man  who  acted  as  driver. 
Dillingham  himself  was  on  horseback.  The  way  to  free- 
dom and  safety  seemed  open,  but  treachery  thwarted  all 
their  plans.  A  colored  man  in  whom  Dillingham  had 
confided,  betrayed  him — through  what  motive,  it  is  not 
known — and  the  whole  party  were  arrested  when  they 
reached  the  bridge  across  the  Cumberland  river.  All 
were  placed  in  confinement  that  night.  The  next  day 
the  slaves  were  sent  back  to  their  masters,  and  the  hack 
driver  set  at  liberty  ;  but  Dillingham  was  held  to  answer 
for  what  seemed  in  the  eyes  of  the  slaveholders  an  enor- 
mous crime — an  attempt  to  restore  to  their  natural  God- 
given  liberty,  three  oppressed  human  beings.  His  bail 
bonds  were  set  at  seven  thousand  dollars,  and  as  no 
parties  could  be  found  to  subscribe  this  amount,  he  was 
kept  closely  confined  in  jail,  until  the  time  appointed  for 
his  trial.     His  cell  was  twelve  by  fifteen  feet  in  size;  and 


APPENDIX. 


7*5 


was  shared  by  six  other  prisoners.  He  was  subjected  to 
many  annoyances,  being  compelled  to  listen  to  vile  and 
blasphemous  language,  and  to  endure  the  bad,  disagree- 
able temper  of  two  or  three  of  his  companions.  Yet  in 
this  situation  he  writes  to  a  relation  :■ — 

';  Dear  brother,  I  have  no  hopes  of  getting  clear  of  being  con- 
victed and  sentenced  to  the  penitentiary;  but  do  not  think  I  am 
without  comfort  in  my  afflictions,  for  1  assure  thee,  I  have  many 
reflections  that  give  me  sweet  consolation  in  the  midst  of  my 
grief.  I  have  a  clear  conscience  before  my  God,  which  is  my 
greatest  comfort  and  support  through  all  my  troubles  and  afflic- 
tions." 

To  his  betrothed  he  wrote  : — 

"Dear  P :  I  will  keep  thee  no  longer  in  suspense  about 

my  sad  fate.  I  am  in  good  health  and  have  been  ever  since  I 
wrote  my  last  letter  to  thee,  which  was  just  before  1  took  up  my 
lodgings  in  the  county  boarding-house  of  Davidson  county,  Ten- 
nessee, where  I  am  now  staying.  After  I  was  lodged  in  jail,  I 
was  not  taken  out  to  hear  my  trial  before  a  justice  of  the  peace, 
on  account  of  the  great  excitement,  there  being  several  hundred 
persons  lying  in  wait  to  kill  me,  if  I  had  been  brought  out  to 
trial  the  next  day  after  I  was  arrested.  On  the  nth  instant,  two 
bills  of  indictment  were  found  against  me  by  the  grand  jury  for 
negro  stealing.  It  was  almost  amusing  to  see  the  great  curiosity 
that  was  manifested  the  next  day  after  my  arrest,  by  crowds  of 
people  who  came  to  the  jail  to  see  the  awful  Abolitionist,  though 
about  that  time  it  was  too  serious  a  matter  to  me  to  make  a  joke 
of.  for  hundreds  of  the  off-scouring  of  the  city  would  have  been 
glad  to  hang  me  if  they  could  have  had  an  opportunity  to  do  it. 
They  peeped  through  the  grates  among  the  prisoners,  till  they 
caught  sight  of  me,  when  to  their  utter  astonishment,  they  found 
I  was  only  a  man  ! 

*  *  Oh,  dearest!  cans't  thou  upbraid  me?  would'st 
thou  call  it  crime  if  I  were  to  attempt  to  rescue  thy  father, 
mother,  or  brother  and  sister,  or  even  friends,  from  a  captivity 
among  a  cruel  race  of  oppressors?  O,  could  thou  only  see  what 
I  have  seen,  and  hear  what  I  have  heard  of  the  sad,  vexatious, 


7 1 6 


APPENDIX. 


degrading,  and  soul-trying  situation  of  as  noble  minds  as  ever 
the  Anglo-Saxon  race  were  possessed  of,  mourning  in  vain  for 
that  universal,  heaven-born  boon  of  human  freedom  which  an 
all-wise  and  beneficent  Creator  has  designed  mankind  to  enjoy, 
thou  could'st  not  censure,  but  Would  deeply  sympathize  with  me. 
Take  all  these  things  into  consideration,  and  the  thousands  of 
poor  mortals  who  are  dragging  out  far  more  miserable  lives  than 
mine  will  be,  even  at  ten  years  in  a  penitentiary,  and  thou  wilt 
not  look  upon  m_y  fate  with  as  much  horror  as  thou  would  at  first 
thought.  The  nearer  I  live  to  the  principle  of  the  commandment, 
'  Love  thy  neighbor  as  thj\self,'  the  more  enjoyment  1  have  of  this 
life.  None  can  know  the  enjoyments  that  flow  from  feelings  of 
goodwill  toward  our  fellow-beings,  both  friends  and  enemies, 
but  those  who  feel  and  cultivate  them.     Mow  true  is  it,  that 

"  '  Man's  inhumanity  to  man 

Makes  countless  thousands  mourn.' 

Even  in  my  prison  cell  I  may  be  happy  if  I  will.  For  the  Chris- 
tian's consolation  can  not  be  shut  out  from  him  by  enemies  or 
iron  gates.  Afflictions  are  often  blessings  in  disguise,  and  may 
serve  to  help  us  on  to  a  more  friendly  world,  which  should  be 
our  main  object  in  this." 

Soon  after  his  imprisonment.  Richard  Dillingham  wrote 
to  this  young  woman,  offering  to  release  her  from  all  ob- 
ligation to  him,  but  she  nobly  chose  to  prove  her  con- 
stancy. She  wrote  to  the  jailer,  entreating  him  to  be 
kind  to  Richard  Dillingham  and  make  his  lot  as  comfort- 
ahle  as  the  circumstances  of  the  case  would  permit.  Her 
letters,  and  those  from  his  relatives,  were  very  precious  to 
Dillingham  in  his  imprisonment.  His  trial  took  place 
April  13,  1849.  His  mother,  accompanied  by  her  brother, 
went  a  distance  of  seven  hundred  and  fifty  miles  to  attend  it. 
Thev  carried  with  them  a  certificate  of  his  character, 
d  "avvr  up  by  Dr.  Brisbane,  a  noted  anti-slavery  worker, 
and  numerously  signed  by  his  friends  and  acquaintances, 
many  of  them  influential  citizens,  and  officially  counter- 
signed by  civil  officers.     This  was  done  at  the  suggestion 


APPENDIX. 


717 


of  his  counsel,  and  exhibited  by  them  in  court.  When 
brought  to  the  bar,  it  is  said  that  his  demeanor  was  c&lm, 
dignified,  and  manly-  His  mother  sat  by  his  side>  The 
prosecuting  attorney  waived  his  plea,  and  left  the  ground 
clear  for  Richard's  counsel.  Their  defense  was  eloquent 
and  pathetic.  After  they  closed,  Richard  rose,  and  in  a 
calm  and  dignified  manner  spoke  extemporaneously  as 
follows  : — 

"  By  the  kind  permission  of  the  court,  for  which  I  am  sincerely 
thankful,  I  avail  myself  of  the  privilege  of  adding  a  few  words 
to  the  remarks  already  made  by  my  counsel.  And  although  I 
stand,  by  my  own  confession,  as  a  criminal  in  the  eyes  of  vour 
violated  laws,  jet  I  feel  confident  that  I  am  addressing  those  who 
have  hearts  to  feel,  and  in  meting  out  the  punishment  that  I  am 
about  to  suffer,  I  hope  you  will  be  lenient,  for  it  is  a  new  situation 
in  which  I  am  placed.  Never  before  in  the  whole  course  of  my  life 
have  I  been  charged  with  a  dishonest  act.  And  from  my  child- 
hood, kind  parents  whose  names  I  deeply  reverence,  have  instilled 
into  my  mind  a  desire,  to  be  virtuous  and  honorable;  and  it  has 
ever  been  my  aim  so  to  conduct  mj-self  as  to  merit  the  confidence 
and  esteem  of  my  fellow-men.  But  gentlemen,  I  have  violated 
your  laws.  This  offense  I  did  commit;  and  I  now  stand  before 
you,  to  mj'  sorrow  and  regret,  as  a  criminal.  But  I  was  prompted 
to  it  by  feelings  of  humanity.  It  has  been  suspected,  as  I  was 
informed,  that  I  was  leagued  with  a  fraternity  who  are  combined 
for  the  purpose  of  committing  such  offenses  as  the  one  with 
which  I  am  charged.  But  gentlemen,  the  impression  is  false. 
I  alone  am  guilty,  I  alone  committed  the  offense,  and  I  alone 
must  suffer  the  penalty.  My  parents,  my  friends,  my  relations 
are  as  innocent  of  any  participation  in,  or  knowledge  of  my  of- 
fense, as  the  babe  unborn.  My  parents  are  still  living,  though 
advanced  in  years,  and,  in  the  course  of  nature,  a  few  more  years 
will  terminate  their  earthly  existence.  In  their  old  age  and  in- 
firmity thej'  will  need  a  stay  and  protection,  and  if  yon  can  con- 
sistently with  your  ideas  of  justice,  make  my  term  of  impris- 
onment a  short  one,  you  will  receive  the  lasting  gratitude  of  a 
son  who  reverences  his  parents,  and  the  prajers  and  blessings  of 
an  a'^ed  father  and  mother  who  love  their  child." 


71 


APPENDIX. 


At  the  close  of  these  touching  remarks,  much  sensation 
appeared  in  the  court-room,  and  several  of  the  jury  wept. 
They  retired  for  a  few  momems,  and  returned  a  verdict 
for  three  years'  imprisonment  in  the  penitentiary.  This 
was  the  mildest  sentence  the  law  allowed  for  the  offense 
committed.  His  mother  before  leaving  Nashville,  visited 
the  Governor,  and  had  an  interview  with  him  in  regard 
to  pardoning  her  son.  He  gave  her  some  encouragement, 
but  thought  she  had  better  postpone  her  petition  for  the 
present.  Subsequent  efforts  in  this  direction  proved  of 
no  avail. 

Richard  Dillingham  was  transferred  from  the  county 
jail  to  the  penitentiary,  and  put  to  hard  labor,  namely, 
sawing  rock.  He  was  allowed  to  write  to  his  friends  but 
once  in  three  months,  and  his  letters  were  inspected  by 
the  warden.  His  health  suffered,  and  he  became  de- 
spondent. After  nine  months'  imprisonment  he  was 
made  steward  of  the  penitentiary  hospital,  a  post  which 
he  filled  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  prison  officials.  In  the 
summer  of  1850,  the  cholera  broke  out  among  the  inmates 
of  the  penitentiary,  and  many  died.  Richard  Dillingham 
dealt  out  medicines,  and  was  unwearied  in  his  attentions 
to  his  fellow  prisoners,  many  of  whom  he  saw  die  and  be 
buried  in  one  day.  At  last  the  solemn  message  came  to 
him.  One  Sabbath  morning  he  was  attacked  with  cholera; 
he  died  at  two  o'clock,  p.  m.,  and  was  buried  at  half  past 
three. 

Thus  perished  a  most  estimable  voting  man,  in  the 
flower  of  his  days.  No  monument  has  been  raised  to 
commemorate  his  sacrifice,  but  his  name  is  remembered 
among  the  unsung  heroes  who.  without  glory  or  renown, 
have  yielded  up  their  lives  in  the  furtherance  of  Human 
Right  and  Liberty. 


_      APPENDIX.  719 


II.    MEMOIR    OF    CALVIN    FAIRBANK. 

The  subject  of  this  sketch  was  attending  school  at 
Oberlin,  Ohio — an  institution  open  to  all,  without  regard 
to  race  or  color — when  his  latent  sympathies  for  the  op- 
pressed and  down-trodden  slave  were  first  called  into 
action.  A  slave  man  had  escaped  from  Kentucky,  and 
made  his  way  to  Oberlin.  Though  enjoying  liberty  here 
he  was  not  happy,  for  his  wife  was  still  in  bondage,  and 
he  was  constantly  planning  some  way  for  her  escape. 
This  case,  with  many  pathetic  and  touching  details,  was 
laid  before  Calvin  Fairbank  ;  and,  though  he  was  well 
aware  of  the  danger  attendant  upon  such  a  project,  he 
voluntered  to  go  to  Kentucky  and  bring  the  slave  woman 
away.  The  following  particulars  are  taken  from  a  lengthy 
sketch  written  by  himself. 

It  may  be  well  to  explain  that  the  story  of  Delia  Web- 
ster, a  New  England  woman,  who  suffered  persecutions 
in  the  Anti-Slavery  cause,  is  presented  in  other  publi- 
cations ;  hence  only  incidental  reference  is  made  to  it  in 
this  sketch. 

Fairbank  writes : — 

"I  left  for  Kentucky  about  the  24th  August,  1844,  and  taking 
time  to  learn  the  best  route  and  become  acquainted  with  reliable 
sources  of  aid,  I  arrived  in  Lexington,  Kentucky,  on  the  first  of 
September.  Miss  Delia  Webster  was  then  teaching  in  Lexington. 
I  examined  into  the  case  of  Berry's  wife,  the  slave  woman,  whom 
I  had  come  to  aid,  but  it  seemed  doubtful  whether  I  could  succeed 
in  getting  her  away.  In  the  meantime  Miss  Webster  told  me  of 
a  slave  man  named  Lewis  Ilayden,  his  wife,  and  son  of  ten  years, 
who  were  very  anxious  to  escape,  and  I  resolved  to  aid  them. 
Interviews  were  held  and  arrangements  made,  and  on  the  night 
of  September  2Sth,  Miss  Webster  and  I,  waiting  in  a  hired  hack 
near  the  residence  of  Cassius  M.  Clay,  on  the  outer  part  of  the 
city,  were  joined  by  Ilayden  and  wife  and  son.     At  Millersburg, 


-jio 


APPENDIX. 


twenty-four  miles  distant,  we  were  detained  nearly  an  hour, 
having  to  obtain  another  horse  in  the  place  of  one  of  ours,  which 
failed;  and  while  here  we  were  recognized  by  two  colored  men 
from  Lexington.  On  their  return  they  unwittingly  started  the 
report  which  afterwards  led  to  our  arrest.  At  nine  o'clock  the  next 
morning  we  crossed  the  river  at  Maysville,  Kentucky,  and  were 
soon  safe  in  Ripley,  Ohio.  I  conducted  the  fugitives  to  a  depot 
of  the  Underground  Railroad,  where  they  took  passage  and 
reached  Canada  in  safety. 

"The  next  day  we  started  back,  Miss  Webster  to  resume  her 
teaching  in  Lexington,  and  to  return  the  hired  hack,  and  to  see 
what  I  could  do  about  rescuing  Berry's  wife.  But  information 
had  reached  the  master  of  the  Jlayden  slaves  as  to  their  mode  of 
escape;  he  had  an  officer  of  the  law  engaged,  and  just  as  we 
reached  Lexington  we  were  arresled.  The  next  day  I  was  put  in 
irons.  I  slept  on  the  bare  floor  of  the  jail  for  the  greater  part 
of  four  months  and  eighteen  days,  when  I  was  confined  in  the 
penitentiary  at  Frankfort.  Miss  Webster,  as  might  be  expected, 
was  more  humanely  treated.  We  were  both  called  into  Court  in 
January.  Our  cases  were  separated,  that  mine  should  not  prej- 
udice hers.  The  law  under  which  we  were  recognized,  provided 
that  '  any  person  found  guilty  of  aiding  a  slave  or  slaves  to  es- 
cape from  his,  her,  or  their  master,  masters,  mistress,  mistresses, 
beyond  the  limits  of  the  State,  shall  be  punished  for  each  offense 
by  an  imprisonment  of  not  less  than  two,  nor  more  than  twenty 
years.'  Miss  Webster  was  tried  first  and  found  guilt}',  and  sent- 
enced to  prison  for  the  term  of  two  years.  I  petitioned  the 
Legislature  for  a  'change  of  venue,'  and  obtained  the  vote  of 
both  branches  to  move  my  case  to  Paris,  Bourbon  county;  but 
Governor  Owsley,  being  well  disposed  towards  Miss  Webster's 
release,  and  desiring  to  guard  against  the  possibility  of  bringing 
her  testimony  into  court  for  my  defense,  decided  that  whenever 
I  would  go  into  trial  and  the  case  should  have  passed  the  verdict 
of  a  jury,  whatever  might  be  its  result  he  would  pardon  her.  I 
therefore  requested  him  not  to  sign  the  bill,  notified  the  Court 
of  my  willingness  to  go  into  trial  and  plead  to  the  facts  as  soon 
as  possible,  assume  the  responsibility  and  procure  her  release. 
It  was  so  ordered.  I  went  into  trial  and  pleaded  guilty  according 
to  the  statutes,  qualifying  my  plea  by  declaring  that  I  felt  no 
noral  guilt.     The  commonwealth  offered  no  testimony,  made  no 


APPENDIX. 


721 


plea,  and  I  was  allowed  to  make  my  own  defense.  In  my  plea  I 
made  these  points  : — First.  I  expected  conviction  as  the  law  pro- 
vided; Second.  Though  I  had  knowingly  violated  the  law,  and 
laid  myself  liable  to  the  full  penalty,  yet  I  pleaded  an  abatement 
on  tt.£  ground  of  conscientious  convictions  of  duty.  1  was  con- 
victed and  sentenced  for  a  term  of  fifteen  years  to  the  penitentiary, 
where  I  was  conveyed  on  the  iSth  of  February,  1845.  Miss 
Webster  was  pardoned  on  the  24th,  and  went  with  her  father  to 
his  home  in  Vermont." 

Here  follows  a  description  of  his  life  in  the  prison,  the 
hardships  and  privations  he  had  to  undergo,  the  sufferings 
he  endured,  together  with  some  account  of  the  prison 
discipline  and  labor;  but  owing  to  the  limited  space  for 
this  sketch,  they  must  be  omitted.  Strenuous  efforts  were 
made  by  his  friends  and  sympathizers  to  obtain  his  re- 
lease, and  though  they  received  some  encouragement,  they 
were  put  oft' by  the  Kentucky  officials  from  time  to  time. 
In  the  summer  of  1S49  Calvin  Fairbank's  father  came  to 
Lexington  with  many  petitions  from  influential  persons, 
and  succeeded  in  obtaining  from  the  Governor  a  promise 
of  paidon  for  the  prisoner.  The  Governor  fulfilled  his 
promise,  but  the  father  did  not  live  to  see  his  son  set  free. 
He  died  of  cholera,  in  Lexington,  in  the  month  of  July. 
Calvin  Fairbank  received  his  pardon  August  23d,  and 
returned  to  his  home  and  friends,  after  an  imprisonment 
of  nearly  five  years. 

In  the  autumn  of  1851  his  sympathies  were  again 
aroused  for  a  slave  who  was  cruelly  oppressed  ;  and, 
notwithstanding  the  severe  penance  he  had  suffered  for  a 
previous-  service,  he  resolved  to  make  the  attempt  to 
rescue  her.  Crossing  from  Jeflersonville,  Indiana,  to 
Louisville,  Kentucky,  he  succeeded  in  bringing  away 
Tamar,  the  slave  woman  referred  to,  and  in  starting  her 
safely  northward  on  the  Underground  Railroad.      They 


722 


APPENDIX. 


crossed  the  Ohio  River  in  a  leaky  skiff,  which  Fairbank 
paddled  with  a  board.  His  narrative  will  be  resumed  at 
this  point. 

"  It  was  now  my  purpose  to  go  to  Lexington,  Kentucky,  and 
remove  my  father's  body  to  his  former  home  in  Wyoming  county, 
New  York,  then  return  to  Williamsburg,  Massachusetts,  and  con- 
su'mate  my  marriage  engagement  with  Miss  Maudana  TiJeston. 
But  I  was  delayed,  and  in  the  meantime  a  large  reward  had  been 
offered  for  the  escaped  slave  and  her  assistant.  Learning  of  this, 
and  actuated  by  mercenary  motives,  a  man  in  whom  I  had  placed 
confidence  betrayed  me,  and  Sabbath  morning,  the  9th  of  Nov- 
ember, I  was  seized  by  Kentucky  officials  and  hurried  across  the 
river.  This  arrest  was  made  without  legal  authoritj',  without 
demand  from  the  Governor  of  Kentucky,  or  rendition  by  the 
Governor  of  Indiana.  I  was  brought  before  the  Police  Judge  of 
Louisville,  held  to  bail  for  five  thousand  dollars,  and  in  default 
of  this,  thrown  into  jail.  I  wrote  to  Frederick  Douglass'  paper, 
and  my  case  was  soon  known  to  my  friends.  Laura  S.  Haviland 
came  from  Adrian,  Michigan,  bringing  supplies  of  bedding,  a 
little  money,  and  a  good  deal  of  cheer.  Efforts  were  made  to 
raise  money  among  anti-slavery  friends  in  the  north  for  my  bail, 
but  a  man  to  whom  this  work  was  intrusted  proved  dishonest, 
and  most  of  the  funds  were  squandered.  Word  was  brought  to 
me  from  time  to  time  that  Tamar  had  been  captured  and  was  to 
be  brought  back,  but  this,  to  my  great  satisfaction,  proved  untrue. 

"  In  the  February  term  of  Court,  notwithstanding  a  petition 
for  postponement,  I  was  forced  into  trial.  My  friends  were  san- 
guine, but  I  felt  depressed.  I  was  trembling  over  the  abyss  of  a 
dark  and  uncertain  future — a  life,  long  or  short,  of  defeated  plans, 
broken  purposes,  dissipated  hopes.  The  trial  took  place  Feb- 
ruary 21,  1852.  :i:"  *  I  was  convicted  *  *  I  was  sentenced 
to  'fifteen  years'  confinement  at  hard  labor  in  the  jail  and  peni- 
tentiary house  of  the  State.'  So  ended  this  part  of  the  drama, 
and  I  had  before  me  nothing  but  privation,  toil,  unsatisfied 
longing  for  friends,  home,  association,  country  and  civil  liberty. 

"  On  the  gth  of  March  I  was  taken  to  the  penitentiary  at 
Frankfort,  and  set  to  work  preparing  and  spinning  hemp  in  the 
shops  devoted  to  that  purpose.  This  was  very  trying  to  one's 
health,  both  on  account  of  the  laboriousness  of  the  work  and  of 


APPENDIX. 


723 


the  dust.  In  the  low,  close  room  were  the  hemp  was  hatcheled, 
the  dust  arising  from  the  hatches  of  twenty  men  hard  at  work 
was  sometimes  so  dense  that  the  windows  appeared  but  indis- 
tinctly. This  was  almost  fatal  to  a  person  with  weak  lungs.  I 
have  seen  men  put  into  that  shop  and  in  six  hours  fall  powerless 
with  lung  irritation,  undergo  a  flogging,  and  die  before  the  next 
morning." 

Calvin  Fairbauk  suffered  much  from  the  effects  of  close 
confinement  and  hard  labor,  and  began  to  fail  in  health. 
At  times,  being  deprived  of  vegetable  food,  he  was  fain 
to  pull  grass  and  weeds  in  the  prison  yard  and  eat  them. 

But  gi-eat  as  his  physical  sufferings  were,  his  mental 
sufferings  were  still  greater.  He  felt  that  there  was  no 
hope  of  pardon  or  release  before  his  term  expired,  and 
the  prospect  of  fifteen  years'  separation  from  all  he  loved, 
filled  him  with  gloom.  Owing  to  his  failing  health  he 
was  transferred  from  the  hemp  rooms  to  the  cooper-shop, 
where  his  health  improved  somewhat.  The  keeper  of 
the  prison,  a  man  named  Craig,  had  a  particular  spite 
spite  against  Fairbank,  and  manifested  it  at  every  pos- 
sible opportunity.     The  following  is  an  instance: 

"  Craig  had  fallen  out  with  Delia  Webster,  who  had  for  some 
time  had  charge  of  two  of  his  children  as  governess,  and  per- 
suading the  State  Attorney  at  Lexington  to  raise  upon  the 
docket  two  old  charges  against  her  for  slave  aiding,  which  had 
been  erased  in  January,  1845,  and  to  make  a  demand  for  her  upon 
the  Governor  of  Indiana  through  the  Governor  of  Kentucky,  pro- 
cured her  arrest  and  locked  her  in  Madison  jail.  Her  friends  sued 
out  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus.  Craig  went  to  resist,  was  defeated, 
and,  attempting  to  cross  the  river  to  evade  the  mob,  was  shot 
at  and  wounded  in  the  bnck.  He  knew  I  would  side  with  her. 
Anything  I  might  say  must  be  said  guardedly.  Some  of  the  men 
in  the  shop  told  me  the  news.  I  appreciated  the  importance  ot 
the  case,  and  leaning  over  my  truck,  in  silence  a  moment,  I 
straightened  up  and  said,  'I  am  sorry  for  his  family.  He  ought 
to  have  kept  away.'  This  was  all  I  did  say.  As  soon  as  he  was 
able  to  get  out  I  was  arraigned  before  him,  and  confronted  by  men 


724 


APPENDIX. 


from  the  shop,  who  stated  that  I  said  'I  am  glad  of  it.  He  ought 
to  have  kept  away.  I  hope  they  will  kill  him  next  time.'  On 
this  false  testimony  I  received  thirty-nine  lashes  from  a  raw-hide 
on  my  bare  back,  cutting  the  flesh  every  time.  It  was  too  good 
a  chance  for  a  mean  soul  to  let  slip." 

Now  comes  the  beautiful  part  of  this  story,  a  thread 
of  purest  gold  running  through  a  somber  fabric.  The 
young  woman  to  whom  Calvin  Fairbank  was  engaged, 
was  a  model  of  constancy  and  devotion,  and  perhaps 
nowhere  is  the  true  spirit  of  marriage  more  beautifully 
embodied  and  expressed  than  in  her  course  of  action. 
Her  name,  Maudana  Tileston,  has  already  been  men- 
tioned. She  left  her  home  in  Massachusetts,  came  to 
Ohio,  and  engaged  in  teaching  at  Oxford,  that  she  might  be 
near  her  betrothed,  watch  over  him  and  alleviate  his  dis- 
tress. She  sent  him  bedding,  money,  boxes  of  provisions, 
and  strove  by  every  means  in  her  power  to  make  his 
hard  lot  more  endurable.  She  cheered  him  with  letters 
and  frequent  visits.  She  "  encompassed  him  with  lov- 
ing observances,"  so  that  he  had  the  continued  assurance 
of  unselfish  devotion.  She  endeavored  to  obtain  his 
pardon,  visiting  the  Governor  of  Kentucky  and  pleading 
for  him  with  womanly  eloquence,  but  in  this  she  was  un- 
successful. Odier  friends  sent  him  supplies;  books, 
comfortable  underclothing,  food,  money,  etc.  Among 
these,  Tamar,  the  slave  woman  he  had  aided  to  escape 
was  prominent  in  her  efforts  to  relieve  his  necessities. 

The  prisoner  certainly  needed  all  the  help  his  friends 
could  give  him.  A  spite  against  him  on  account  of  his 
anti-slavery  principles  was  cherished  by  the  keeper,  and 
tasks  were  set  him  beyond  his  strength  to  perform.  Then 
when  he  failed  in  these  he  was  flogged.     He  says  :  — 

"I  was  bound  over  a  chair  and  my  back  bared,  then  I  was 
flogged  with  a  leather  strap  on  my  back.     I  have  often  counted 


APPENDIX. 


725 


sixty  blows,  never  many  more,  I  could  not.  The  strap  was  used 
because  it  inflicted  more  pain,  but  did  the  body  less  harm  than 
the  raw  hide,  which  cuts  the  flesh.  I  never  had  my  flesh  torn  hy 
the  strap  but  once ;  then  little  particles  were  found  on  the  wall 
fifteen  feet  away.  Often  when  bound  over  the  chair, — when  such 
continuous  torture  stared  me  in  the  face  and  there  was  no  way  of 
escape,  the  thought  of  desperate  deeds  flashed  through  my  mind, — 
but  rectitude,  the  interests  involved,  country,  home,  friends,  my 
dear  wife  watching  over  the  border  and  occasionally  cheering 
me  by  her  visits,  bade  me  rise  above  the  present  and  look  hope- 
fully into  the  future.  I  write  'wife,'  because  though  only  affi- 
anced, we  were  morally  husband  and  wife.  Through  all  my 
imprisonment  there  was  the  same  devotion  on  her  part,  and  the 
same  fidelity  and  care  on  the  part  of  Levi  Coffin  and  Laura  S. 
Haviland." 

The  years  went  on,  the  heavy,  weary  years,  and  the  great 
civil  war  broke  out.  Fairbank's  allusions  to  the  feeling 
in  the  prision  in  regard  to  the  war,  and  to  Kentucky's 
politics  at  that  time,  though  interesting,  must  be  omitted 
here.  In  April,  1864,  he  was  pardoned  by  Lieutenant- 
Governor  Jacob,  then  acting  as  Governor  in  the  place  of 
Bramlette,  who  had  been  summoned  before  President 
Lincoln  to  answer  charges.      He  says  : — 

"  I  arrived  in  Cincinnati  on  the  16th,  and  after  calling  on 
other  old  friends,  made  my  way  to  Levi  Coffin's  where  I  was  not 
at  first  recognized  on  account  of  the  change  I  had  undergone. 
Next  day  we  attended  the  church  presided  over  by  Rev.  Wallace 
Slie'ton,  where  in  the  evening  we  held  a  heart  cheering  meeting, 
and  a  committee  was  appointed  to  supply  my  needs. 

"  My  wife  was  at  Oxford,  where  she  had  been  teaching  for  a 
number  of  years,  and  having  recently  written  tome  at  the  prison, 
and  the  letter,  with  information,  having  been  sent  back  to  her, 
she  received  the  news  before  my  arrival,  on  Tuesday,  the  19th. 
On  June  9th  (1864^,  in  the  Congregational  Church  at  Oxford, 
Ohio,  by  Rev.  J.  E.  Coomber,  the  marriage  rite  was  solemnized 
between  Miss  Maudana  Tileston,  of  Williamsburg,  Massachu- 
setts, and  myself;  and  after  a  suspense  of  thirteen  j-ears  from 
the  time  of  our  engagement,  we  were  husband  and  wife." 


J  26  APPENDIX. 

Their  constancy  and  long,  patient  waiting  was  re- 
warded with  twelve  years  of  united  happiness ;  then  in 
September,  1S76,  this  noble  woman  passed  away,  leaving 
her  bereaved,  sorrowing  husband,  and  a  bright,  promis- 
ing boy  of  eight  years. 

Calvin  Fairbank  refers  to  his  business  efforts  and  losses, 
4-  then  closes  his  sketch  with  the  following  beautiful  tribute 
to  his  wife : 

"  I  have  suffered  an  imprisonment  of  seventeen  years  and 
three  months.  I  have  suffered  from  hunger,  cold,  sickness,  in- 
sult, corporal  punishment,   and  discontent.     But  all  these  sink 

/  away  into  thin  air,  into  dim,  distant  nothingness — I  count  them 
all  joy  for  righteousness' sake.  But  this  last  calamity,  this  last 
stroke  of  misfortune,  which  has  taken  from  me  my  stimulating 
genius,  my  dependence,  my  life  power,  my  bosom  friend,  broods 
over  me  in  darkness,  numbing  all  my  soul.  .  .  .  Soon  the 
last  of  the  liberty  army  will  have  dropped  away,  and  these 
records  will  appear  to  future  generations  as  a  tale  of  the  past; 
but  'we  shall  meet  beyond  the  river'  our  friends  and  loved  ones, 
whom  we  now  mourn,  in  an  eternal  communion — an  eternal  con- 
gregation of  the  disembodied  spirits— to  joy  and  rejoice  in  their 

-  society,  where  there  shall  be  no  night,  no  winter,  no  poverty,  no 
sickness  and  death  ;  but  our  union  shall  be  complete  and  eternal." 


i     A 

<0 

x 


III.  DEATH  AND  FUNERAL  OF  THE  AUTHOR. 

Levi  Coffin  died  at  Avondale,  near  Cincinnati,  Ohio, 
at  2-|-  p.  M.,  September  16,  1S77,  in  the  seventy-ninth 
year  of  his  age.  His  unexpected  death  cast  a  gloom  and 
sadness  over  a  large  portion  of  our  city  ;  for  few,  if  any, 
of  our  citizens  were  better  known  or  more  beloved  by 
the  community  generally.  He  had  not  been  in  his  usual 
health  for  more  than  a  year,  and  yet  at  times  during  the 
summer  months  he  seemed  to  recuperate  for  a  little,  so 
that  many  of  his  friends  fully  expected  that  he  would  be 


APPENDIX. 


727 


restored  again,  and  spared  to  his  family  a  few  years 
longer.  But  such  was  not  the  will  of  Him  who  has  the 
keys  of  life  and  death  in  His  hand.  Accordingly,  at  the 
time  named  he  was  taken  home  to  that  "rest  that  rc- 
maineth  to  the  people  of  God,"  and  to  the  presence  of 
that  Saviour  whom  he  so  faithfully  served  in  the  persons 
of  His  poor,  in  the  days  of  his  strength  ;  and,  doubtless, 
also  to  the  society  of  his  three  loved  children  who  had 
gone  before,  viz.,  Thomas,  Anna,  and  Sarah.  Two 
others,  with  his  dear  wife,  are  left  to  mourn  his  absence  ; 
but  bye-and-bye  we  trust  they  will  have  a  happy  reunion 
in  that  land  where  there  are  no  partings. 

As  the  principal  events  in  his  life  have  already  been 
noted  in  the  preceding  chapters,  it  remains  for  us  only 
to  call  attention  to  the  exercises  connected  with  his  fu- 
neral, as  showing  the  estimation  in  which  he  was  held 
by  fellow-workers  and  fellow-citizens.  In  describing 
diose  exercises,  the  Cincinnati  Daily  Gazette  says  : 

"The  funeral  of  Levi  Coffin,  the  philanthropist,  drew  an  over- 
flowing audience  to  the  Friends  Meeting  House,  corner  of  Eighth 
and  Mound  streets,  at  eleven  o'clock  yesterday  morning.  Among 
the  congregation  were  several  of  his  surviving  associates  in  anti- 
slavery  work,  his  associates  in  the  Freedmen's  Aid  Commission, 
and  dusky,  tear-bedewed  faces  of  members  of  the  once  oppressed 
race,  for  whose  emancipation  he  strove  so  long  and  earnestly. 

"  Near  the  platform  were  the  venerable  widow  of  the  deceased 
and  her  sons,  Henry  and  Jesse.  Seated  on  the  platform  were  a 
number  of  his  co-laborers.  There  were  Mrs.  Steer,  an  elderly 
lady  of  nearly  eighty  years;  Mrs.  Elizabeth  Bailey,  Mrs.  Peninah 
Townsend,  and  Mrs.  Elizabeth  Woolman,  all  members  of  the 
Society  of  Friends.  Near  them  were  Mr.  Charles  F.  Coffin,  of 
Richmond,  Ind.,  a  relative  of  the  deceased;  the  Rev.  Dr.  Mont- 
fort,  Rev.  S.  K.  Leavitt,  and  Rev.  A.  Ritchie.  In  the  body  of 
the  church  there  were  other  co-workers  and  close  friends,  among 
whom  were  the  Rev.  Geo.  M.  Maxwell;  Rev.  John  F.  Wright, 
one  of  the  oldest  clergymen  now  in  the  Methodist  Church;  Rev. 


728 


APPENDIX. 


S.  B.  Smith;  Rev.  Joseph  Chester;  Mr.  George  Graham;  Mr. 
R.  B.  Pullen;  Dr.  J.  B.  Walker;  Caleb  Clark,  who  put  up  the 
first  anti-slavery  press  north  of  the  Ohio  River,  establishing  it 
over  Mr.  Coffin's  store,  in  1S38;  the  widow  of  Mr.  Samuel  Lewif, 
and  the  widow  of  Bishop  Clark,  of  the  M.  E.  Church.  There 
were,  besides,  clergymen  representing  almost  every  evangelical 
denomination  in  Cincinnati. 

"  The  casket,  of  plain  black  walnut,  with  four  black  bar 
handles,  was  borne  into  the  meeting-house  by  eight  pall-bearers, 
of  whom  Ezra  Bailey  and  Mr.  Geo.  D.  Smith  are  members  of  the 
Society  of  Friends,  the  Rev.  R.  S,  Rust  and  the  Rev.  J.  M. 
Walden  were  old  co-workers  with  the  deceased,  and  Mr.  George 
Peterson,  Robert  Scott,  Peter  H.  Clark,  and  T.  Colston  are 
colored  men. 

"After  a  few  moments  spent  in  silent  worship,  Mr.  Murray 
Shipley  read  a  lesson  from  the  eighteenth  chapter  of  Acts,  and 
the  twentieth  of  Ephesians,  appropriate  to  the  character  of  the 
deceased,  and  offered  prayer.  After  an  expressive  pause,  he 
read  again  a  few  passages  of  Scripture,  and  dwelt  at  some  length 
on  the  clause  :  "  fie  went  about  doing  good,  for  God  was  with 
him."  He  recited  incidents  of  the  life  of  the  deceased,  showing 
the  perfect  pureness  of  his  philanthropy,  the  moral  heroism, 
earnest  Christian  character,  and  his  great,  broad  sympathies. 
He  recalled  the  scene  of  the  lad  seven  years  of  age,  standing  on 
the  road  and  acquiring  his  first  anti-slavery  sentiments  at  the 
sight  of  a  passing  gang  of  slaves,  manacled  to  prevent  them 
from  running  away,  while  marching  fiom  the  mart  to  the  planta- 
tion. He  told  of  his  work  while  yet  in  North  Carolina,  in  1S1S, 
in  gathering  slaves  together  and  teaching  them  the  Bible.  Thus 
he  started  out  in  life  with  a  health}-  hatred  of  all  oppression, 
and  an  unselfish  purpose  to  follow  the  course  of  his  Master  in 
ministering  to  the  poor  and  the  outcast.  It  was  the  voice  of  God 
that  called  Levi  Coffin,  as  it  called  Elizabeth  Fry,  John  Howard, 
Jane  Martin,  Fowell  Buxton,  and  Wilberforce,  to  find  work  to  do 
for  humanity  in  the  affairs  of  their  own  time.  Well  has  Arch- 
bishop Leighton  said  that  no  man  is  born  so  dumb  that  he  can 
not  praise  God,  and  no  man  is  born  so  palsied  that  he  can  not 
work  for  him.  Levi  Coffin  worked  with  all  his  powers  and  fac- 
ulties, and  he  lived'to  see  the  emancipation  of  millions  of  slaves 
in  his  own  country  and  the  world  over.    The  speaker  told  of  Mr. 


APPENDIX. 


729 


Coffin's  temperance  work  in  Indiana,  and  his  efforts  toward  the 
reformation  of  the  prisoners.  The  speaker  rejoiced  to  see  the 
growth  of  Christian  influence  in  the  development  of  new  chari- 
ties. It  is  from  the  spirit  of  forgiveness  put  into  our  hearts  and 
of  kindness  toward  all.  As  this  dear  friend  labored  devotedly 
and  quietly  for  the  welfare  of  mankind,  he  hoped  that  each  of 
his  hearers  might  so  live  and  labor,  that  they,  too,  might  have 
part  in  the  great  inheritance. 

"Mrs.  Harriet  Steer  followed  upon  the  noble  example  of  the 
life  of  the  deceased. 

"Mr.  Isaac  Lallance,  a  very  aged  man,  who  had  been  the 
neighbor  of  the  deceased,  in  childhood,  in  North  Carolina,  and 
his  friend  in  old  age,  spoke  briefly  of  the  character  of  the  life 
just  closed. 

"Mr.  Charles  F.  Coffin  gave  some  reminiscences  of  the  life 
of  the  deceased,  in  Indiana;  of  his  love  for  children  and  friends, 
and  his  exemplification  of  the  text,  '  Not  slothful  in  business, 
fervent  in  spirit,  serving  the  Lord.'  The  great  question  with 
him  was  not,  is  it  popular?  but,  is  it  right?  At  no  period  of  his 
life  was  there  ever  a  spirit  of  gloominess;  but  ever  pleasant, 
happy,  enjoying  life's  blessings,  and  looking  joyfully  to  the 
grand  results  in  the  future.  The  speaker  commented  upon  the 
unselfishness  of  the  life  ended  upon  earth,  and  commended  it  to 
young  and  old.    ' 

"  The  Rev.  Dr.  Rust,  Secretary  of  the  Freedmen's  Aid  Society 
of  the  M.  E.  Church,  spoke  of  the  deceased  friend's  thorough 
unselfishness.  He  had  too  great  a  mission  to  perform  to  spare 
any  time  to  take  care  of  himself,  and  God  took  care  of  him.  He 
was  an  honest,  wise,  and  judicious  man — wise  in  selecting  the 
most  practical  and  judicious  methods.  He  was  a  brave  and 
courageous  man.  It  would  take  less  bravery  to  go  up  to  the 
cannon's  mouth  than  to  do  the  work  he  did.  As  he  walked 
through  the  streets,  he  was  hooted  at  and  threatened  by  mobs. 
The  battle-field  has  no  such  illustrations  of  heroism  as  he  exhib- 
ited every  day.  There  is  no  American  name  more  honored  and 
revered  in  England  than  that  of  Levi  Coffin.  It  is  embalmed  in 
the  heart  of  every  philanthropist  in  Britain.  He  has  gone  home, 
and  the  speaker  wondered  if  the  first  to  meet  him  on  the  other 
side  were  not  hundreds  and  thousands  of  those  men  and  women 
whom  he  had  aided  from  bondage  to  freedom. 


73° 


APPENDIX. 


.  "The  Rev.  Dr.  Ritchie  read  an  obituary  article  which  he  had 
written  for  the  next  number  of  the  Christian  Press. 

"  The  Rev.  Dr.  John  M.  Walden,  who  was  associated  closely 
as  a  co-worker  with  the  deceased  in  the  Freedmen's  Aid  Com- 
mission, for  many  years,  bore  affectionate  and  appropriate 
testimony  to  his  Christian  virtues  and  true  catholicity  of  spirit. 
Levi  Coffin  devoted  his  whole  life  to  the  practical  work  of  render- 
ing his  philanthropic  principles  effective.  And  when  slaves 
came  to  the  enjoyment  of  freedom  under  the  laws  of  the  land,  he 
devoted  his  great  efforts  to  the  task  of  fitting  them  for  their  new 
position.  He  feelingly  referred  to  the  golden  wedding  celebrated 
by  Levi  Coffin  and  wife  a  short  time  ago.  He  thanked  God  that 
there  was  ever  such  a  life  as  that  he  had  lived,  and  for  the  privi- 
lege of  association  with  him,  and  prayed  that  the  mantle  might 
fall  on  some  other  as  earnestly  and  sincerely  devoted  to  the  good 
work. 

"At  the  close  of  Dr.  Walden's  remarks,  opportunity  was' given 
to  the  large  congregation  to  take  a  last  look  at  the  face  of  the 
deceased.  The  body  was  then  conveyed  to  the  Quaker  burying- 
ground,  on  West  Fork,  near  Cumminsville,  followed  by  a  large 
concourse  of  friends. 

"At  the  grave,  Mr.  Murray  Shipley  read  a  selection  from 
Whittier's  poem,  "Joseph  Sturge,"  beginning  with  the  line, 
'  His  faith  and  his  work,  like  streams  that  intermingle.'  Prayer 
was  offered  by  Charles  F.  Coffin. 

"  Mr.  Peter  H.  Clark  (colored)  followed  in  an  appropriate  ad- 
dress. 

"The  Rev.  Mr.  Scott,  pastor  of  the  Avondale  Baptist  Church 
(colored),  told  of  the  voluntary  and  unsought  assistance  deceased 
had  rendered  to  his  church  in  time  of  its  distress,  relieving  it 
from  an  oppressive  debt. 

"The  Rev.  Dr.  Montfort  closed  The  bodj'  was  then  lowered 
to  the  grave.'' 

Similar  accounts  were  published  in  nearly  all  the  daily 
papers  of  the  city,  and  extracts  from  them  were  copied 
by  many  weeklies  and  monthlies  in  other  cities  and 
States. 

The  following  is  the  paper  alluded  to  as  read  by  Air. 


APPENDIX. 


73  l 


Ritchie,    and    which   was    published    in   the    Christain 
Press.     It  will  form  a  fitting  close  to  this  chapter. 

"  FRIEND    LEVI    COFFIN    GONE    HOME    ! 

"  Levi  Coffin,  well  known  to  many  of  our  readers  personally 
and  to  nearly  all  of  them  by  reputation,  has  been  called  by  the 
Master  "  to  go  up  higher."  He  died  at  his  residence  in  Avondale, 
September  16,  in  the  seventy-ninth  year  of  his  age.  The  words 
of  King  David  may  be  fitly  applied  to  him:  "Know  ye  not 
that  there  is  a  prince  and  a  great  man  fallen  this  day  in  Israel?" 
Few  men  have  accomplished  more  in  the  cause  of  humanity  than 
he  has  done.  Over  sixty  years — for  he  began  his  work  at  the 
age  of  fifteen — he  had  been  engaged  in  alleviating  the  sufferings 
of  his  fellow-men,  both  white  and  black.  The  poor  and  op- 
pressed always  found  in  him  a  sympathetic  friend.  But  to  save 
them  from  suffering  was  not  all  that  he  aimed  to  accomplish. 
He  sought  also  to  lead  them  to  positions  of  respectability  and 
honor,  and  for  this  end  twice  crossed  the  Atlantic  to  plead  for 
funds  for  the  Freedmen's  Aid  Commission.  But  while  engaged 
in  the  work  of  seeking  their  temporal  wellfare,  he  never  forgot  to 
speak  a  word  concerning  their  future  happiness  through  the  Lord 
Jesus  Christ. 

"  For  the  last  twelve  years  it  has  been  our  privilege  to  consult 
and  labor  with  him  in  the  various  benevolent  enterprises  in 
which  he  was  engaged,  and  we  can  truly  say  we  have  never 
known  any  one  less  self-seeking  in  the  work  in  which  he  under- 
took. His  great  object  was  to  bless  mankind  by  leading  them 
to  adopt  the  principles  of  Christianity,  and  to  exhibit  them  in 
their  lives.  If  he  had  devoted  the  talents,  including  the  large 
measure  of  common  sense  with  which  he  was  endowed,  to  the 
pursuit  of  wealth,  he  would  doubtless  have  left  behind  him  tens 
of  thousands  of  dollars.  But  this  he  did  not  do.  He  counted  it 
a  wiser  thing  to  alleviate  the  distress  of  his  fellow-men  around 
him,  and  thus  add  to  the  sum  of  the  world's  happiness,  rather 
than  to  accumulate  property  for  himself  or  his  posterity.  But 
though  he  died  poor  in  this  world's  goods,  we  feel  sure  he  had  a 
large  amount  in  the  bank  of  heaven.  He  did  not  forget  the 
Saviour's  injunction,  "Lay  up  treasure  in  heaven,  where  the 
moth  doth  not  corrupt,  and  where  thieves  can  not  break  through 


73* 


APPENDIX. 


and  steal."  We  hesitate  not  to  say  that  he  laid  up  a  larger 
amount  there  than  any  of  the  millionaires  who  have  lately  died, 
lie  will  not  need  a  commentary  in  his  heavenly  home  to  under- 
stand the  words  :  "  Blessed  are  the  dead  who  die  in  the  Lord 
from  henceforth  :  Yea,  saith  the  Spirit,  that  they  may  rest  from 
their  labors;  and  their  works  shall  follow  them."  Yes,  his 
works  will  follow  him.  The  many  cups  of  cold  water  that  he 
gave  to  His  disciples  in  the  name  of  his  Master,  the  visits  he 
made  to  that  Master  in  prison,  in  the  person  of  his  suffering 
poor,  his  thousand  efforts  to  strike  from  their  hands  the  shackles 
of  slavery,  will  all  be  remembered,  and  will  secure  him  a  rich 
reward;  for  it  is  written,  '  They  that  be  wise  shall  shine  as  the 
firmament,  and  they  that  turn  many  to  righteousness  as  the  stars 
for  ever  and  ever."  Not,  indeed,  that  he  trusted  to  works  for  ac- 
ceptance with  God — nothing  was  farther  from  his  thoughts.  A 
few  days  before  his  death,  we  had  the  opportunity  of  conversing 
with  him  on  this  very  subject,  and  he  had  no  hesitation  in  declar- 
ing that  all  his  hopes  and  confidence  for  acceptance  with  God 
were  based  on  the  blood-bought  righteousness  of  the  Saviour. 
We  also  had  a  very  pleasant  conversation  on  the  doctrine  that 
the  Saviour  had  changed  the  character  of  death  to  Mis  people — 
He  had  robbed  it  of  its  sting,  and  now  it  came  to  'them  as  a 
friendly  messenger,  to  take  His  redeemed  from  the  land  of  the 
dying  to  the  land  of  those  who  eternally  live.  Hence  the 
declaration,  'Whether  Paul  or  Apollos,  or  life  or  death,  all  are 
yours,  and  ye  are  Christ's,  and  Christ  is  God's."  When  we 
parted  he  seemed  so  happy  and  hopeful,  we  did  not  think  we 
should  grasp  his  hand  no  more  until  we  met  him  in  '  the  General 
Assembly  and  Church  of  the  first-born,  whose  names  are  written 
in  heaven."  But  so  it  was;  and  now  heaven  has  one  more  at- 
traction for  the  thousands  of  friends  he  has  left  behind.  We 
trust  they  will  all  anew  determine,  through  Divine  grace,  to  meet 
him  there,  where  dying  is  unknown,  and  where  there  are  pleas- 
ures for  evermore." 


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